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MAN 


A  MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. 


PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF    THE 


ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE 


OF 


GREAT     BRITAIN     AND     IRELAND, 


XIII. 


1913 


Nos.  1—112. 
WITH      PLATES      A— M. 


PUBLISHED   BY   THE 

ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL     INSTITUTE, 

50,  GREAT  RUSSELL  STREET,  LONDON,  W.C. 
NEW    YORK    AGENTS:    MESSRS.    O.    E.    STECHERT    &    Co, 


OOIsTTEIsTTS. 


ORIGINAL     ARTICLES. 

No. 
Abyssinia  :  Archaeology.  Account  of  the  newly-discovered  Ruins  at  Sellali.  (Illustrated.) 

WILFRED  G.  THESIGER  89 

Africa:  Congo.  Notes  on  Unusual  Form  of  Tatu.  (Illustrated.')  E.  TOKDAY  2 

Africa,  East.  A  Ceremony  at  a  Mugumu  or  Sacred  Fig-tree  of  the  A'Kikuyu  of  East 

Africa.  M.  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A 51 

Africa,  East.  A  few  Notes  on  the  Wasanye.  A.  WERNER  107 

Africa,  East.  A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Talcs  (Rogano).  CAPTAIN  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT  ...  6,  14,  44 

Africa,  East.  A  Pokomo  Funeral.  Miss  A.  WERNER 38 

Africa,  East.  Circumcision  Ceremonies  among  the  Amwimbe.  (  With  Plate  I—  J.).  G.  ST. 

J.  ORDE  BROWNE  79 

Africa,  East.  Suicide  amongst  the  A'Kikuyu  of  East  Africa.  MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A.  30 
Africa,  East.  The  Sacred  Fig-tree  of  the  A'Kikuyu  of  East  Africa.  MERVYN  W.  H. 

BEECH,  M.A 3 

Africa,  East.     Two  Galla  Legends.     Miss  A.  WERNER 53 

Africa,  East:  Linguistics.    Endo  Vocabulary.    MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A 42 

Africa:  Marmariea.     Nomad  Burials  in  Marmarica.     (Illustrated.)     ORIC  BATES,  B.A. ...        88 

Africa,  West.     A  Yoruba  Tattoer.     (Illustrated.)    3.  W.  SCOTT  MACFIE ...        68 

Africa,  West.     Shongo  Staffs.     (With  Plate  L.  and  Illustrations. ~)     J.  W.  SCOTT  MACFIE, 

M.A.,  B.Sc 96 

Africa,  West :  Folk  Stories.    Two  Ekoi  Stories.    P.  AMAURY  TALBOT    4 

Africa.    See,  also  ABYSSINIA  ;  EGYPT  ;  SOUTHERN  NIGERIA. 

America,  South :    Chile.     A   Note  on    the  Occurrence   of    Turquoise   in   Northern  Chile. 

OSWALD  H.  EVANS,  F.G.S 87 

America.    See  also  CANADA  ;  PERU. 

Archaeology.    The  Origin  of  the  Dolmen.    (Illustrated.)    G.  ELLIOT  SMITH,  F.R.S.          ...      105 

Archaeology:    Prehistoric.      Flint  Implements  of    Man   from   the  Middle  Glacial  Gravel 

and  Chalky  Boulder  Clay  of  Suffolk.     J.  REID  MoiH 19 

Archaeology  :  Prehistoric.     Problems  of  Flint  Fracture.    J.  REID  MOIR,  F.G.S 29' 

Archaeology  :  Prehistoric.     Problems  of  Flint  Fracture.    S.  HAZZLEDINE  WARREN,  F.G.S.       20  • 

Archaeology:  Prehistoric.    Subcrag  Flints.    ALFRED  BELL 40 

Archaeology :  Prehistoric.     What  is  a  Natural  Eolith  ?     C.  J.  GRIST,  M.A.  39 

Archaeology.     See  also  ABYSSINIA  ;  CAPE  COLONY  ;  EGYPT  ;  ENGLAND  ;  PERU  ;  SCOTLAND. 
Asia.    See  BORNEO  AND  JAVA  ;  BORNEO,  BRITISH  NORTH  ;  CHINA  :  HONG  KONG  ;  INDIA  ; 

JAPAN  ;  SOCIOLOGY. 
Australia,  South.     Burial  Customs  in   the  Northern  Flinders  Ranges   of   South  Australia. 

(With  Plate  D.  and  Illustrations.)    HERBERT  BASEDOW,  M.D. 26 

Borneo    and   Java.     Note  on  the   Natives  of  the   Eastern    Portion  »f   Borneo  and  Java. 

.  MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A 13 

Borneo,  British  North.     On  a  Collection  of  Stone  Implements  from  the  Tempassuk  District, 

British  North  Borneo.     (Illustrated.)     IVOR  H.  N.  EVANS.  B.A 86 

Canada:  Anthropology.     Indian  Tribes  of  Canada.     C.  M.  BARBEAU          69 

Cape  Colony  :   Archaeology.     Pygmy  Implements  from  Cape  Colony.     (Illustrated.)     \\ . 

J.  LEWIS  ABBOTT,  F.R.A.I.,  F.G.S.  81 

China :  Hong  Kong.  A  Chine  se  Phallic  Stone.  STAFF-SURG.  KENNETH  H.  JONES,  M.B.  R.N.  41 
Egypt :  Archaeology.  The  Earliest  Perfect  Tombs.  (With  Plate  K.)  W.  M.  FLINDERS 

PETRIE,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S 85 

Egypt  :  Folklore.     Some  Cairene  Amulets  for  Houses  and  for  Horses  and  Donkeys.      (With 

Plate  A.)    W.  L.  HILDBURGH         1 

Egypt:    Sudan.      Ancient  Mealing  Holes  at  Jebelain,  Sudan.      (With  Plate  M.)      H.  W. 

SETON-KARR 103 

England:    Archaeology.      Description  of  Vase  found  on  Nunwell  Down,   Isle  of  Wight. 

(Illustrated.)    O.  G.  S.  CRAWFORD 12 

England:  Archaeology.     Excavations  on  Beacon  Hill,  Hampshire.     (With  Diagram*.)     C. 

L.  WOOLLEY.     With  Prefatory  Note  by  LORD  CARNARVON      5 

Ethnology.     Note  on  Certain  Obsolete  Utensils  in  England.    (With  Plate  C.and  Illustrations.) 

J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON          18 


VI 

DESCRIPTION    OF    THE     PLATES. 

A.  Cairene  Amulets         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...    With  No.      1 

B.  Gandhara  Relief,  Representing  the  Story  of  King  Sivi          ,,  H 

C.  An  Old  Room  in  Mr.  Digby-Wyatt's  House,  Weston-Corbett,  Hants         ;..         ...  „  18 

D.  Burial  Customs  in  the  Northern  Flinders  Ranges  of  South  Australia        ."..         ...  „  26 

E.  A  Gold  Beaker  from  Lambayeque,  Peru ...  „    '  37 

F.  The  Pleasing  of  the  God  Thangjing        ,.  50 

G.  Lord  Avebury...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  56 

H.    Ceremonial  Dance  ;  from  an  Ancient  Vase,  Chicama  Valley,  Peru  ...         ...         ...  „  65 

i-j.  Circumcision  Ceremonies  among  the  Amwimbe            ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „'  79 

K.     The  Earliest  Perfect  Tombs          „  85 

L.     Shongo  Staffs ..'.  „  96 

M.    Ancient  Mealing  Holes  at  Jebelain,  Sudan        ...         ...         ...  „       JQ3 


ILLUSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT. 

N.B. — Photograph,  unless  otherwise  stated. 

Unusual  Form  of  Tatu.    {Drawings.')    ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...    With  No.     2 

Figs.  ] ,  2.     Tumulus  at  the  "  Severn  Barrows,"  Highclere,  N.  Hampshire.      (Drauings.*)  „         5 

Nunwell  Vase          ...         ...        ...        ...        ...  „        12 

Figs.  1-3.     Bronze  Age  Skulls.     (Drawings.*) ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „        12 

Figs.  1-3.     Obsolete  Utensils  in  England.    {Drawings.')       „        18 

Fig.  1.     Shattered  long  bones  of  the  legs  and  fragments  of  an  ulna  and  radius     ...         ...  ,.        26 

Fig.  2.     Superior  extremities  of  left  femur  and  right  ulna     ...         ...         ...  „        26 

Fig.  1.     Details  of  figure  on  Gold  Beaker  from  Lambayeque,  Peru.    (Drawing)  ...  „        37 

Fig.  1.     Nongshaba  and  his  wife  Sarunglaima  being  carried  to  the  Lai-Sang       ,,        50 

Fig.  2.     The  Enticing  of  Thangjing        ...         ...         ...         „         5Q 

Fig.  1.     Scottish  Pygmy  Flints  of  Indian  Type.     (Drawing.*)         },        58 

Fig.  2.     Pygmy  Core.     (Drawing.*)       „         53 

Fig.  3.     Pygmy  Flint  found  in   1906   at   Birkwood,    Banchory  (twice   natural   size). 

(Drawing.*)       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         „ 

Fig.  1.     Painted  Design  :  from  an  Ancient  Vase,  Nasca  Valley,  Peru.     (Drawing.)       ...  „ 

Fig.  2.    Ceremonial  Dance  :  from  an  Ancient  Vase,  Chicama  Valley,  Peru.     (Drawing.*)  ., 

Fig.  3.     Figure  of  Centipede  :  from  an  Ancient  Vase,  Nasca  Valley,  Peru.     (Drawing.*)  ., 

Figs.  4,  5.     Centipede  Motive  :  from  an  Ancient  Vase,  Nasca  Valley,  Peru.    (Draivings.*)  „ 

Fig.  1.    Yoruba  Tattooer n 

Fig.  2.     Tattooer's  Knife.    (Drawing.)  ...         ...         ...  ?) 

Pygmy  Implements  from  base  of  Sand  Dunes,  Fish  Hook,  Cape  Colony    ...         ;) 

Figs.  I-IV.     Stone  Implements  from  the  Tempassuk  District,  B.N.  Borneo         „ 

Figs.  1-3.     Graves  in  Marmarica.     (Drawings).       ,  _     n 

Fig.  4.     Signs  incised  on  Stones.    (Drawing.*)  ...         ?) 

Figs.  5a,  5b,  8.     Cairns.     (Drawings.*) 

Fig.  6.    Burial  of  Adult  Woman.     (Drawing.)          ?) 

Figs.  7a,  7b.     Silver  Rings.     (Drawings*)        ...         ...         ...         ...         ... 

Fig.  9.     Burial  of  an  Old  Woman.    (Drawing.*)         ...         ...         ...         ... 

Ground  Plan  of  Ruins  at  Tchegi.     (Drawing.*)  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ... 

Figs.  I-V.     Patterns  of  Carved  Stone  work.     (Drawings.*) ...         ...  ?) 

Fig.  1.    Wooden  Vessel    ...        ...        ...        ...         ... 

Fig.  2.     Smaller  Staffs ...         ... 

Fig.  1.    Profile  drawing  of  the  Cranium  of  the  Woman's  Skull.     (Drawing.*)      |? 

Fig.  2.    Full-face  drawing  of  the  same.    (Drawiti'g .*)  ...         ...         g^ 

Fig.  3.    Verbea  view  of  the  same.     (Drawing.*)          ...        -.-.-.         ...  -      gy 

An  unusual  form  of  Tiki.     (Drawing.) gg 

Chandi  Kalasan.    (Drawing.*)     ...  JQQ 

s.  1-5.     Diagrams  illustrating  the  Evolution  of  the  Dolmen.     (Draivings.*) 105 


VII 


LIST    OF    AUTHORS. 

-V..B. — The  lumbers  to  which  an  asterisk  is  added  are  those  of  Reviews  of  Books. 


ABBOTT,  W.  J.  LEWIS,  81. 

BARBEAU,  C.  M.,  69. 

BARRETT,  CAPTAIN  W.  E.  H.,  6,  14,  44. 

BASEDOW,  HERBERT,  26. 

BATES,  ORIC,  88. 

BEECH-,  M.  W.  H.,  3,  13,  30,  42,  51. 

BELL,  ALFRED,  40. 

BEST,  ELSDON,  57. 

BRETON,  A.  C.,  33*,  60*. 

BROWNE,  G.  ST.  J.  ORDE,  79. 

C.,  H.  A.  A.,  48*. 
CARNARVON,  LORD,  o. 
CLARK,  J.  COOPER,  84*,  100*. 
Cox,  REV.  W.  H.,  106. 
CRAWFORD,  0.  G.  S.,  12. 
CROOKE,  W.,  34*. 

DAMES,    M.  LONGWORTH,  11,  25*,  45*, 

77*. 

EARP,  F.  R.,  71*,  93*. 
EDGE-PARTINGTON,  J.,  18,  91*,  98. 
EVANS,  IVOR  H.  N.,  86. 
EVANS,  OSWALD  H.,  87. 

GRIST,  C.  J.,  39. 

HADDON,  A.  C.,  59*,  61*,  99*. 

HAMILTON,  A.,  52. 

HARTLAND,E.  SIDNEY,  15*, 54*,  83*,  94*. 

HILDBURGH,  W.  L.,  1,  67,  82. 

HOCART,  A.  M.,  80. 

HODSON,  T.  C.,  27,  32*,  66,  104. 

JONES,  STAFF-SURG.  KENNETH   H.,  41. 
JOYCE,  T.  A.,  7*,  11,  37,  65. 

KEITH,  A.,  90*,  92*,  97. 
L.,  A.  L.,  16*,  76*. 


M.,  C.  R.,  70*. 

M.,  J.  L.,  109*. 

MACFIE,  J.  W.  SCOTT,  68,  96. 

MAC!VER,  D.  RANDALL,  10*. 

MOIR,  J.  REID,  19,  29. 

N.,  110*. 

PARKYN,  E.  A.,  23*,  72*. 
PARSONS,  F.  G.,  22*. 
PATERSON,  H.  M.  LESLIE,  58. 
PEAKE,  HAROLD,  73*. 
PETRIE,  W.  M.  FLINDERS,  85. 

R.,  H.  A.,  111*. 
READ,  SIR  C.  HERCULES,  56. 
RIVERS,  W.  H.  R,,  28. 
ROSCOE,  J.,  75*. 

S.,  R.  A.,  8*. 

SCHELTEMA,    J.    F.,    100*. 

SELIGMANN,  C.  G.,  24*,  74*. 
SETON-KARR,  H.  W.,  103. 
SHAKESPEAR,  LIEUT.-COLONEL  J.,  50. 
SMITH,  G.  ELLIOT,  105. 

T.,  A.  J.  N.,  35*,  47*. 
TALBOT,  P.  AMAURY,  4,  108. 
TEMPLE,  SIR  RICHARD,  102. 
THESIGER,  WILFRED  G-,  89. 
TIGER,  AUGUSTUS,  21,  31. 
TORDAY,  E.,  2,  62*,  112*. 

WADDELL,  ARTHUR  R.,  9*. 
WARREN,  S.  HAZZLEDINE,  20. 
WERNER,  Miss  A.,  38,  53,  107. 
WILLIAMSON,  ROBERT  W.,  46*. 
WOOLLEY,  C.  L.,  5. 
WRIGHT,  T.  F.,  43. 


PLATE  A. 


MAN,  1913 


FIO.  5. 


F1&.  6. 


FIG/T. 


CAIRENE     AMULETS. 


MAN 


A    MONTHLY   RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   SCIENCE, 

PUBLISHED   UNDER   THE    DIRECTION   OF   THE 
ROYAL   ANTHROPOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF   GREAT   BRITAIN    AND  IRELAND. 


. — All  communications  printed  in  MAN  are  stoned  or  initialled  by  their 
authors,  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute  desires  it  to  be  understood  that  in  giving 
publicity  to  them  it  accepts  no  responsibility  for  the  opinions  or  statements  expressed. 

N.B. — MAN,  1913,  consists  of  twelve  monthly-published  sheets,  of  at  least  sixteen 
pages  each,  printed  in  single  column;  containing  "  Original  Articles"  and  substantial 
"  Reviews  "  of  recent  publications  ;  all  numbered  consecutively  1,  2,  3,  onwards. 

JV.B.  —  Articles  published  in  MAN  should  be  quoted  by  the  year  and  the 
reference-number  of  the  article,  not  by  the  page-reference ;  e.g.,  the  article  which 
begins  on  page  4  should  be  quoted  as  MAN,  1913,  3. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Egypt :  Folklore.  With.  Plate  A.  Hildburgh. 

Some  Cairene  Amulets  for   Houses  and   for   Horses  and    Donkeys.      I 

By    W.  L.  Hildburgh.  I 

House  Amulets. —  Upon  house  fronts  in  Cairo,  over  doorways  or  within  them,  in 
the  fronts  of  the  small  open  shops  of  the  native  quarters,  and  in  other  situations 
similarly  exposed  to  the  glances  of  eyes,  possibly  envious  or  naturally  evil- working, 
amulets  are  very  often  placed  in  order  to  provide  against  mischance  resulting  to  the 
property  so  exposed  or  to  its  owners.  The  objects  mentioned  below  are  in  use  by 
the  Mohammedan  population,  and,  with  a  few  exceptions,  are  seldom  to  be  seeu  on 
houses  or  in  connection  with  shops  occupied  by  Europeans. 

The  following  objects  are  quite  commonly  used  against  evil-working  glances 
and  as  general  protections  : — 

A  crocodile,  sometimes  quite  large.  A  favourite  amulet  for  the  doorways  of 
fine  residences. 

A  large  lizard. 

A  globe-fish  (tetrodont).  Plate  A,  Fig.  1,  shows  a  rather  small  specimen,  which 
was  formerly  hung  in  the  front  of  a  shop,  together  with  a  lemon  (see  below),  and 
two  biunted  cones  of  dust  or  earth  from  a  sacred  spot  (of  one  of  these  only  the 
leather  loop  remains). 

An  open  hand,  sometimes  formed  of  wood,  either  with  or  without  its  arm, 
sometimes  an  old  glove  filled  with  a  stuffing  material. 

An  ostrich  egg  ;  also  often  hung  within  houses  as  protection  against  the  "  evil 
eye."  Plate  A,  Fig.  2,  shows  one  mounted  in  bands  of  tin-plate  (now  much  rusted). 

An  aloe  plant,  usually  hung  with  roots  upward. 

A  large  garlic,  or  a  bunch  of  small  garlics. 

A  string  of  red  peppers,  as  ordinarily  sold  for  cooking. 

The  earliest  pieces  in  the  year  of  such  fruits  as  oranges,  lemons,  and  pomegranates 
are  commonly  used  as  shop  amulets.  A  lemon  so  used  is  shown  in  Fig.  1,  Plate  A. 

The  stalks  of  the  first  of  the  new  wheat  are  often  plaited  into  a  decorative  object, 


No.  1.]  MAN.  [1913. 

such  as  that  shown  in  Fig.   3,  Plate  A,  which  forms  an  amulet  commonly  hung  in  the 
front  of  a  shop  to  bring  good  luck.     This  object  is  generally  renewed  each  year. 

A  small  globular  gourd.  Plate  A,  Fig.  4,  shows  a  gourd  intended  for  hanging  in 
a  doorway  against  "  evil  eye."  This  specimen  is  unusual  in  being  ornamented  with 
incised  rude  designs  (the  gourds  generally  used  are  plain),  and  in  being  larger  than 
those  commonly  employed.  The  designs  appear  to  represent  animals  and  birds  of 
indeterminate  species  (*the  former  may  be  intended  for  giraffes),  lizards  or  crocodiles 
(both  used  protectively),  insects  (?),  and  scorpions  or,  possibly,  snakes.  The  owner 
of  this  object,  a  Persian  in  the  Bazaar,  stated  that  the  designs  were  Soudanese,  and,  so 
far  as  he  knew,  merely  decorative.  [The  lengthened  globular  form  of  the  gourd,  the 
globe-fish,  and  the  ostrich  egg,  all  of  which  are  used  against  the  "  evil  eye,"  suggests 
that  they  represent  some  amuletic  object,  probably  the  eye-ball  ;  or,  possibly,  some 
object  formerly  worshipped  (such  as  the  sun's  disc),  degraded,  by  the  imposition  of 
new  religious  forms,  to  a  vague  guardianship.] 

An  iron  horseshoe,  used  either  alone  or  in  company  with  one  or  several  others. 
Generally  suspended  with  the  opening  downward  (the  arrangement  dictated  by  con- 
venience) ;  occasionally,  but  rarely,  with  the  opening  upward.  A  horseshoe  is  some- 
times fastened  to  the  doorstep.  The  number  of  the  nail-holes  in  the  horseshoes  used  as 
amulets  varies,  appearing  to  be  of  no  moment ;  when  five  (as  in  a  specimen  obtained) 
or  seven  it  is  probably  considered  to  add  efficacy  to  the  amulet. 

Less  commonly  used  than  the  above  are  : — 
An  old  shoe  (compare  below).- 
A  small  hairy  mammal. 

Horns  of  cattle  or  sheep.  (These  are  fairly  common  in  connection  with 
shops  kept  by  Italians  at  Cairo,  but  occur  only  occasionally  in  connection 
with  native  shops.) 

Amulets  for  Horses  and  Donkeys. — Almost  every  horse  or  donkey  owned  or 
driven  by  a  native  wears  one  or,  often,  several  protective  objects.  Commonest 
amongst  these,  and  almost  always  present,  is  a  bell  or  something  that  jingles  (some- 
times barely  audibly),  such  as  a  series  of  coins,  or  imitation  coins,  on  a  chain,  or 
even  a  pebble  in  a  small  metal  box. 

Beads,  mostly  blue,  are  worn  against  the  effect  of  the  "  evil  eye  "  and  envy. 
They  are  generally  hung  round  the  neck,  but  sometimes  only  a  few  are  worn,  hung 
between  the  eyes.  (See  Figs.  7  and  6,  Plate  A.) 

Brass  coins  or  imitation  coins  are  worn  as  similarly  protective.  One  is  shown 
in  Fig.  6,  Plate  A. 

Cowry  shells  are  very  commonly  worn.  Examples  of  two  of  their  numerous 
modes  of  application  are  shown  in  Figs.  5  and  6,  Plate  A. 

An  old  shoe,  generally  that  of  a  child,  may  frequently  be  seen  suspended  from 
the  necks  of  horses  or  camels. 

Many  horses  and  donkeys  have  a  bit  of  red  ribbon  or  red  cloth  tied  to  some 
part  of  their  harness.  Several  inquiries  as  to  the  purpose  of  this  met  with  the 
reply  that  it  had  no  meaning  :  the  insignificant  size  and  the  valuelessness  of  the  red 
pieces  seem,  however,  to  indicate  either  that  it  is  intended  as  protective  (probably 
against  sorcery  or  the  "  evil  eye ")  or  is  a  survival  of  a  belief  in  its  efficacy  as 
a  protection.  Numbers  of  horses  also  wear  many-coloured  bunches  of  long  rags 
or  ribbons  upon  their  heads — such  bunches  as  might,  by  analogy  with  amulets  else- 
where, be  supposed  to  be  amuletic — but  these  were  always  said  to  be  merely  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  off  the  flies  and  to  have  no  occult  protective  intention. 

A  piece  of  catskin,  hung  from  the  neck,  is  quite  commonly  worn  by  horses. 
(See  Fig.  5,  Plate  A.) 

A  small  tuft  of  hair  is  fairly  frequently  worn  on  the  forehead  by  horses.      The 

[    2    ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  1-2, 


specimen  shown  in  Fig.  6,  Plate  A,  is  the  tip  of  a  tail,  and  appears  to  be  either 
badger's  hair  or  an  imitation  of  badger's  hair.  (In  European  countries  badger's  hair 
is  a  favourite  protection  for  horses.) 

Written  charms  are,  of  course,  commonly  used.  Fig.  7,  Plate  A,  shows  a 
string  of  beads  (dark  blue,  light  blue,  white,  and  colourless)  and  small  bells,  to  which 
a  leather  case  containing  a  written  charm  is  attached  ;  it  was  formerly  worn  by  a 
donkey.  The  heart-shaped,  cloth-covered  object  of  Fig.  5,  Plate  A,  probably  contains 
a  written  charm,  or,  possibly,  some  substance  considered  to  be  protective  or  medicinal. 

Metal  chains,  with  bells  and  ornaments  attached,  especially  crescents  and  cases 
(often  empty)  like  those  for  written  charms,  are  commonly  worn. 

W.  L.  HILDBURGH. 


Africa :  Congo. 
Note  on  Unusual  Form  of  Tatu.    By  E.   Torday. 

Many  natives  of  the  Belgian  Congo  are  past  masters  in  the  art  of  ornamenting 
their  skins  with  cicatrices,  and  though  the  designs  vary  according  to  the  tribe,  a  close 
similarity  exists    between    them.     African    cicatrization   falls    into    two  main  groups ; 


Torday. 

2 


in  the  first  are  those  scars  which,  by  artificially  retarding  the  healing  process  are 
made  to  form  raised  knobs  above  the  surface  of  the  skin  ;  these  knobs  are  invariably 
darker  in  colour  than  the  surrounding  skin.  The  second  class  consists  of  small,  faint 
scars,  produced  by  removing  a  small,  approximately  circular  portion  of  the  cuticle  ; 
these  when  healed"  form  slight  depressions,  and  are  usually  of  a  lighter  tint  than  the 
rest  of  the  skin.  This  second  class  of  scarification  is  less  common,  and  is  found 
principally  among  the  Batetela.  But  a  third  class  exists,  although  it  has  not  as 
yet  attracted  much  notice.  Among  the  Bena  Lulua,  a  Baluba  people,  the  practice 
is  followed  of  scoring  lines  in  the  skin,  to  form  curvilinear  patterns  of  greater  or 
less  complication,  which  do  not  project  above  the  skin  surface.  This  method  is  of 
particular  interest,  since  practically  the  only  parallel  is  furnished  by  the  Maori 
of  New  Zealand.  The  accompanying  drawing,  by  Mr.  Norman  Hardy,  shows  the 
design,  produced  by  the  above  method,  on  a  man  of  this  tribe. 

Women  only  scar  their  abdomen  in  this  way  ;    some  females,  however,  have  scars 
similar  to  those  of  men    in  the  face. 

r   3  ] 


No.  3.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Africa,  East.  Beech. 

The  Sacred  Fig-tree  of  the  A-Kikuyu   of  East  Africa.       By   Mervyn 

W.  H.  Beech,  M.A. 

The  mugumu,  a  species  of  ficus  akin  to  the  cafensis,  which  has  not  yet  been 
definitely  determined,  is  the  sacred  fig-tree  of  the  A-Kikuyu.  It  is  found  growing 
either  by  itself  or  as  a  parasite,  and  its  most  noticeable  feature  is  the  fact  that,  if 
an  incision  be  made  in  its  bark,  a  white,  sticky,  rubber-like  fluid  exudes.  From  the 
likeness  of  this  fluid  to  milk  can  be  traced  the  origin  of  the  sanctity  of  the  tree. 

It  is  said  that  Ngai  (God)  dwells  in  the  clouds  above,  although  it  is  distinctly 
stated  that  his  abode  is  not  within  it.  A  Mu-Kikuyu  described  the  tree  to  me  as 
"the  child  of  God." 

These  fig-trees  are  by  no  means  uncommon,  but  only  comparatively  few  of  them 
are  sacred.  In  the  location  of  the  Patriarch  Kioi  wa  Nagi,  in  the  Dagoreti  district 
near  Nairobi,  there  are  only  two  sacred  fig-trees.  One  of  these,  at  Mbagathi  river> 
is  a  parasite  on  a  tree  called  ithare,  whilst  the  other  is  situated  at  Mbuthi,  and  is 
growing  by  itself.  The  actual  piece  of  ground  from  which  this  mugumu  springs  is 
called  Wamboi,  which,  again,  is  a  very  common  woman's  name  in  Kikuyu. 

The  question  arises  as  to  why  some  mugumu  are  sacred  and  others  not.  The 
only  answer  obtained  was  that  all  are  potentially  sacred,  but  that  the  special  one* 
favoured  of  Ngai  are  only  found  out  by  testing  them  all.  If  the  prayers  that  are 
uttered  beneath  them  are  answered  doubtless  Ngai  is  at  hand,  but  if  they  are  not 
heard  it  is  obvious  that  Ngai  cannot  be  present,  and  that  the  tree,  therefore,  is  not 
sacred.  Great  height  is  one  of  the  necessary  peculiarities  of  a  sacred  mugumu  \  for 
doubtless  the  higher  the  tree  the  nearer  it  is  to  Ngai.  Its  sanctity  cannot  be  decided 
in  accordance  with  the  particular  tree  on  which  the  fig-tree  has  decided  to  bestow 
its  favours,  for,  as  we  have  seen,  it  can  be  sacred  irrespective  of  whether  it  be  a 
parasite  or  no. 

The  mugumu,  then,  is  a  medium  through  which  prayers  ascend  to  Ngai.  Beneath 
its  leafy  branches  men  pray  for  riches  and  women  that  they  may  bear  offspring. 
Under  its  kindly  shade  men  pray  for  the  blessings  of  rain,  without  which  their  crops 
will  not  grow,  nor  will  there  be  fresh  green  grass  for  their  cattle  and  sheep,  and 
without  which  nothing  but  stanvation  faces  them. 

Candidates  for  circumcision  on  the  day  before  the  ceremony  that  makes  them 
fully  and  finally  adults,  break  off  branches  of  its  leaves  and  take  them  to  the  house 
where  the  operation  is  to  take  place  ;  for  its  magic  leaves  will  ensure  fertility  not 
only  to  the  women  and  men  but  also  to  their  cattle,  sheep  and  goats. 

It  was  first,  I  believe,  discovered  by  Mr.  C.  W.  Hobley  that  to  ensure  pregnancy 
women  smear  themselves  with  the  milky  juice  of  the  tree.  This  they  do  from  the 
feet  upwards,  finishing  on  the  crowns  of  their  heads.  To  ensure  fertility  to  the 
cattle,  sheep,  and  goats,  fat  is  mixed  with  the  milk  of  the  tree.  This  is  then  sprinkled 
on  the  tree-trunk,  and  at  the  same  time  on  the  flocks,  which  have  previously  been 
driven  underneath  the  tree  for  the  purpose.  For  the  same  reason  men  also  gather 
the  leaves  of  the  tree  and  sleep  upon  them,  the  fertility  apparently  passing  from  the 
leaves  to  themselves  and  from  themselves  to  their  flocks. 

To  "  make  it  more  likely  that  a  request  be  granted  "  sacrifices  are  made  under 
the  tree  and  goats  or  sheep  are  slaughtered.  The  sacrificer  and  his  friends  eat  half 
or  more  of  the  meat  and  leave  the  rest.  Only  it  is  obligatory  to  leave  the  breast  : 
sometimes,  however,  the  head  and  tongue  are  also  bestowed  upon  Ngai.  The  fat 
and  blood  is  sprinkled  about  and  native  beer  (njohf)  is  poured  on  the  tree-trunk.  It 
is  not  permissible  for  the  sacrificer  to  return  and  see  whether  the  feast  has  been 
consumed  by  the  hungry  god  or  no. 

[    4    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  3. 

Thus  it  is  that  the  mugumu  is  credited  with  having  an  enormous  influence  on 
births  both  of  men  and  animals.  It  is  a  manifestation  of  Ngai  as  a  divinity  of 
fertility. 

Originally  it  is  probable  that  only  requests  for  fertility  were  addressed  to  the 
tree.  Nowadays  its  functions  would  appear  to  be  extended.  All  tribal  disputes  are 
arbitrated  upon  by  eight  Elders,  of  whom  four  are  chosen  by  each  litigant,  provided 
these  Elders  have  passed  the  necessary  wisdom  test  and  been  admitted  to  one  of 
the  various  grades  of  Athuri  or  Elders.  These  Elders  repair  to  the  mugumu  and 
slaughter  there  a  sheep  or  a  goat  (provided  by  the  parties  to  the  suit)  in  order 
apparently  that  their  wits  may  be  sharpened  and  become  "fertile."  The  litigation, 
however,  does  not  take  place  under  the  sacred  tree.  This  arbitration  board  is  called 
the  kiama,  a  word  equivalent  to  the  Swahili  kikoa  and  meaning  a  "  gathering." 

In  view  of  the  above  properties  of  the  tree  it  is  interesting  to  note  with  reference 
to  Professor  Frazer's  Golden  Bough  (third  edition,  Part  I,  Vol.  II,  pp.  249-251), 
that  its  wood  was,  before  the  introduction  of  matches,  used  for  making  fire.  Indeed, 
it  is  still  so  used  on  one  occasion  at  any  rate  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  fire. 

The  wood  of  the  mugumu  is  used  for  the  fire  drill,  but  whereas  one  is  told  that 
mtarakive  (Juniperus  procera),  mchasa  (a  species  of  vernonia),  murika  murinditi 
can  be  used  as  either  the  female,  i.e.,  the  passive  stick  of  the  fire  drill  or  for  the 
male  or  active  stick,  the  mugumu,  is  essentially  female,  and  may  on  no  account 
be  used  as  the  male.  This  is  rather  the  opposite  of  what  one  would  expect  ;  but 
presumably  in  this  case  it  is  the  voluptuous  female  who  stretches  forth  her  eager 
arms  to  embrace  the  reluctant  male  :  for  the  male  cannot  but  be  unwilling,  since 
once  he  has  yielded  to  that  fatal  embrace  his  ultimate  portion  is  death.  There  is 
just  a  possibility  that  the  male  and  female  tradition  was  borrowed,  as  indeed  were  many 
other  customs,  notably  a  method  of  circumcision,  by  the  A-Kikuyu  from  their  neigh- 
bours the  Masai ;  for,  although  the  A-Kikuyu  refer  to  the  sticks  definitely  as  the 
male  and  female,  we  find  that  the  Kikuyu  word  for  the  male  or  active  stick  to  be 
gethi-gethi  or  rurindi,  and  for  the  female  or  passive  stick  to  be  ghika.  Now 
gethi-gethi  is  simply  a  noun  derived  from  the  verb  ku-getha-getha,  which  signifies 
"  to  twirl  between  the  palms  of  both  hands."  I  cannot  find  the  derivation  of  rurindi 
or  of  ghika,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  there  is  no  notion  of  sex  in  either  word. 

As  hinted  above,  there  is  one  occasion,  at  any  rate,  when  the  mugumu  and  no 
other  tree  must  be  used  as  the  female  and  the  mtarakwe  (Juniperus  procera)  as  the 
male.  This  is  the  occasion  of  kindling  afresh  the  domestic  fire  after  rebuilding  a 
house.  A  Kikuyu  Elder  will  have,  say,  six  wives.  Each  of  these  wives  has 
a  house.  The  Elder  himself  has  a  seventh.  The  houses  are  built  altogether  in  a 
cluster.  When  the  Elder  has  built  his  new  house,  fire  may  not  be  obtained  in  any 
other  way  except  by  kindling  it  with  the  firedrill  composed  of  mugumu  (female)  and 
mtarakwe  (male).  Before  doing  this  a  goat  is  sacrificed  and  a  prayer  is  uttered, 
"Ngai  eat  this  meat  and  drink  this  blood,  and  let  not  this  fire  be  quenched." 

The  women  of  the  other  houses  may  take  from  the  fire  thus  kindled,  but  on 
no  account  may  fire  be  taken  from  any  of  the  other  huts  and  be  brought  to  the  new 
one.  The  fire  is  supposed  to  be  kept  always  alight  in  at  least  one  of  the  cluster 
of  huts.  If  the  fires  in  all  were  to  become  extinguished  at  the  same  time  the 
same  ceremony  would  have  to  be  performed  as  on  the  occasion  of  erecting  a  new 
house. 

As  far  as  I  could  discover  there  are  no  traces  of  ancestor  worship  connected 
with  the  mugumu,  nor  are  there  any  restrictions  as  to  who  may  or  may  not  make 
fire  from  it.  Nor  again  could  I  find  out  why  in  making  fire  a  number  of  trees  could 
be  used  both  actively  and  passively.  Old  fire  sticks — even  those  made  of  mugumu — 


Nos.  3-4,]  MAN.  [1913. 

are,  when  used  up,  merely  thrown  away  ;  but,  in  the  case  of  the  A-Kikuyu,  time,  that 
ruthless  destroyer  of  the  picturesque  and  romantic,  may  have  stripped  the  mugumu 
of  much  of  the  mysterious  sanctity  with  which  it  was  formerly  adorned. 

MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH. 


Africa,  West :  Folk  Stories.  Talbot. 

Two  Ekoi  Stories.     By  P.  Amaury   Talbot.  i 

The  Ekoi  live  in  Southern  Nigeria,  within    the  bend  of  the  Cross  River,  and     T 

stretch    over  into    the  German  Kamerun.      A   vocabulary  of    their   language,  a  short 

grammar,  and    full  details  concerning  their  customs  and  beliefs  will    be  found  in  my 

book,  In  the  Shadow  of  the  Bush,  recently  published  by  Heinemann. 

I. — THE  EKOI  ADAM  AND  EVE. 

Ka  edogha  ndipp,  Obassi  aiyemm  'ne  num  na  'ne-nkai,  abopp  etim 
In  very  beginning,  God  made  person  male  and  person-female,  built  hut 
akak  abaw  afaw.  'We  atong  abaw  kpekpe  akap  ati  ma  aiyim  na  onyamm  abikk 
put  them  in.  He  showed  them  all  fruit  trees  for  eating  and  animals  able 
aiyim.  Man  ajak  ka  osaw.  Ane  mba  abai  are  ti-ti  aka  menge  njum 
eating.  Then  went  on  high.  Persons  these  two  lived  long  time  knew  not  thing 
aiya  ma  na  ndipp,  mfonne-mfonne  echiri  man  'ne-num  asuk  kpekpe  ofu 
to  do  with  secret  parts,  most  ignorant  that  man  washed  every  day 

ndipp  'ne-nkai    owe,    atuba    se    are    egyemm,    aboba      njann       ka    njinni. 

secret  parts  (of)       wife        his,  thought  it  was     wound,      tied      medicine    on  it. 

Obassi  ojak  ofu  b't  oji  ienn  abaw,  aienn  'ne  akisu.  Obassi  ataw  abaw  se  egyenn 
God  went  day  one  go  see  them,  saw  man  washing.  God  told  them  it  wound 
asik.  Se  abaw  agi  ka  enong,  cwe  tikk  atonge  abaw  nga  aiyima  Abaw  atak 
not.  He  told  them  go  to  bed,  he  will  show  them  how  use.  They  went 
ka  enong.  Obassi  ataw  'ne-num,  se  kak  njum  aji  ere  anaw  ka  ebun  ka 
to  bed.  God  told  man,  he  said  put  thing  that  is  there  by  the  ivaist  in 
egyemm  nkai  oa.  Kpekpe  ebu  'we  oiyima  anaw.  Ka  ami  ma 

wound  (of)  wife  your.  All  times  he  (should)  do  so.  In  months  fete 
achingi  'we  ako  Oiya.  'Ne-num  aiyenn  oiya  'ne-nkai  awwe  okifang 

past  she  took  belly  (conceived).  Man  saw  belly  (of)  woman  his  bigger 
kpekpe  'mi,  atupase  are  emange.  Kpekpe  ofu  'we  agbe  ejing  nkemm  ka 

every      moon,  thought  (she)    is       sick.  All       days    he      cut    plenty     cuts      on 

oiya  'ne-nkai.         Achomma      ajann       afu    se  nonge      kui      ngun. 

belly  (of)  woman,  (he)  rubbed  medicine  hot  (he)  told  (her)  lie  down  near  fire. 
Agbe  ejing  nkemm  are  oiya  okwa  obak.  Ka  ofu  etad  auuma  nga 
(he)  cut  plenty  cuts  was  belly  grew  big  came.  On  day  another  he  wanted  how 
aiyima  oiya  awsang.  Obassi  ojak  se  'we  ajienn  abaw.  Aiyenn 

to  make  belly  finish  (be  as  before).  God  went  that  he  see  them,  (he)  saw 
nga  oiya  'ne-nkai  ore  ejing  nkemm  agbe  na  ekemm.  Ataw 

how  belly  (of  the)  woman  was  (with)  plenty  cuts  cut  with  razor.  He  told 
'ne-num  se  ka-pe  anaw  oiyemm,  se  tikk  oiyuwi  'ne-nkai  na  nyenn 

man         told  not  indeed      so  do,        he  say  you  will      kill      woman    and      good 

njum  nji  'we  afonni  ka  oiya  obe.  Obassi  amaghe  abaw.  Ka  ami  achingi  nkai 
thing  which  she  had  in  belly  her.  God  left  them.  In  months  past  wife 
oe  aji  'monn.  Ebu  aji  na  monni,  'ne-num  abup  'ne-kai  se 

his  bore     child.      (At  the)    time   (was)    born        child,         man       asked  woman     that 
nyenn  njum     nji      Obassi       ataw  na  se  tukk  ebagha.       We 

(if)  (it  was)  good  thing  which      God     spoke  of  (and)  told  (it)  icould   come.          He 

[    6    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  4. 

aka  menge  se  are  'ne  ga  'we-mfonue.  Ka  ebu  aji  Obassi  obak.  Aiyenn 
r/itl  not  knoiv  that  (it)  is  man  like  himself.  At  that  time  God  came.  He  saw 
'inonn  anong  ka  nsi,  'ne  kpe  wat  akakummi.  *  Ataw  abaw  se  kunun 

child  lying  on  ground,  person  even  one  did  not  touch  (it).  He  told  them  to  lift  vp 
yuum  'we  aiipp.  Abaw  aiyimm  anaw.  'We  atonge  abaw  nga  agyea  'monnr 

ivash  it  (with)  ivater.  They  did  so.  He  told  them  how  feed  child> 
aserre  abaw  ebu  nji  are  ka  eji  jitt  awnonge.  Asere  abaw 

he  told  them  time  which  they  are  in  place  one  (together)  sleep.  He  told  them 
nga  'raonn.  akui  kenn  abaw  anonge  ka  eji  jitt.  Abaw  anonge 

how  child  (should)  grow  up  before  they  should  sleep  in  place  one.  (If)  they  slept 
eji  jitt  ka  ebu  aji,  'monn  tikk  akpaw.  Doghe  ka  ebu  aji  ane  ati. 

place  one  in  time  that,  child  would  die.  Beginning  at  time  that  persons  plenty. 
Ane  raba  abai  na  doghe  ane.  Ut  kpekpe  na  abonn  abaw. 

Person  these  two  in    beginning  of  men.      We        all         children     their. 

II. — How  Ox  AXD  EAGLE  PLAYED  TOGETHER. 

Mfung     na     Ekum       akicbaghe       ache.       Mfung  adaimba  abu     biji 
Ox         and      eagle    were  playing   game.  Ox         first     hid     body    (himself) 

ejitat.  Ekum        Aom         'we  aienn.         Ataw     Ekum     se     berre     biji.       Ekum 

somewhere.  Eagle  looked  for  him  saw.  He  told  eagle  that  hide  himself.  Eagle 
aberre  biji,  man  'we  aiyenu.  Ekum  afibbi  biji  ka  abang  Mfung.  Mfung 
hid  himself,  and  he  saw.  Eagle  flew  himself  on  horns  (of)  ox.  Ox 

ajak  kpekpe  ngum  oam  'we.  Kabagba  ebu  Mfung  aga  se  'we  aom  Ekum, 
ivent  all  places  looked  him.  During  time  ox  tried  that  he  find  eagle, 
'we  akpini  Nsun  ataw  'we  ut  na  Ekum  echaga  anaw  achi  'me 

he  met  Ogilby's  duiker  told  him  we  (I)  and  eagle  playing  such  game  I 
mberre  biji  eama.  'We  aiyenn  ngam.  'We  aberre  biji  ebe.  Nkabikk  'we 

hid  self  my.  He  saiv  me.  He  hid  self  his.  I  could  not  him 
eyenuum.  Mfung  aji  siri  Ise  ntsii-anyi.  Asiri  fenne  Etuk.  Ekun 

see.  Ox      goes  told  blue  duikerbok     same.      He  told    also  bay  duiker.    Eagle 

akare  abew  kpekpe    obba.  Ataw    abaw    se    akasiri 

gave  them,  all  hands  (shook  his  hand  at  them  all).  He  told  them  to  not  tell 
Mfung  eji  'we  are.  Mfung  ajak  mba  Nkongam,  man  na  Ngumi  na 

ox  place  he  was.  Ox  went  to  yellow-backed  duiker,  then  to  pig  and 
kpekpe  onyamm  na  njaw  errong,  ajak  mbocbi  na  mbanjimm  ataw  se 

all  beasts      and    dog      too,     he  went        up     and        down         told  (and)  said 

"  Na-bagha  ojea-ochi  !  Iruk  njum  nga  iuonn  aom  ngam  aiyenn  ka  ebu  mberre 
"  How  shameful !  Small  thing  like  bird  look  for  me  saw  in  time  I  hid 

"  biji  eema  man  'we  aberre  biji  ebe  'mobikk  'we  eyenuum."  Asiri  fenne  Njokk 
"  self-  my  now  he  hid  self  his  I  cannot  him  see.'1'1  He  said  also  to  elephant 
anaw,  Njokk  se  "  Na-echi  osiri  ngam  anaw  ? "  Asiri  ferine  ntoii-anyi 
so,  Elephant  said  "Reason  you  say  tome  so?"  He  said  also  so 

Ikwi-nyamm,  man  na       Ika,        na     Ebak,    na     Nyopp,     na        Ebi,       na 

(to)  monkey-killing  eagle,  then  to  ant-eater,  to  monitor,  to  porcupine,  to  mongoose,  to 
Nkokk.  Nkokk  ataw  "  Kak  paw  ori.  Enn  Ekum  ekun  ka  abang  ama." 
fowl.  Fowl  said  "  Do  not  again  cry.  Behold  eagle  sitting  on  horns  your." 

Ekum  effibbi  ka       nsi      'we    wobi    monn  nkokk  wat    akun    'we    ajak.       Man 

Eagle  flew  to  ground  he  seized  little  fowl  (chicken)  one  lifted  it  went.  Then 
Ekum  acbott  na  Igaw  "'We  kpekpe  ebu  wobi  abonn  nkokk,  'me  tikk  nwoba 
Eagle  said  to  haivk  "  You  all  times  seize  children  foicl,  I  will  seize 
"  agpatim  okokk  !  "  Nan  njum  nji  Igaw  acbagha  na  ache  na  abonu 

"  big  fotvls ! "     Here  is  reason  thin    hatvk      plays       game      with  children  (of) 

(     7     ] 


Nos.  4-5.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


Okokk.  Ka    ebu    ndagha-mba  Ekum  awobi    abonn            okokk,    na    agpatirn  okokk. 

fou-ls.  In  time         before         eagle  seized  children  (of)  fowls  and        big        fowls. 

Ka    ebu  echinga  'we  awoba  are  agpatim  okokk. 

In     time  after      he  seizing    is        big       fowls.                    P.  AMAURY  TALBOT. 


England  :  Archaeology.  Carnarvon  :  "Woolley. 

Excavations    on    Beacon   Hill,   Hampshire,   in   August,  1912.       /,',/     C 

C.  L.  fVoolley.     With  a  Prefatory  Note  by  Lord  Carnarvon.  U 

[My  friend   Mr.  Woolley  having   a  few  days  to  spare,  and  the  weather  for    this 

year   being   quite  pleasant,   we  decided  to  try  the  camp  on   the  top  of  Beacon   Hill, 


Tom  u  I  us      at    the 

"Severn      Barrows  " 


North 


FIG.  l. 

Hants.       The    results    of    our    operations    both    on   the    top    of    the    hill    and    at    the 
seven  barrows  will  be  found  in  the  paper  written  by  Mr.  Woolley. 

I  may  say  that  the  results  were  disappointing.  Most  of  the  barrows  had  been 
opened  in  former  days  ;  unfortunately  no  records  exist  of  the  earlier  excavations. 
I  remember  the  barrows  being  opened  by  my  uncle,  Mr.  Auberon  Herbert,  about  1875, 
but  tuc  results  of  his  researches  were,  as  far  as  I  know,  never  published  ;  either  he  or 
someone  else  opened  the  five  larger  tumuli.  Besides  the  one  opened  this  year,  there 
still  remains  one  untouched  barrow. — CARNARVON.] 

On  the  top  of  Beacon  Hill  is  a  fine  contour-fort  ;  the  vallum  ditch  and  counter- 
scarp are  well  preserved  along  their  entire  length  ;  on  the  S.E.,  where  a  saddle  joins 

[    8    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  5. 

the  hill-top  to  a  smaller  and  lower  hill,  there  is  a  gateway,  defended  by  a  return 
inwards  of  the  vallum  to  a  small  gate-mound  on  either  side  of  the  entrance  and 
by  a  single  low  traverse  outside  it.  Over  the  whole  of  the  enclosed  area  can  be 
distinguished  circles  of  two  distinct  types  ;  there  are  small  round  sinkings  having 
a  diameter  of  about  9  feet,  and  there  are  much  larger  rings  marked  by  a  shallow 
depression  forming  the  circumference,  whereas  the  area  enclosed  rises  very  slightly 
above  the  general  level  of  the  camp.  On  excavating  one  of  the  larger  rings,  which 
had  a  diameter  of  about  35  feet,  we  found  that  the  inequalities  of  the  surface 
were  due  merely  to  the  upper  soil,  the  chalk  floor  being  more  or  less  level.  Just 
inside  the  ring  there  were  numbers  of  large  flint  stones,  which  were  less  numerous 
towards  the  centre  ;  the  only  object  found  was  a  fragment  of  black  bronze-age  pottery. 
It  may  be  that  these  large  circles  were  pens  surrounded  by  some  kind  of  wattle 
or  hurdling  strengthened  along  its  base  with  flints  ;  the  droppings  of  the  cattle  and 
their  treading  would  serve  to  raise  the  surface  slightly  ;  the  site  of  the  ring-fence 
would  in  time  be  represented  by  a  corresponding  depression.  The  absence  of  any 
objects  tends  to  exclude  the  idea  of  there  having  been  any  kind  of  building  on  the  site. 
The  smaller  circles  were  hut  dwellings,  cut  down  into  the  chalk.  The  most 
interesting  of  these  had  a  maximum  diameter  of  9  feet,  a  total  depth  of  7  feet 
4  inches,  and  a  depth  below  the  top  of  the  chalk  of  5  feet  10  inches ;  the  circle 
was  irregular,  the  walls  rough,  the  floor  flat  and  smooth.  The  chalk  and  soil  that 
filled  the  pit  had  never  been  disturbed ;  throughout  it  produced  a  considerable 
quantity  of  burnt  wood,  chiefly  small  branches  and  twigs  that  probably  came  from 
the  roof  of  this  or  neighbouring  huts,  while  charcoal  lay  fairly  thickly  upon  the  floor. 
There  were  a  few  animal  bones  found,  mostly  of  cattle,  and  a  quantity  of  fragments 


FIG.  2. 

of  typical  plain  bronze-age  pottery  ;  two  fragments  came  from  a  large  well-made 
vessel  with  nearly  vertical  sides  that  must  have  been  somewhat  of  the  type  of  the 
burial  urns.  A  piece  of  a  rivetted  iron  blade  of  no  great  antiquity,  found  low  down 
in  the  pit,  had  obviously  worked  its  way  down  a  hole  or  slipped  from  the  surface. 

A  second  pit,  close  to  this,  produced  much  less  in  the  way  of  either  pottery  or 
charcoal.  Its  measurements  were  much  the  same  as  those  of  the  first  hut.  A  third 
depression  close  to  the  highest  point  of  the  hill,  though  apparently  a  chalk-cut  hut 
of  the  same  type  as  the  rest,  had  been  re-used.  Along  one  side  of  the  pit  was  built 
a  fire-place  in  red  brick  and  flints  laid  in  clay,  while  from  the  filling  came  fragments 
of  bellarmine  jugs,  sack  bottles,  green  glazed  pottery,  tobacco  pipes,  glazed  bricks 
and  iron  objects.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  the  shelter  of  the  men  who 
watched  the  beacon  fire  that  has  given  its  name  to  the  hill  ;  probably  the  Beltane  fires 
of  the  Middle  Ages  and  the  alarum  signals  of  the  Armada  were  lit  upon  the  same 
point,  a  few  yards  from  the  hut,  that  has  seen  the  festival  beacons  of  recent  years. 

A  mile  or  so  from  Beacon  Hill,  by  the  side  of  the  Winchester  road,  is  a  group 
of  tumuli  known  as  "The  Seven  Barrows."  Five  of  these  show  signs  of  having  been 
opened  at  some  time  or  other  ;  the  two  smallest  seemed  intact,  and  one  of  these  was 
excavated.  It  had  a  total  diameter  of  about  ninety  feet  (one  side  has  been  cut  into  by 
the  roadway)  and  a  present  height  of  some  six  feet  and  a  quarter.  A  cutting  (Fig.  2) 
was  made  from  the  X.W.  to  the  centre  of  the  mound.  The  type  was  a  peculiar  one 
(see  plan,  Fig.  1).  Round  the  edge  ran  a  sort  of  containing-wall  of  chalk  that  had  been 
thrown  up  against  the  sides  of  the  earth  mound  after  this  was  finished.  In  the  case  of 
the  large  tumuli  there  was  a  distinct  ditch  running  round  them,  probably  marking  the 

[    9    ] 


Nos.  5-6.]  MAN.  [1913. 

cutting  from  which  chalk  had  been  cut  for  a  similar  purpose,  but  in  the  case  of  the 
small  mound  excavated  this  depression  was  hardly  noticeable.  In  the  centre  of  the 
tumulus  was  a  ring  of  flint  stones,  open  towards  the  west;  it  was  about  18  inches 
high  and  4  feet  wide,  with  a  diameter  inside  of  10  feet ;  it  rested  on  the  chalk 
floor.  In  the  soil  round  the  ring  and  above  it  were  numerous  traces  of  charcoal, 
and  a  large  quantity  of  animal  bones,  mostly  of  cattle,  though  the  dog  also  seemed 
to  be  represented  ;  there  were  also  found  two  fragments  of  plain  dark  grey  hand- 
made pottery,  and  a  small  piece  stamped  with  the  maggot-like  striated  ovals  that 
commonly  occur  on  neolithic  and  early  bronze-age  pottery. 

Inside  the  ring,  flint  nodules  were  numerous  but  lay  loose  in  the  earth  filling 
and  were  not  in  any  sense  packed  or  built ;  outside  the  ring  the  soil  was  fairly  free 
from  stones.  At  the  east  side  of  the  circular  space  within  the  ring,  opposite  to  the 
entrance,  a  tomb-pit  was  cut  down  into  the  chalk  floor.  It  was  roughly  rectangular, 
measuring  3  feet  by  2  feet  6  inches,  and  2  feet  8  inches  deep,  and  lying  east  by 
west ;  its  west  end  was  undercut  into  a  recess  8  inches  deep  and  1  foot  8  inches 
high.  This  shaft  was  tightly  packed  with  large  flint  nodules  reaching  almost  to  the 
floor  ;  only  the  niche  was  filled  with  cleaner  soil.  Remains  of  burnt  wood  covered 
the  floor  of  the  tomb,  but  no  human  remains  could  be  distinguished  ;  only  on  the 
floor  of  the  recess  was  a  small  bone  implement  like  a  very  small  chisel  or  awl,  the 
narrow  cutting  edge  highly  polished  by  use.  The  fact  that  many  of  the  flints  had 
been  cracked  by  the  action  of  fire,  and  the  absence  of  human  bones,  are  sufficient 
to  prove  a  cremation,  which  was  the  more  usual  custom  in  the  south  of  England. 
The  form  of  the  barrow  is  its  most  interesting  feature  :  the  open  stone  ring  recalls 
the  internal  structure  of  the  long  barrows,  and,  perhaps,  would  make  this  an  inter- 
mediate link  between  the  two  regular  long  and  round  types.  C.  L.  WOOLLEY. 


Africa,  East.  Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).  By  Captain  W.  E.  H.  Barrett.  A 

THE  DRINKING  PLACE  OF  THE  IRIMO  (EviL  SPIRITS).  W 

Some  time  ago  one  of  the  Kikuyu  tribes  sent  out  a  large  raiding  party  against 
an  enemy  who  lived  on  the  other  side  of  a  large  desert.  With  the  party  went  four 
brothers,  three  of  whom  were  great  warriors  and  always  associated  with  it,  but 
the  fourth  was  very  fond  of  his  mother,  and  this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  he 
had  left  her  side.  When  the  raiders  had  travelled  for  a  long  distance  they  discovered 
that  nearly  all  their  water  was  finished,  and  they  found  no  stream  from  which  they 
could  drink  or  replenish  their  water  bottles.  Seeing  that  all  were  likely  to  die  of 
thirst,  their  leader  ordered  them  to  disperse,  and  each  man  to  find  his  way  back  to 
his  home  as  best  he  could. 

They  started  homewards  and  all  perished  except  the  four  brothers,  who  kept 
together  and  had  still  a  little  water  left.  After  travelling  for  two  days  the  younger, 
who  was  in  front,  found  a  spring  bubbling  up  from  the  ground  ;  he  called  his  brothers, 
and  all  drank  from  the  spring  and  then  filled  their  water  bottles  with  the  water, 
which  was  slightly  salt,  but  better  than  any  they  had  ever  tasted  in  their  lives. 
Before  continuing  their  journey  the  eldest  brother  told  the  others  to  say  nothing  to 
anyone  about  the  spring  as  it  was  most  probably  the  property  of  some  evil  spirits 
(Irimo)  and  that  evil  might  befall  them  if  they  mentioned  the  locality  to  anybody  ; 
he  also  told  them  that  before  entering  their  village  they  must  drink  up  all  the 
water  in  their  bottles  or  else  throw  it  away,  as  if  others  tasted  it  they  were  sure  to 
try  and  find  out  where  it  came  from,  as  it  was  so  good.  That  evening  they  approached 
their  village,  and  before  entering  the  three  elder  brothers  drank  from  the  bottles  all 
the  water  they  wanted  and  the  rest  they  threw  away.  The  youngest,  however,  only 
drank  half,  and  the  rest  he  took  to  his  hut  with  him.  That  evening  after  he  had 

[  10  ] 


1913,]  MAN.  [Nos.  6-7. 

eaten  he  took  this  water  to  his  mother  and  gave  it  to  her  to  drink.  The  old  woman 
was  delighted  with  it,  and  told  him  that  he  must  tell  her  where  he  got  it,  as  she 
wished  to  go  and  get  some  herself.  Her  son  refused,  saying  that  his  eldest  brother 
had  told  him  not  to  give  the  water  to  anyone,  and  not  to  tell  anyone  about  the  spring. 
However,  he  loved  his  mother,  and  eventually  told  her  where  he  had  got  it  from. 

The  next  day  when  the  old  woman  was  left  alone  in  the  village  she  took  two 
or  three  large  bottles  and  went  off  to  look  for  the  spring,  which  she  at  length  found. 
Having  drunk  as  much  as  she  wanted  she  filled  her  bottles  and  was  preparing  to 
return  home  when  she  heard  the  sound  of  singing  and  saw  some  Irimo  approaching 
ill  the  distance.  These  Irimo  had  two  heads,  one  like  the  head  of  a  man,  and  the 
other  of  stone  ;  half  their  body  was  human,  and  the  other  half  was  stone,  and  they 
had  only  one  leg  on  which  they  came  hopping  towards  her.  She  was  terrified,  and 
throwing  down  her  water-bottles  climbed  a  large  tree  which  overlooked  the  spring. 
She  went  up  to  the  top  and  kept  very  quiet.  Many  of  the  Irimo  came,  drank  from 
the  water,  and  went  off.  Presently  an  old  Irimo,  with  his  son,  came  to  drink.  The 
old  one  drank,  and  then  standing  aside  made  way  for  his  son.  As  he  was  drinking 
he  saw  the  shadow  of  the  woman  in  the  water  and  called  his  father's  attention  to 
it.  His  father  took  no  notice  of  it,  but  called  to  him  to  hurry  up  as  all  the  others 
had  gone.  The  son,  however,  was  not  satisfied,  and  looking  up  into  the  tree  saw 
the  old  woman  sitting  there.  He  pointed  her  out  to  his  father,  who  said,  "  It  is  a 
"  human  being,  I  will  soon  fetch  her  out  of  that."  He  at  once  started  throwing 
his  knife  in  her  direction  with  such  force  that  every  time  his  knife  struck  a  bough, 
it  was  severed  and  fell  to  the  ground. 

When  she  found  that  she  was  discovered,  the  old  woman  started  singing  in  her 
terror,  hoping  one  of  her  sons  might  hear  her. 

The  following  is  the  song  she  sang  : — 

"In  my  folly  I  have  disobeyed  my  son,  and  the  Irimo  have  come  to  kill  me. 
He  told  me  not  to  search  for  this  place. 
I  did  not  listen  to  his  words  but  came  to  get  water. 
My  children  are  far  off  and  never  more  shall  I  look  upon  their  faces. 
My  days  are  numbered  and  I  shall  shortly  die  by  the  hand  of  the  Irimo." 

Fortunately  for  her,  her  eldest  and  youngest  sons  happened  to  be  in  the  forest 
not  far  off  and  heard  her.  Both  of  them  were  armed  with  shields  and  spears,  and 
hearing  their  mother's  voice  ran  towards  the  direction  from  which  it  came.  As  they 
were  approaching  the  spring  the  two  Irimo  saw  them  and  ran  off.  The  warriors, 
however,  pursued  them  and  killed  them  both. 

While  the  pursuit  was  taking  place  their  mother  came  down  from  the  tree  and 
they  found  her  standing  at  its  foot  on  their  return.  The  elder  brother  eaid  to  the 
younger,  "  It  is  evident  that  you  told  our  mother  about  this  spring,  and  thus 
"  disobeyed  my  orders  ;  your  up-bringing  amongst  women  has  made  you  talkative 
"  like  one  of  them.  In  future  you  will  behave  as  a  man,  and  associate  with 
"  men."  He  then  gave  him  a  sound  thrashing,  which  did  him  a  great  deal  of  good, 
and  caused  him  to  give  up  his  womanly  ways.  W.  E.  II.  BARRETT. 

REVIEWS. 

Uganda:  Ethnography.  Roscoe. 

The  Baganda  :  their  Customs  and  Beliefs.     By  the  Rev.  John  Roscoe,  Hon.     y 
M.A.  (Cantab.).     London:  Macmillan,  1911.     Pp.  525,  with  81  illustrations.  I 

All  anthropologists  will  give  a  hearty  welcome  to  the  volume  which  contains 
the  unique  knowledge  gathered  by  Mr.  Roscoe,  during  a  life  spent  among  the 
Baganda.  They  will  find,  too,  that  the  enormous  amount  of  material  which  it 
enshrines  neither  in  'interest  nor  importance  disappoints  those  hopes  raised  by  the 


No.  7.]  MAN.  [1913. 

papers  already  published  by  him  in  connection  with  this  people.  The  chief,  and 
indeed  almost  the  only,  criticism  which  can  be  made  of  the  work  as  a  whole  is  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  arrangement  of  the  material.  Mr.  Roscoe  would  have  made 
the  store  of  facts  which  his  book  contains  more  accessible  to  those  who  read  it 
for  the  first  time,  had  he  dealt  with  the  questions  of  kingship  and  government 
immediately  after  his  general  description  of  the  country  and  people.  As  it  is,  he  is 
forced  continually  to  make  mention  of  officials  whose  functions  do  not  become 
apparent  until  a  later  chapter.  However,  having  regard  to  the  main  value  of  the 
book,  as  a  scientific  record  of  an  extremely  interesting  people,  this  is  not  a  serious 
blemish,  since  in  any  case  it  must  be  read  and  re-read  several  times  before  the  total 
sum  of  information  which  it  contains  can  be  assimilated  by  the  reader. 

The  Baganda  are  interesting  from  several  points  of  view.  As  craftsmen, 
especially  as  carpenters,  they  have  no  superiors  in  Africa,  but,  owing  to  some  queer 
psychological  kink,  they  seem,  as  Mr.  Roscoe  says,  to  be  incapable  of  finishing 
entirely  any  given  piece  of  work.  But  they  are  far  more  interesting  from  the  point 
of  view  of  their  elaborate  governmental  system,  which  is  here  for  the  first  time  set 
forth  in  detail.  The  number  of  state  officials,  some  of  them  hereditary,  with  special 
functions  and  privileges,  is  enormous,  and  many  of  the  posts  they  hold  owe  their  origin 
to  some  incident  of  past  history.  A  system  such  as  this  is  not  unknown  in  Africa, 
but  has  been  found  in  most  places  where  a  strong  cohesive  kingdom  has  arisen,  as 
among  the  Bini,  Bushongo,  and  Balunda.  But  Mr.  Roscoe's  description  is  by  far 
the  most  minute  which  has  ever  been  published  relative  to  a  native  state,  and  shows 
how  far  the  native  of  Africa  can  go  in  the  building  up  of  an  elaborate  political 
system — far  beyond  what  was  ever  suspected  in  the  earlier  stages  of  our  knowledge 
of  African  ethnography.  The  social  system  is  hardly  less  interesting.  The  people 
are  divided  into  clans,  which  have  each  their  peculiar  privileges  and  restrictions. 
A  man  belongs  to  his  father's  clan,  unless  he  be  a  member  of  the  royal  family,  in 
which  case  he  belongs  to  his  mother's.  No  marriages  may  be  contracted  within 
the  clan,  with  one  exception,  and  the  exception  can  be  explained  by  the  fact  that 
the  clan  in  which  such  unions  are  permissible  consists  of  two  divisions  claiming 
different  origins.  Beyond  this,  a  man  may  not  marry  into  his  mother's  clan,  though 
his  son  not  only  may,  but  must,  if  he  takes  a  second  wife,  seek  her  in  the  clan 
of  his  maternal  grandmother.  Since  a  man  belongs  to  his  father's  clan,  legitimacy 
is  of  great  importance,  and  certain  ceremonies  are  described  which  have  as  their 
object  the  proof  of  a  child's  legitimacy  before  he  is  accepted  by  the  clan  of  his 
father.  In  such  ceremonies  the  child's  umbilical  cord,  carefully  preserved,  plays  the 
most  important  part. 

The  religion  of  the  people  is  composed  of  two  elements,  ancestor-worship  and 
nature-worship.  Certain  great  gods  are  venerated,  but  belong  to  the  first  class,  since 
they  are  probably  in  all  cases  deified  heroes  ;  the  shades  of  departed  kings  are  of 
great  importance,  and  since  the  spirit  of  a  man  is  supposed  to  have  a  peculiar  affinity 
with  his  jawbone,  the  royal  jawbones  are  provided  with  separate  temples  and  officiating 
ministers.  The  second  class  is  represented  by  a  number  of  gods,  or  rather  spirits, 
attached  to  particular  localities  and  objects,  such  as  hills  and  trees,  and  it  may  be 
mentioned  in  passing  that  a  hill  under  the  protection  of  a  spirit  is  regarded  as  a 
sanctuary  which  even  the  king  dare  not  violate.  Some  of  these  spirits  are  animal 
spirits,  and  it  is  interesting  that  the  Baganda  believe  that  certain  animals  after  death 
become  ghosts  with  power  to  inflict  evil.  The  sheep  is  one  of  these,  and  the  man 
who  kills  a  sheep  must  strike  the  animal  on  the  head  from  behind  so  that  it  cannot 
see  him.  otherwise  it  is  believed  the  ghost  would  cause  him  to  fall  ill  and  die.  Many 
of  the  gods  claim  human  sacrifices,  which  in  the  old  days  were  offered  in  great 
numbers.  One  feature  of  Baganda  sacrifice  is  the  frequency  with  which  the  victim, 

[  12  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  7-8. 

as  it  were,  marks  himself  out  for  slaughter  by  the  performance  of  some  act  for  which 
an  opportunity  is  deliberately  offered  him.  Thus,  at  the  end  of  a  feast  commemorating 
the  king's  accession,  when  the  drums  are  removed  one  is  left  behind.  Someone  in 
the  crowd  notices  the  apparent  oversight,  and  runs  after  the  drummers  with  the 
instrument  ;  he  is  rewarded  by  being  sacrificed  to  the  spirit  of  the  drum,  and  his 
armbones  are  made  into  drumsticks  for  it.  It  is  impossible  to  do  more  than  indicate 
roughly  the  great  wealth  of  detail  which  the  book  contains,  but  one  feature  may 
be  mentioned,  in  which  a  peculiar  resemblance  exists  between  the  insignia  of  royalty 
in  Uganda  and  Lunda.  The  bracelet,  Lucano,  which  the  sovereigns  of  Lunda  alone 
might  wear,  and  which  was  composed  of  human  sinews,  is  well  known  ;  but  Mr.  Roscoe 
is  probably  the  first  to  note  the  fact  that,  at  the  accession  of  a  king  in  Uganda,  one 
of  the  chiefs  sets  aside  one  of  his  sons,  who  is  afterwards  killed,  and  from  whose 
back  sinews  two  anklets  are  made  for  royal  wear. 

Mr.  Roscoe  is  a  careful  observer,  and  the  book  which  he  has  written  will  rank 
high  among  anthropological  treatises,  while  as  far  as  the  Baganda  are  concerned  it 
must  remain  a  classic.  T.  A.  J. 


Archaeology.  Abercromby. 

A  Study  of  the  Bronze  Age  Pottery  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  and  its  Q 
associated  Grave  Goods.  By  Hon.  John  Abercromby,  LL.D.  Two  vols.  U 
33  x  24  cm.  Oxford,  1912.  Price  63s.  net. 

There  has  long  been  an  opening  for  a  work  that  would  do  for  Bronze  Age 
pottery  what  Sir  John  Evans  did  for  the  bronzes  themselves  ;  and  this  important 
task  has  been  performed  by  Mr.  Abercromby  in  a  most  liberal  and  scientific  spirit. 
No  less  than  110  plates  adorn  these  two  volumes,  not  to  mention  sketch-maps  in 
the  text ;  and  over  1,600  specimens  of  pottery  are  here  reproduced  by  photography. 
Some  twelve  years  have  elapsed  since  the  author's  views  on  the  beaker  were  published 
in  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  and  in  the  interval  he  has  revised 
his  conclusions  and  included  in  his  survey  the  other  ceramic  types  of  the  period  in 
these  islands.  Such  an  analysis  of  specimens  from  many  public  and  private 
collections,  with  numerous  foreign  parallels,  cannot  fail  to  be  of  the  utmost  service 
to  archaeology,  and  lead  to  the  solution  of  many  outstanding  problems. 

The  plan  adopted  is  to  treat  each  recognised  type  of  pottery — the  beaker,  food- 
vessel,  and  cinerary  urn,  including  the  incense  cup — in  local  groups,  the  country  being 
divided  into  several  well-marked  regions,  the  general  idea  being  that  new  forms 
were  imported  across  the  Channel.  These  gradually  spread  northward,  undergoing 
modification  on  the  way,  and  (in  the  case  of  one  beaker  type)  travelling  at  the  rate 
of  about  fifty  miles  in  a  generation.  Such  precision  may  appeal  to  some  readers  and 
be  useful  as  a  time  scale,  but  it  is  easy  to  lay  too  much  emphasis  on  such  conjectures. 
Nor  can  the  author's  view  of  distribution  be  accepted  without  reserve,  and  there  are 
details  in  these  volumes  and  elsewhere  that  might  have  been  developed  to  advantage. 
Whatever  the  original  home  or  homes  of  the  beaker  (for  several  forms  are  extant 
that  may  have  had  a  multiple  origin),  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  food- 
vessel  was  of  native  origin  and  development,  being  traceable  to  the  round-bottomed 
vessels  somewhat  rare  in  Britain  but  clearly  referable  to  the  neolithic  period.  Mr. 
Abercromby's  theory  is  that  a  foreign  invasion  from  the  south  drove  the  aborigines 
northward  and  into  Ireland,  where  the  foreign  beaker  is  hardly  ever  found  ;  and  he 
seems  to  accept  the  view  put  forward  two  years  ago  in  Archceologia,  that  in  course 
of  time  the  invaders  were  either  expelled  or  absorbed,  and  the  food- vessel,  derived 
by  known  stages  from  the  neolithic  bowl,  took  the  place  of  the  beaker  in  the  graves. 
If  this  is  the  genesis  of  a  type  that  is  found  both  with  burnt  and  uuburnt  interment-, 
the  food-vessel  should  radiate  from  the  centre  of  these  islands  ;  and  Fig.  258, 

[     13     ] 


Nos.  8-9.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Plate  XLV,  from  Edinburgh,  may  be  selected  to  illustrate  the  transition  from  the 
neolithic  bowl  to  the  food-vessel  type  A,  which  is  rare  in  Scotland  but  plentiful 
in  Ireland.  All  the  types  of  food-vessel  are  stated  to  be  broadly  contemporary,  bnt 
the  evolution  of  several  forms  from  type  A  seems  fairly  evident.  This  development 
need  not  have  occupied  much  time  ;  indeed,  Mr.  Abercromby  assigns  both  beaker 
and  food-vessel  to  six  centuries,  2000-1400  B.C.,  while  the  first  type  of  cinerary  urn 
began  before  1400,  and  the  urns  as  a  class  occupy  no  less  than  ten  centuries,  which 
seems  a  too  liberal  allowance. 

The  ethnological  side  is  not  neglected,  though  at  present  it  is  unwise  to  draw 
any  but  the  most  general  conclusions.  In  spite  of  the  philologists  the  author  dates 
the  first  Celtic  invasion  and  the  consequent  introduction  of  the  beaker  about  2000  B.C. 
The  brachycephalic  strangers  are  supposed  to  have  had  blonde  and  brown  hair,  and 
to  have  come  from  some  region  north  of  the  Alps,  not  so  far  north  as  Denmark,  and 
east  of  the  Rhine.  They  are  described  as  a  branch  of  the  Alpine  race  speaking  an 
Aryan  language  ;  but  this  is  dangerous  ground,  and  the  verdict  of  the  grave-goods, 
ceramic  and  otherwise,  is  not  conclusive  on  these  points.  An  invasion  of  south 
Britain,  the  effects  of  which  are  not  traceable  north  of  the  Thames,  is  also  assigned 
to  Bronze  Age  IV,  but  the  reader  should  be  .warned  that  this  period  is  not  that  of 
Professor  Montelius  (1400-1150  B.C.),  but,  according  to  the  author's  own  adaptation 
of  that  system,  about  900-650  B.C.  "  Small  invasions  or.  immigrations  may  have  taken 
"  place  in  the  last  few  centuries  of  the  Bronze  Age,  when  objects  of  the  Hallstatt 
"  period  were  introduced,  which  have  left  no  trace  as  regards  pottery."  Whether 
objects  of  the  Hallstatt  period  imply  a  Hallstatt  period  in  Britain  the  author  does 
not  decide,  but  as  he  brings  the  cinerary  urn  down  at  least  to  400  B.C.,  it  may  be 
assumed  that  for  him  our  Early  Iron  Age  coincides  with  the  period  of  La  Tene. 
That  this  is  the  ordinary  view  may  be  admitted,  but  more  and  more  Hallstatt 
specimens  are  being  found  and  recognised  in  Britain,  and  the  excavation  of  Hengistbury 
Head  near  Bournemouth  has  revealed  a  quantity  of  pottery  that  seems  to  be  allied 
to  the  Lausitz  series  and  referable  to  the  Hallstatt  period.  In  fact,  the  author 
regards  the  globular  cinerary  urn  as  an  offshoot  of  the  Lausitz  group  of  central 
Europe,  and  notices  details  reminiscent  of  other  forms  best  exemplified  in  Saxony. 
As  the  globular  urn  is  a  southern  form,  we  may  here  recognise  the  settlement  of 
"  new  tribes,  perhaps  about  700  B.C.,  who  introduced  a  new  form  of  entrenchment 
"  (nearly  square)  and  brought  novel  forms  of  pottery  with  them.  They  appear  to 
"  have  been  a  poor  people  taking  refuge  in  Britain  .  .  .  and  were  likely  enough 
"  akin  to  the  Gauls  of  a  later  period,  but  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  they 
"  ever  conquered  Britain  or  ever  extended  north  of  the  Thames  valley." 

Many  tables  of  finds  and  inventories  of  the  leading  types  imply  a  vast  amount 
of  research,  and  will  be  of  permanent  value  to  the  student";  but  here  and  there 
irrelevant  matter  is  introduced  that  may  impair  the  author's  authority  with  those  who 
cannot  easily  distinguish  fact  from  theory.  In  volumes  so  loaded  with  references  a 
few  misprints  will  be  readily  pardoned  ;  but  the  index,  which  is  generally  a  leading 
feature  of  our  archreological  works,  is  hardly  adequate,  and  the  reader  who  does  not 
take  the  precaution  of  grouping  the  various  types  for  himself,  ;nay  easily  lose  his 
way  among  the  illustrations,  which  are,  however,  admirable  reproductions  and  con- 
stitute a  museum  in  themselves.  R.  A.  S. 


Anthropology.  Marett. 

Anthropology.       By  R.  R.  Marett,  M.A.       London  :  Williams    and    Norgate.     Q 

Is.  net.  .  U 

This  is  a  delightful  book — delightful,  because  it  fully  covers    the  subject  it  sets 

out  to  discuss — but  its  title  might  rather  have  been  "  An  Introduction  to  the  Science 

"  of  Anthropology  "  for  such  it  is.     It  touches  the  whole  vast  fabric  of  the  science, 

[     14    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  9. 

indicativi'ly.  suggestively,  and  herein  is  the  rareness  of  its  quality.  Even  in  these 
days  it  is  not  common  to  find  a  specialist  who  does  not  attempt  to  fit  his  facts  to  hi> 
theory,  but  here  we  have  an  author  who,  in  every  sentence,  makes  it  clear  that  he 
carries  an  open  mind.  In  his  eyes  dogmatism  is  always  a  danger.  He  has  no  illusion-. 
yet  he  treats  all  things  with  reverence  ;  for  what  illumination  even  their  negative  -idc 
may  throw  on  the  general  topic  it  is  refreshing  to  thus  come  across  a  writer  who 
sees  things  in  perspective,  who  is  ready  everywhere  to  make  the  reader  feel  that  there 
may  be  surer  ground  than  the  position  now  occupied  ;  in  a  word,  that  anthropology  is 
essentially  a  progressive  science. 

The  key-note  of  this  book  is  that  "there  shall  not  be  one  kind  of  history  for 
"  savages  and  another  for  ourselves,  but  the  same  kind  of  history,  with  the  same 
"  evolutionary  principle  running  right  through  it,  for  all  men,  civilised  and  savage, 
"  present  and  past."  In  a  word,  anthropology  is  a  specialisation  on  man  in  the 
'•  larger  particular  group  of  living  beings."  Man  is  not  a  thing  apart  in  nature,  and 
all  that  pertains  to  him  can  only  be  adequately  comprehended  when  the  relations  of 
the  whole  are  taken  into  review  together. 

Thus  it  is  that  the  science  of  anthropology  must  draw  from  many  sciences,  and 
an  education  in  it,  to  .be  complete,  must  include  all  those  which  have  any  bearing 
on  the  history  of  our  earth  and  the  environmental  factors,  physical,  moral,  or  social, 
affecting  human  existence.  .  '*  The  administrator  Avho  rules  over  savages  is  almost 
'*  invariably  quite  well-meaning,  but  not  seldom  utterly  ignorant  of  native  customs 
"  and  beliefs.  So,  in  many  cases,  is  the  missionary,  another  type  of  person  of 
"  authority,  whose  intentions  are  of  the  best,  but  whose  methods  too  often  leave 
"  much  to  be  desired.  .  .  .  Scientific  insight  into  the  conditions  of  the  practical 
"  problem  will  alone  suffice."  Nevertheless  there  is  hope  that  "in  the  days  to  come 
"  .  .  anthropological  science  may  indirectly,  though  none  the  less  effectively, 

"  subserve  an  art  of  political  and  religious  healing.  '  The  history  of  religion,' 

*'  once  exclaimed  Dr.  Fraser,  '  is  a  long  attempt  to  reconcile  old  custom  with  new 
44  '  reason,  to  find  a  sound  theory  for  an  absurd  practice.'  .  .  .  The  religious. 
"  man  has  to  be  a  man  of  the  world,  a  man  of  the  wider  world,  an  anthropologist/' 
This  wide  and  truly  scientific  outlook  must  apply  to  everyone  who  presumes  to 
intervene  in  the  social  and  physical  aspects  of  man's  environment.  "  The  moral  of 
"  it  all  is  to  encourage  anthropologists  to  press  forward  with  their  study 
"  and,  in  the  meantime,  to  do  nothing  rash." 

Yet  the  writer  is  no  bald  materialist,  for  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  the  full  meaning 
"  of  life  can  never  be  expressed  in  terms  of  its  material  conditions.  I  confess  that  I 
"  am  not  deeply  moved  when  Ratzel  announces  that  man  is  a  piece  of  the  earth. 
"  Or,  when  his  admirers,  anxious  to  improve  on  this,  after  distinguishing  the  atmo- 
"  sphere  or  air,  the  hydrosphere  or  water,  the  lithosphere  or  crust,  and  the  centro- 
"  sphere  or  interior  mass,  proceed  to  add  that  man  is  the  most  active  portion  of  an 
"  intermittent  biosphere,  or  living  envelope  of  our  planet,  I  cannot  feel  that  the  last 
"  word  has  been  said  about  him.  .  .  .  Let  the  anthropologist  beware  of  theories, 
*'  lest  .  .  .  among  them  ...  he  put  all  his  eggs  into  one  basket.  .  .  . 
"  Let  him  give  each  factor  in  the  problem  its  due." 

How  broad  'is  the  outlook  of  this  book,  and  how  little  the  author  allows  himself 
to  be  bound  by  theories,  is  shown  by  the  following.  "  Human  history  reveals  itself  as 
"  a  bewildering  series  of  interpenetrations.  What  excites  these  movements  ?  Geo- 
"  graphical  causes,  say  the  theorists  of  one  idea.  No  doubt  man  moves  forward 
"  partly  because  Nature  kicks  him  behind.  But,  in  the  first  place,  some  types  of 
"  animal  life  go  forward  under  pressure  from  Nature,  while  others  lie  down  and  die. 
"  In  the  second  place,  man  has  an  accumulative  faculty,  a  social  memory,  whereby 
"  he  is  able  to  carry  on  to  the  conquest  of  a  new  environment  whatever  has  served 

[     15     ] 


Nos.  9-10.]  MAN.  [1913. 

"  him  in  the  old.  But  this  is,  as  it  were,  to  compound  environments,  a  process 
"  that  ends  by  making  the  environment  co-extensive  with  the  world.  Intelligent 
"  assimilation  of  the  new  by  means  of  the  old  breaks  down  the  provincial  barriers 
"  one  by  one,  until  man,  the  cosmopolitan  animal  by  reason  of  his  hereditary  con- 
"  stitution,  develops  a  cosmopolitan  culture  ;  at  first  almost  unconsciously,  but  later 
"  on  with  self-conscious  intent,  because  he  is  no  longer  content  to  live,  but  insists  on 
"  living  well."  Unlike  the  other  animals  we  are  not  led  on  by  a  "force  of  heredity 
"  which  is  blind.  .  .  .  Corporately  and  individually  we  fight  our  environment 
"  with  eyes  that  see  in  the  light  of  experience." 

All  that  concerns  the  higher  expression  of  man,  his  social  organisations,  with 
their  privileges  and  restrictions,  his  codes  of  morality  and  rewards  and  punishments, 
his  religious  outlook,  each  in  its  way  a  subject  for  special  study,  are  collectively 
part  and  parcel  of  the  wider"  science  of  anthropology.  To  detach  any  of  them  and 
treat  it  as  a  thing  apart  is  incompatible  with  a  correct  understanding  of  man  himself. 
And  if  this  be  so,  how  essential  is  it  that  all  who  set  up  as  law  makers  and  directors 
in  any  one  of  these  spheres  should  themselves  be  masters  of  the  principles  of  anthro- 
pology ;  for  in  man's  life,  as  in  all  nature,  everything  is  at  once  consequent  and 
antecedent.  ARTHUR  R.  VYADDELL. 


Egyptology.  Blackmail. 

Service  des  Antiquites  de  VEgypte  :  Les  Temples  Immerges  de  la  Nubie  ;  The  4  A 
Temple  of  Dendur.  By  Aylward  M.  Blackman.  Size  13|  X  9|  inches.  Pp.114,  IU 
Plates  CXX,  and  a  coloured  frontispiece.  Le  Caire  :  Impr.  de  1'Inst.,  Franc.,  1911. 

This  handsome  volume,  in  which  both  the  text  and  the  illustrations  are  by 
Mr.  Blackman,  is  one  of  a  special  series  brought  out  by  the  Department  of  Antiquities 
in  Egypt.  The  studies  comprised  in  that  series  are  devoted  to  the  description  of 
temples  a  little  south  of  Aswan,  which  are  threatened  by  the  raising  of  the  great 
dam.  They  are  too  technical  to  appeal  to  the  general  reader,  or  even  perhaps  to 
the  general  archaeologist,  but  those  who  are  professed  students  of  Egyptology  will 
be  grateful  for  the  closeness  and  accuracy  of  the  records. 

Mr.  Blackman,  the  recently  appointed  Laycock  student  at  Worcester  College, 
Oxford,  has  produced  a  book  which  will  add  to  his  rising  reputation.  It  is  a  very 
faithful  and  conscientious  study  of  a  temple  built  in  the  reign  of  Augustus  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Nile,  eleven  miles  south  of  Kalabsheh.  The  site  has  been  visited 
by  every  traveller  from  the  days  of  Champollion  onwards,  and  a  certain  number  of 
views  and  scenes  were  published  by  Rosellini,  Lepsius,  and  others,  but  no  complete 
description  has  been  attempted  before.  This  is  the  more  unfortunate  as  the  buildings 
have  been  rapidly  deteriorating,  and  are  much  less  perfect  than  ten  years  ago.  The 
Government  has  now  executed  such  repairs  as  seemed  necessary,  and  the  book  now 
under  review  will  place  the  sculptures  and  inscriptions  on  permanent  record. 

Mr.  Blackman  follows  a  rigorously  scientific  method,  taking  each  stone  of  the 
building  in  order,  describing  the  scenes  and  personages,  and  reproducing  the  texts 
in  the  accepted  form  of  conventionalised  hieroglyphic.  Whenever  the  subject  allows 
it  is  illustrated  by  a  photograph,  and  the  series  of  120  collotype  plates  is  fully  up 
to  the  average  of  such  work  in  quality.  On  the  exactness  of  the  transcriptions 
depends  the  chief  value  of  all  accounts  of  Egyptian  monuments.  Even  the  greatest 
of  philologists  have  made  many  errors,  and  the  difficulty  of  conjecturing  the  original 
letter  which  once  stood  upon  a  blurred  and  defaced  stone  is  often  very  great.  But 
those  who  know  Mr.  Blackmail's  training  and  experience,  and  those  who,  like  the 
present  reviewer,  have  seen  him  at  work  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  library,  will  be 
confident  that  his  copies  will  stand  the  test  of  rigorous  examination. 

D.    RANDALL-MACIVER. 
Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  B. 


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1913.]  MAN.  [No.  11. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
India.  [With  Plate  B.]  Dames:  Joyce. 

Note  on  a  Gandhara   Relief  representing  the   Story  of  King  Sivi.     44 

By  M.  Longworth  Dames  and   T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A. 

The  accompanying  plate,  B,  illustrates  a  steatite  relief,  in  typical  Gandhara 
style,  which  is  of  particular  interest  on  account  both  of  its  high  artistic  quality 
and  of  the  subject  which  it  represents.  The  relief,  which  is  now  in  the  British 
Museum,  was  obtained  in  the  Swat  Valley  in  north-western  India,  and  shows  a  group 
of  six  figures  arranged  as  follows.  On  the  left,  on  a  throne  under  a  canopy,  is 
seated  a  king  ;  his  eyes  are  half-closed,  his  features  drawn  with  pain,  and  his  head 
droops  forward  as  if  he  were  about  to  faint.  His  left  hand  rests  on  the  shoulders 
of  a  woman,  who  leans  towards  him  with  one  arm  outstretched  in  a  gesture  of  tender 
solicitude,  and  whose  whole  attitude  reflects  the  pity  and  grief  shown  upon  her 
features.  Before  the  royal  footstool  kneels  a  man  with  a  knife,  who  is  engaged  in 
cutting  off  a  portion  of  flesh  from  the  king's  left  leg  ;  and  behind  him,  to  the  right, 
stands  a  well-executed  figure  of  a  man  holding  a  bismar.  Immediately  to  the  right 
of  the  last  is  a  dignified  individual  holding  a  vajra,  and  distinguished  by  a  headdres-s 
of  peculiar  shape  arid  a  nimbus  ;  this  figure  is  easily  recognisable  as  Indra  (the  Sakka 
of  the  Jataka).  The  sixth  figure  is  also  furnished  with  a  nimbus,  and  is  perhaps  some 
divine  attendant  upon  Indra.  Finally,  close  by  the  leg  of  the  king's  throne  is  a  pigeon, 
while  the  space  between  the  heads  of  the  balance-holder  and  the  female  figure  respec- 
tively is  occupied  by  the  mutilated  figure  of  what  must  have  been  a  flying  bird. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  workmanship,  the  relief  belongs  to  the  best  class  of 
Gandhara  sculpture  ;  the  grouping  is  well  arranged,  and  the  individual,  figures  are 
dignified  and  graceful,  that  of  the  woman  expressing  a  pathos  which  is  not  common 
in  Oriental  works  of  art. 

The    subject  is  evidently  taken    from  the  story   of    King  Sivi,  which    is    told  in 
the  Mahabharata,  book  III,  chapter    197.       One  day   the    Celestials    resolved   to  test 
the  virtue  of  King  Sivi ;  accordingly  Agni  assumed   the  shape    of  a  pigeoa,  and  fled 
before   Indra,  who  pursued   him    in    the  form    of    a  hawk.     The .  pigeon    took    refuge 
in  the  Jap  of    the  king,  who    is  mentioned    as   being    seated    upon  a  costly  seat,  and 
begged    for  protection,    enforcing    its    claim    by    the  statement    that    it    was    a    Rishi, 
learned  in  the  Veda,  and  of  blameless  life,  who  had  taken  the  form,  of  a  bird.     The 
demand  of  the  hawk  is  couched  in  fewer  words.     "  O  king,  it  is  not  proper  for  you 
"  to  interfere  with   my   food   by   protecting  this    pigeon  !  "     The  answer  of  the  king 
is  given  at  length,  and   consists   chiefly  of  an   enumeration  of  the  penalties  which  the 
Celestials  inflict  upon    him  "  who  gives  up  a  frightened    creature    seeking   protection 
"  of   its  enemies."     Finally  he  offers    the    hawk  a  bull  cooked  with  rice    in  place  of 
the  pigeon.     The  hawk  replies  :  "0  king,  I  do  not  ask  for  a  bull  or  any  other  meat 
"  more    than   what  is  in    this  pigeon.     He  is  my  food    to-day  ordained  by  the  gods. 
"  Therefore  give  him  up  to  me."     The  king  still  refuses,  and  offers  to  do  whatever 
the    hawk   bids   him  as  a  ransom  for    the    pigeon.     The    hawk  then  demands  a  piece 
of  flesh  from   the  king's  leg    equal    in  weight   to  his  quarry.      Sivi    cuts  off  a    piece 
from    his    right    leg,    but    the    pigeon    proves    the    heavier ;    he    cuts   off  piece    after 
piece    from   other    portions    of    his    body,    but    without   result,  until,  finally,    he    gets 
bodily  into    the  scale.      Upon    this  the    hawk    disappears,  and    the    pigeon,  revealing 
himself  as  Agni,  praises  the  king  and  promises  various  rewards  for  his  virtue. 

This,  evidently,  is  the  story  pictured  on  the  relief,  which  thus  possesses  the 
additional  interest  of  being,  apparently,  the  only  known  Gandhara  representation  of 
this  legend.* 

*  See  Foucber,  IS  Art  Greco-Houddhiqve,  p.  270.  "Nous  nc  connaissons  pas  de  version 
"  gandharienne  du  charitable  exploit  clu  roi  Qivi,  Icjuel  racheta  au  poids  dc  sa  propre  chair  une 
"  colombe  a  1'dpervier." 

•\     17     1 


No.  11.]  MAN.  [1913. 

The  same  scene  is  depicted  upon  one  of  the  sculptures  from  the  Amarawati  tope 
(British  Museum),  but  the  details  differ,  in  so  far  as  the  king  is  shown  with  a  sword, 
operating  upon  himself.  An  interesting  feature  of  the  Gandhara  relief  is  the  bismar, 
held  by  the  central  figure,  which  corresponds  very  closely  to  the  Madrasi  specimen 
figured  by  Ling  Roth  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  Vol.  XLII, 
p.  223,  a  similar  bismar  appears  in  the  Amaravati  sculpture. 

The  story  of  Sivi  is  undoubtedly  of  early  origin  ;  the  king's  offer  to  kill  a  bull  as 
ransom  for  the  pigeon  would  seem  to  relate  it  to  pre-Buddhist  Hinduism,  and  it  must 
have  been  adopted  by  the  Buddhists,  who  saw  in  King  Sivi  a  previous  incarnation 
of  the  Buddha. 

The  story  must  have  been  a  well-known  Jataka,  but  does  not  appear  in  the 
collection  translated  in  the  Cambridge  Jataka  by  Cowell  and  Rouse  from  the  text 
edited  by  Fausboll.  No.  499  in  that  series  bears  the  title  of  Sivi-Jataka  and  refers 
to  the  self-sacrifice  of  the  same  King  Sivi,  who  gave  his  eyes  to  a  blind  Brahman, 
and  expresses  also  his  willingness  to  give  his  flesh  if  required.  It  appears  to  be 
of  great  antiquity,  for  it  is  the  second  in  the  list  of  thirty-four  original  Jatakas 
mentioned  by  Taranatha  and  alluded  to  by  Hemachandra  (see  S.  d' Oldenburg  in 
Journ.  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  1893,  pp.  307-309).  The  same  King  Fivi  plays  a  part  in 
other  Jatakas,  and  his  grandson  is  the  hero  of  the  Visvantara  or  Vessantara  Jataka, 
which  often  figures  in  Buddhist  art. 

The  story  of  King  Sivi  and  the  hawk  and  pigeon  is  told  in  detail  in  a  translation 
from  a  Chinese  version  (see  Abstract  of  Four  Lectures,  by  S.  Beal  :  Triibner  &  Co., 
1882).  In  this  version  the  gods  who  intervene  are  Sakra  (Indra)  and  Viswakarman, 
the  Artificer  or  HephaBstus  of  Indian  mythology,  and  the  women  of  the  palace  are 
represented  as  endeavouring  to  dissuade  the  king  from  his  purpose.  See  also  references 
in  Beal's  Buddhist  Records  of  the  Western  World,  I,  125,  Note  20  :  Triibner,  1884. 
In  the  same  work,  Vol.  I,  pp.  cvi,  cvii  (under  the  Travels  of  Sung-yun,  another 
Chinese  pilgrim,  200  years  or  more  before  Hiouen  Thsang),  the  same  story  is  found 
located  near  Peshawar.  "  Seven  days'  journey  thence  the  pilgrims  arrived  at  the 
"  place  where  Sivika-raja  delivered  the  dove."  The  figures  of  birds  in  Plate  XLV,  7T 
Bharhut  Stupa,  seem  to  refer  to  the  pigeon  and  crow  in  Jataka  42,  and  not  to  the 
legend  under  consideration. 

The  Chinese  pilgrim  Hiouen  Thsang  in  the  seventh  century  travelled  through 
Udyana,  that  is  the  modern  Swat,  and  there  found  a  stupa  built  by  King  Asoka  to 
commemorate  the  rescue  of  a  pigeon  from  a  hawk  by  the  Bodhisattva,  who,  as  King 
Sivika,  cut  flesh  from  his  body  to  take  the  place  of  the  pigeon  (Stanislas  Julien, 
Voyages  des  Pelerins  Bouddhistes,  Vol.  I,  p.  137).  It  seems  probable  that  the  stupa 
from  which  this  relii  f  comes  may  be  that  visited  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  and  its 
discovery  may  perhaps  in  the  near  future  be  effected  by  the  Archaeological  Survey  of 
the  Frontier  Circle,  now  under  the  direction  of  Sir  Aurel  Stein. 

The  story,  it  will  be  seen,  was  localised  in  Udyana,  nevertheless  it  is  quite 
possible  that  the  original  country  of  Sivi  (which  apparently  gave  its  name  to  the 
king)  was  really  situated  elsewhere,  and  one  is  tempted  to  suggest  its  identity  with 
the  modern  Sibi  or  Sevi  at  the  foot  of  the  Bolan  Pass,  and  with  the  block  of 
mountainous  country  between  the  Indus  and  the  Bolan,  which  was  known  till  modern 
times  as  Sivistan.  At  the  foot  of  the  mountain  wall,  where  the  plateau  country 
falls  towards  the  Indus,  is  the  celebrated  shrine  of  Sakhi  Sarwar,  now  a  Musalman 
saint,  but  venerated  also  by  Hindus.  The  shrine  is  associated  with  the  veneration 
of  'AH,  and  many  of  the  stories  told  of  him  are  of  a  markedly  Buddhist  type.  The 
founder  was  a  blind  beggar  to  whom  'Ali  presented  a  whole  string  of  camels  because 
the  bread  for  which  he  asked  was  packed  in  a  bale  on  one  of  the  camels  near  the 
centre.  This  strongly  resembles  the  Vessantara  or  Vivvantara  Jataka.  But  still  more 

[  18  ] 


1913.]  MAN  [Nos.  11-12. 

remarkable  is  the  survival  of  the  story  of  the  hawk  and  pigeon.  I  took  it  dowu  in 
Balochi  verse  in  1884,  and  a  translation  of  it  has  been  published  recently.*  It  is  as 
follows  : — 

A  hawk  and  a  harmless  pigeon  struggling  together  fell  into  the  King's  lap,  and 
the  hawk  first  prayed  for  his  help,  saying,  "  Hail  to  thee,  'Ali,  King  of  Men,  thou 
"  art  certainly  the  lord  of  our  faith.  I  left  my  hungry  brood  on  the  bank  of  the 
"  Seven  Streams  on  a  deep-rooted  tree,  and  have  come  swooping  round  that  I  may 
4i  find  somewhere  some  kind  of  game  to  take  to  my  ravenous  young  ones.  Thou 
"  knowest  all  ;  take  not  from  me  what  I  have  hunted  and  caught."  Then  the 
pigeon  made  his  petition.  "  Hail  to  thee,  'Ali,  King  of  Men,  thou  art  the  guardian 
"  of  our  faith.  This  is  my  tale  :  I  left  my  hungry  little  ones  on  the  slopes  of  Mount 
"  Bambor,  and  came  here  to  pick  up  some  grains  of  corn  to  carry  to  my  starving 
"  children.  1  have  been  seized  by  this  cruel  hawk  who  has  taken  me  to  tear  me 
u  open.  Now  give  me  not  to  this  ravenous  hawk,  for  thou  knowest  all  that  has 
"  happened." 

He  called  his  slave  and  said,  "  Kambar,  bring  me  my  knife."  He  laid  his  hand 
upon  his  thigh.  "Come,  hawk,  I  will  give  thee  some  flesh."  Then  he  cut  out  as 
much  of  his  own  flesh  as  was  equal  to  the  weight  of  the  pigeon,  and  even  a  little 
more.  The  harmless  pigeon  began  to  weep,  "  He  is  not  a  hawk,  nor  am  I  a  pigeon  ; 
"  we  are  both  angels  of  God  whom  he  has  sent  to  try  thee,  and  well  hast  thou 
"  endured  the  test." 

This  story  is  identical  with  that  preserved  in  the  Mahabharata,  although  perhaps 
the  simplicity  of  the  modern  Baloch  bard  is  more  effective  than  the  spun-out  disquisi- 
tions of  the  classical  poet.  In  the  Amarawati  sculpturef  two  or  three  episodes  in 
the  story  are  represented,  the  pigeon  in  one  is  seen  fluttering  into  the  King's  lap, 
and  in  another  he  is  cutting  his  thigh  with  his  sword.  In  the  last  tableaux  the 
two  appear  in  human  form  before  the  King,  and  it  would  seem  that  in  the  Jataka 
version  both  the  hawk  and  pigeon  resumed  their  original  forms,  and  not  only  one  of 
them  as  in  the  Mahabharata  form  of  the  story.  So  also  in  the  Balochi  poem  both  are 
declared  to  be  angels  sent  to  test  the  saint. 

The  story  then,  originally  Hindu,  is  seen  to  have  been  adopted  first  by  the 
Buddhists  and  then  by  the  Mohammedans.  Is  it  possible  that  it  went  further,  and, 
after  being  carried,  like  so  many  other  Oriental  legends,  to  Europe,  furnished  the 
root  idea  for  "  The  Merchant  of  Venice  "  ?  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 

T.  A.  JOYCE. 

England  :  Archaeology.  Crawford :  Keith. 

Description  of  Vase  found  on  Nunwell  Down,  Isle  of  Wight.        />'//     IO 

0.  G.  S.  Crawford.  With  a  Report  on  the  Associated  Cranium  and  Femur  by  Ifc 
Arthur  Keith,  M.D.,  Conservator  of  Museum,  Royal  College  of  Surgeons,  England. 
The  skull  and  other  bones  and  the  urn  described  below  belonged  to  the  old 
Isle  of  Wight  Museum,  which  has  recently  been  incorporated  with  the  museum  at 
Carisbrooke  Castle.  When  at  Newport  the  relics  were  contained  in  a  small  glass 
cabinet,  the  key  of  which  had  been  lost.  This  was  perhaps  fortunate,  as  the  specimens 
were  preserved  from  harm  in  it,  with  their  labels.  Besides  the  urn  and  bones,  the 
case  contained  the  following  objects  : — Several  flint  "  flakes,"  one  found  close  to 
the  skull  ;  a  round  shore-pebble,  and  a  natural  flint  of  much  the  same  size  (these 
are  said  to  have  been  "  placed  on  either  side  of  the  skeleton  ")  ;  and  an  oval-shaped 
"  hammerstone  "  of  gritty  rock,  probably  greensand.  The  description  on  the  label  is 
as  follows: — "The  contents  of  a  grave  from  an  ancient  British  barrow  on  Nunwell 

*  Popular  Poetry  of  the  Baloches.     By  M.  Longworth  Dames.     London,  1907. 
f  B.  M.  Ferguson's  Tree  and  Serpent  Wornhip.     PI. 
[     19    1 


No.  12.]  MAN.  [1913. 

"  Down,  near  Brading,  I.W.,  opened  November  28th,  1881,  by  Captain  J.  Thorp,  and 
"  presented  by  him  to  this  museum,  May  15th,  1885.  ...  No  remnant  of  metal 
u  was  found  in  the  grave.  .  .  .  About  100  tons  of  flints  were  heaped  over 
"  this  grave."  Mr.  Hubert  Poole,  of  Shanklin,  has  kindly  sent  me  an  extract  from 
The  Antiquary,  Vol.  V  (1882),  p.  119,  which  describes  the  opening  of  the  barrow. 
I  quote  it  nearly  in  full. 

"On  the  Middle  West  Down,  beyond  Nunwell,  Isle  of  Wight,  facing  the  north 
and  east,  by  kind  permission  from  Lady  Oglander,  the  owner  of  the  estate,  I  removed 
about  15  inches  of  earth  from  the  present  surface,  on  a  spot  I  had  previously  marked, 
feeling  convinced,  from  its  peculiar  shape  (once,  no  doubt,  an  extensive  mound  or 
tumulus,  but  now  flattened),  and  its  faint  outline  of  mixed  chalk,  forming  a  large 
circle,  barely  perceptible  to  the  ordinary  observer,  on  the  ground  ploughed  up  for 
cultivation,  that  something  worthy  of  investigation  lay  hidden. 

"  By  compass  I  trenched  the  north,  south,  east,  and  west,  when  I  quickly  came 
upon  a  most  compact  body  of  flints,  so  placed  that  when  the  whole  surface  was 
uncovered,  it  bore  the  exact  shape  of  a  large  mushroom,  for  upon  examination  I 
found  it  equal  on  all  sides,  from  the  apex  to  the  outside  of  the  circle,  well  pot 
together  ;  in  fact,  like  a  solid  paved  causeway,  measuring  in  diameter  22^  feet,  andi 
nearly  3  feet  2  inches  in  depth  in  the  centre  of  the  flints,  measuring  down  to  12  inches. 
Under  this  extraordinary  mass  of  flints,  and  exactly  in  the  centre  of  the  circle,  there 
was  a  round  stone  (not  flint),  as  if  placed  to  mark  the  centre,  and  act  as  a  guide 
round  which  the  flints  were  to  be  placed  to  form  a  proper  arch.  Close  to  this  stone 
was  an  urn  or  '  passing  cup,'  with  two  handles  placed  horizontally,  the  hole  in  each 
handle  being  so  small  as  to  suggest  that  it  was  intended  to  pass  a  string  through 
for  suspension.  It  only  contained  earth  and  a  few  chips  of  flint,  and  stood  upright, 
and  is  5|  inches  high  and  8  inches  in  diameter,  apparently  of  unbaked  clay,  with  very 
rude  diamond-shaped  markings  scratched  on  its  outer  surface.  On  the  left  side  of 
this  cup  I  found  a  human  skull,  the  jaw  and  splendid  teeth  of  which  touched  the 
rim  of  the  cup,  and  on  the  right  side  of  the  skull,  above  the  ear,  a  wedge-shaped 
hole,  2  inches  long,  and  nearly  half  an  inch  wide,  cleanly  cut  in  the  bone,  as  if  by 
a  sharp  weapon. 

"  Upon  further  removing  the  earth,  I  laid  bare  the  skeleton  of  a  well-grown 
man,  apparently  more  than  6  feet  high,  and  buried  in  a  sitting  position.  Most  of 
the  ribs  and  other  small  bones,  together  with  a  portion  of  the  jaw,  had  crumbled 
away,  the  body  being  so  placed  and  doubled  up  as  to  bring  the  knees  level  with 
the  chest.  .  .  .  Close  under  the  jaws  I  found  a  flint  flake,  corresponding  with 
the  shape  of  the  hole  in  the  skull,  and  which,  I  consider,  might  have  caused  the 
death  wound,  having,  as  it  were,  fallen  out  of  the  skull  as  the  body  mouldered  away. 
The  skeleton  lay  or  sat  east  and  west.  I  could  not  discover  any  remnant  of  metal 
of  any  description.  On  either  side  of  the  skeleton  were  two  smooth  stones,  the  size 
and  shape  of  an  egg,  one  a  flint  and  the  other  a  shore  pebble." — J.  THORP. 

I  am  not  inclined  to  place  much  confidence  in  the  speculations  of  the  author 
and  they  do  not  appear  to  be  verified  by  expert  investigations  ;  but  the  account  of 
the  excavation  seems  accurate  and  reliable.  The  flints  may  or  may  not  have  been 
used  as  implements.  The  oval  "  hammerstone  "  was  very  probably  used  for  some 
purpose. 

The  dimensions  of  the  urn  are  as  follows  : — Height,  148  mm.  ;  width  of  rim, 
205  mm. ;  width  of  base,  90  mm. ;  thickness,  8  mm.  It  is  made  of  fine  clay,  baked 
hard,  and  with  very  little  flint  grit  ;  it  is  of  a  reddish-brown  colour  and  slightly 
burnished  ;  where  broken  the  edges  are  black.  It  is  ornamented  with  a  line-pattern 
made  by  a  sharp  instrument.  The  ornament  (whose  general  arrangement  can  be  seen 
in  the  accompanying  illustration)  runs  diagonally  in  bands  of  fourteen  or  fifteen 

[  20  ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  12. 


roughly  parallel  Hues  set  close  together  ;  the  average  width  of  each  band  is  ahoiu 
25  mm.  Round  the  rim  and  just  below  it  runs  a  band  (about  15  mm.  wide)  of  five 
or  six  parallel  Hues  crossed  diagonally  by  shorter  ones.  Just  below  the  rim  are  two 
"  lugs "  set  side  by  side  and  nearly  touching ;  they  are  each  pierced  horizontally 
with  a  small  hole  just  wide  enough  to  admit  a  lead  pencil.  They  are  scored  on  the 
outside  with  diagonal  grooves.  They  can  have  served  no  useful  purpose. 

I  have  been  unable  to  discover,  either  here  or  on  the  Continent,  any  urn  exactly 
resembling  this  specimen.  In  the  British  Isles  I  know  of  none  even  remotely 
resembling  it,  nor  does  Mr.  Abercromby,  who  has  seen  a  photograph  of  it.  It  is  not, 
of  course,  a  cinerary  urn,  but  neither  does  it  belong  to  any  type  of  beaker  or  food- 
vessel.  Sir  Arthur  Evans  has  seen  the  urn  and  does  not  know  of  any  similar 
specimen.  Thinking  that  it  might  belong  to  one  of  the  numerous  types  of  German 
pottery  I  sent  a  photograph  to  Profesor  Giitze,  of  Grosslichterfeldt,  and  the  following 
is  a  copy  of  his  reply  :  "  An  absolutely  identical  vase  from  the  neolithic  period  in 
*'  Germany  is  unknown  to  me.  But  the  ornament  is  similar  to  that  on  a  neolithic 
*'  beaker  from  the  district  of  Aurich,  now  in  the  Provincial  Museum,  Hanover. 
*4  The  same  ornament  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
"  occurs  at  any  rate 
"  also  in  Great  Britain 
"  on  vases  Avhich  are 
<;  related  to  the  neo- 
"  lithic  wares  of  the 
"  Continent,  but  placed 
"  by  Mr.  Abercromby 
*'  in  the  Bronze  Age. 
"  A  similar  form,  but 
"  without  a  handle 
"  and  with  different 
"  ornament,  I  have 
"  figured  in  The  Vases, 
"  Forms  and  Orna- 
"  ment  of  the  Neo- 
"  lithic  Cord-decorated 
*'  Ware  in  the  Basin 
*'  of  the  Saale,  Plate  I, 
"  Fig.  28.  The  provenance  is  Schneidlingen.  district  of  Aschersleben.  The  vase 
*'  is  now  in  the  Provincial  Museum,  Halle." 

From  this  it  is  clear  that  both  the  ornament  and  shape  of  the  Nunwell  vase 
are  known  in  Central  Germany,  though  not  found  associated  in  any  individual 
specimen.  Both,  however,  are  sufficiently  peculiar  to  justify  the  expectation  of 
a  cultural  connection,  and  it  would  seem  that  we  must  look  to  Central  Germany  for 
tbe  most  nearly  allied  culture.  The  roughness  with  which  the  ornament  is  imposed 
and  the  slightly  abnormal  features  of  the  vase  are  just  what  we  should  expect  in 
an  object  made  in  a  strange  country  by  an  immigrant  people  who  have  not  yet 
forgotten  their  native  arts  and  crafts. 

This  hypothesis  is  confirmed  by  Professor  Keith's  account  of  the  skull  and 
femur  which  were  found  in  the  same  grave  as  the  vase.  They  are  those  of  an 
individual  typical  of  the  "Bronze  Age  race,"  which  appears  to  have  brought 
with  it  into  England  and  Scotland  the  class  of  ceramic  known  as  "beakers"  or 
"drinking  cups."  In  a  number  of  cases  in  England  skeletons  of  this  race  have 
been  found  associated  with  beakers.  1  do  not  know  whether  the  characteristics 
of  the  race  which  is  associated  with  similar  beakers  in  Germany  have  been  in- 

t    21     ] 


NUNWELL   VASE. 


No.  12.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


-  «0 


vestigated,  but  if  so  they  will  probably  be  found  to  agree  with  those  of  our  "  Bronze 
Age  "  type. 

The  Isle  of  Wight  lies  athwart  the  path  of  every  invader  of  Wessex.  Almost 
visible  from  the  south  (St.  Catherine's  Head  is  less  than  60  miles  from  Cherbourg), 
it  has  from  the  earliest  times  been  /oo 

in  close  touch  with  France.  It  is, 
however,  from  the  east  that  most 
invasions  have  come.  Coasting 
along  the  inhospitable  shores  of 
Sussex  but  few  harbours  would 
attract  the  invader  until  he  reached 
the  sheltered  waters  of  Spithead, 
and  there  the  first  haven  to  con-  'vL 
front  him  would  be  that  of  Brading, 
where  he  could  sail  right  up  to 
the  chalk  slopes  upon  its  southern 
margin.  No  doubt  subsequent 
crews  landed  in  the  harbours 
further  •  west,  •  both  on  the  island 
and  on  the  nla'iuland.  History 
repeats  -  itself  when  viewed  geo-  • 
graphically  ;  the  Jutes  followed  -in 
the  wake  of  their  Bronze  Age 
predecessors.  The  Isle  of  Wight 
has  aptly  been  called  "the  door-  *IG-  1- 

mat  of  Wessex,"  for  we  can  detect  upon  its  shores  the  footprints  of  many  peoples. 

REPORT  ON  THE  ASSOCIATED  CRANIUM  AND  FEMUR.     By  Professor  Keith. 

"A    brachycephalic  skull  typical  of  the  Bronze    Period.       Of   a  strong  muscular 

man,  aged    about    forty,  and  5  feet  7  inches    in    height  (1,670  mm.).       The    age    is 

estimated  chiefly  from  the  degree  to  which  the  teeth  are  worn  ;  the  dentine  is  partly 

exposed    on    the  chewing  surfaces    of    the    first    molars,  the    last   molars  are    slightly 

worn.  The  condition  of  the  teeth 
thus  indicates  a  man  of  about 
thirty,  but  the  condition  of  the 
sutures  indicates  an  older  man. 
The  chief  sutures  are  obliterated 
on  their  internal  aspect  ;  the 
sagittal  suture  is  almost  closed  on 
its  outer  aspect ;  the  coronal  can. 
be  traced,  while  the  lambdoid 
is  still  open.  The  sutures  and 
general  condition  of  the  skull 
suggests  that  the  man  was  over 
forty  at  death.  The  height  is 
estimated  from  the  femur,  which 
had  a  height,  in  the  standing 
posture,  of  456  mm. 

"The  general  features  of  the  skull  are  accurately  shown  in  the  figures  1,  2,  3,. 
so  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  give  a  lengthy  description. 

"The  maximum  length  of  the  skull  from  glabella  to  occiput  is  179  mm.;  the 
prominent  supraciliary  ridges  project  3  mm.  in  front  of  the  glabella.  The  maximum 

[     22    ] 


*0 


FIG.  2. 


1913,] 


MAN. 


[No.  12. 


width  of  the  skull,  estimated  by  doubling  the  diameter  of  the  right  side,  for  the 
left  is  defective,  is  146  mm.  ;  the  cephalic  index  (proportion  of  width  to  length) 
is  81*6,  brachycephalic.  The  supra-auricular  height  is  115  mm.,  rather  a  moderate 
amount. 

"The  forehead  is  marked  by  extremely  prominent  supraciliary  and  supra-orbital 
ridges,  the  supraciliary  and  supra-orbital  elements  being  partly  fused.  The  forehead 
is  wide,  the  minimum  frontal  diameter  being  104  mm.  ;  the  width,  at  the  upper 
margin  of  the  orbits,  110  mm.  The  frontal  air-sinuses  are  of  small  size — 15  mm. 
in  height,  15  mm.  in  width,  and  10  mm.  from  back  to  front.  On  the  inner  aspect 
of  the  frontal  bone  is  a  descending  median  crest  of  bone,  8  mm.  in  height.  On 
the  upper  part  of  the  forehead  the  frontal  bone  is  only  6-5  mm.  in  thickness,  towards 
the  bregma  8  mm.,  but  at  the  glabella,  from  the  cribriform  plate  to  the  glabella,  it 
is  24  mm. — a  high  measurement. 

"  The  face  is  strongly  formed,  being  long  and  of  rather  more  than  moderate 
width,  with  wide,  strongly-marked  angles  to  the  jaws,  and  wide,  square,  prominent 
chin.  The  length  of  the  face  from 
nasion  to  incisor  point  (upper  face 
length)  is  70  mm.  ;  from  nasion  to 
lower  border  of  chin  (lower  face  length), 
123  mm.  The  facial  width  (bizygo- 
matic),  130  mm.  In  life  he  would 
certainly  have  passed  as  a  strikingly 
handsome  man. 

"  I  have  accurate  drawings  of  the 
lower  jaw,  but  it  is  unnecessary  to  publish 
these  as  the  mandible  is  characteristic 
of  the  Bronze  Age  people.  The  width 
at  the  angles  is  100  mm.  ;  between  the 
outer  ends  of  the  condyles,  126  mm.  Its 
height  at  the  symphysis  is  32  mm.,  its 
thickness  there  16  mm.  In  conformity 
with  the  long  face,  the  ascending  ramus 
of  the  jaw  is  high — 72  mm. 

"  The  palate  is  regularly  formed, 
its  width  between  the  second  molars  being 
68  mm.  (a  wide  palate)  ;  its  length  is  only  46  mm.  The  first  upper  molar  measures 
10* 5  by  1 1  mm.,  the  second  10  by  11  mm.  On  one  side  no  third  molar  or  wisdom 
tooth  has  been  developed  ;  on  the  other  side  this  tooth  has  been  lost  before  death. 
There  is  no  evidence  of  dental  disease,  all  the  teeth  being  sound. 

"  The  neck  was  thick  and  strong  and  well  hafted  to  the  skull.  The  bi-mastoid 
width  of  the  neck  was  126  mm.  ;  its  front-to-back  thickness,  measured  from  inion  to 
a  point  between  the  anterior  borders  of  the  mastoid  processes,  73  mm. 

44  If  a  tracing  of  this  skull  be  superimposed  on  a  long-headed  type  of  skull,  so 
that  ear-hole  falls  on  ear-hole,  the  outstanding  differences  between  the  short  and  long- 
headed people  will  be  realised.  In  the  short-headed  people  the  skull  has  been 
flattened  posteriorly,  and  it  seems  as  if  the  brains  had  been  pressed  to  an  undue 
extent  into  the  pre-auricular  part  of  the  skull. 

"  The  femur  shows  all  the  characteristics  of  the  Bronze  Age  type.  The  shaft 
is  twisted  ;  the  upper  end  of  the  shaft  flattened  from  back  to  front ;  the  lower 
extremity  in  proportion  to  the  shaft  ;  very  wide."  O.  G.  S.  CRAWFORD. 

A.  KEITH,  M.D. 


}£  N  AT 


FIG.  3. 


[    23 


Nos.  13-14.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Borneo  and  Java.  Beech. 

Note  on  the  Natives  of  the  Eastern  Portion  of  Borneo  and  Java.     40 

By  Mervyn   W.  H.  Beech,  M.A.  10 

In  Volume  XLII  (January  to  June)  of  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Anthropological 
Institute  there  is  an  article  by  Mr.  T.  R.  H.  Garrett  on  "  The  Natives  of  the  Eastern 
Portion  of  Borneo  and  Java." 

Two  of  the  tribes  he  deals  with  are  termed  "  Orang  Tarakan "  (people  of 
Tarakan)  and  "  Oraug  Bulongan"  (people  of  Bulongan).  These  peoples  are  the  two 
main  branches  of  Tidong  and  form  the  subject  matter  of  my  small  work  The  Tidong 
Dialects  of  Borneo  (Clarendon  Press,  1908).  The  statistics  given  by  Mr.  Garrett  are 
a  valuable  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Tidongs,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that 
I  am  pointing  out  the  connection  which  otherwise  is  not  apparent. 

In  estimating  the  total  number  of  the  "  Orang  Tarakan  "  at  about  300  Mr.  Garrett 
is  not  quite  correct.  In  addition  to  those  still  living  on  Tarakan  island  there  are  at 
least  1,000  more  in  British  North  Borneo.  I  was  in  charge  of  the  district  of  Tawao 
for  over  two  years,  and  there  were  at  that  time  resident  there  about  600  "  Orang 
Tarakan,"  notably  at  Semdong,  Kalabakang,  and  Apas.  There  is,  again,  a  large  settle- 
ment on  the  Labak  river,  also  in  British  territory.  Others  are  to  be  found  on  the 
rivers  Simbakong  and  Sibuku,  and  on  the  island  of  Nonockau  within  Dutch  territory. 

MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH. 


Africa,  East.  Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).     By   Captain   W.  E.  Barrett.  4  J 

THE  BEAUTIFUL  MAIDEX,  THE  DWARF,  AND  THE  FEATHER. 

Once  upon  a  time  there  lived  a  maiden,  by  name  Wanjirn,  who  was  so  beautiful 
that  nearly  every  man  who  saw  her  wished  to  possess  her.  Many  men  asked  her 
to  marry  them,  but  to  each  one  she  replied,  "  If  you  can  prove  to  me  that  yon  are 
"  a  brave  man  I  will  marry  you  ;  but  first  you  must  travel  to  a  far-distant  country, 
"  where  there  is  a  lake,  and  in  this  lake  there  grows  a  large  feather  ;  the  day  you 
"  bring  me  this  feather  I  will  marry  you."  Everyone  of  these  men  had  been  afraid 
to  undertake  this  journey,  as  they  said  it  was  too  dangerous,  until  one  day  a  dwarf 
came  and  asked  her  for  her  hand.  This  man  was  so  hideous  that  he  was  called 
Hiti  (hyaena).  To  Hit!  she  made  the  same  answer  as  she  had  given  to  all  the 
others.  When  he  heard  what  she  had  to  say,  Hiti  replied,  "  The  way  is  far,  and 
"  the  dangers  from  wild  animals  and  savages  will  be  great,  but  I  am  so  inadly  in 
"  love  with  you  that  I  will  get  you  the  feather  you  desire  or  die  in  the  attempt." 
When  all  the  other  men  heard  that  he  intended  to  try  and  obtain  the  feather  they 
laughed  at  him,  saying,  "  How  will  you,  who  are  a  hideous  dwarf,  succeed  in  getting 
"  this  feather  when  we,  who  are  all  fine  warriors,  are  afraid  to  make  the  journey." 
Hiti,  however,  took  no  notice  of  them,  but  went  to  his  hut.  That  night  he  cooked 
a  lot  of  food,  and  made  other  preparations  for  the  journey.  The  next  morning, 
having  said  good-bye  to  his  relations,  he  set  out  amidst  the  jeers  of  his  rivals. 

After  travelling  for  a  year,  and  having  passed  through  many  adventures,  he  at 
length  came  to  a  huge  lake  full  of  crocodiles  and  snakes,  and  in  the  centre  he  saw 
the  feather  he  had  come  to  seek  ;  he  sat  down  near  by  and  ate  some  food.  Haying 
satisfied  his  hunger  he  beseeched  Ngai  (God)  to  help  him,  and  fearlessly  entered 
the  water.  After  wading  in  it  a  long  time,  he  reached  the  feather,  which  after  many 
attempts  he  succeeded  in  pulling  up  from  the  bed  of  the  lake.  As  soon  as  he  had 
done  this,  the  water  began  to  rush  into  the  hole  he  had  made,  and  in  a  short  while 
disappeared.  Leaving  the  feather  lying  on  the  ground  he  went  back  to  his  camp, 
where  he  slept  that  night.  The  next  morning  he  returned,  and  lifting  it  on  to  bis 

[  24  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  14-15. 

shoulder  started  towards  his  village.  It  was  so  heavy  that  it  took  him  two  years 
to  carry  it  home.  When  his  relations  saw  him  they  were  delighted,  and  rejoiced 
greatly,  as  they  had  never  expected  to  see  him  again.  The  morning  after  his 
arrival  he  carried  the  feather  to  Wanjiru,  and  presented  it  to  her,  at  the  same  time 
reminding  her  of  her  promise.  She  replied,  "  You  are  the  bravest  among  men,  arid 
*'  have  succeeded  in  doing  what  others  were  afraid  even  to  attempt.  I  am  proud 
**  to  accept  you  as  my  husband."  A  few  days  afterwards  they  were  married  amidst 
much  rejoicing.  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT. 


REVIEWS. 
Religion.  Frazer. 

Spirits  of  the  Corn  and  of  the  Wild.  By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  1C 
Litt.D.  Two  vols.  London:  Macinillan,  1912.  lU 

The  new  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough  grows  apace.  The  last  part  reviewed 
in  these  pages  was  The  Dying  God.  Adonis,  Attis,  Osiris,  the  next  in  order,  had 
been  published  in  1906.  It  was,  as  its  title  intimates,  an  expansion  of  the  fourth, 
fifth,  and  sixth  sections  of  the  third  chapter  of  the  second  edition,  amounting  to  a 
re-writing  of  those  sections.  The  two  new  volumes  represent  the  remainder  of  the 
third  chapter  and  second  volume  of  that  edition.  The  greater  part  of  them  is  occupied 
with  agricultural  rites  ;  but  with  the  corn-spirit  conceived  as  an  animal  the  author 
passes  to  the  more  general  discussion  of  the  propitiation  of  wild  animals  and  other 
relations  of  mankind  to  them. 

Having  in  Adonis  considered  the  divinities  of  the  Near  East,  Professor  Frazer 
turns  to  Dionysus  and  Demeter,  He  carefully  traces  their  legends  and  rites  over  the 
Greek  world.  The  additional  evidence  abundantly  confirms  his  previous  conclusions 
as  to  their  real  character ;  and  he  adduces  reasons  for  holding  that  Dionysus  was 
originally  "  a  deity  of  agriculture  and  the  corn,"  or  "  of  fertility  in  general,  animal  as 
•"  well  as  vegetable."  In  the  case  of  Demeter,  a  difficulty  as  to  the  date  of  the 
offering  of  first-fruits  arises  upon  the  seventh  idyl  of  Theocritus.  The  poet  describes 
it  as  taking  place  in  the  island  of  Cos  on  an  autumnal  day.  Professor  Frazer  suggests 
that  it  was  performed  immediately  before  the  ploughing,  and  in  view  of  the  renewed 
agricultural  operations  suspended  during  summer.  Greek  gratitude  may  have  been 
emphatically  a  sense  of  favours  to  come.  But  a  festival  of  first-fruits  implies  that  the 
harvested  grain  has  not  hitherto  been  utilised.  The  first-fruits  are  literally  offered 
to  the  god.  In  an  earlier  state  of  society,  as  the  author  points  out,  the  crop  is  often 
looked  upon  as  itself  an  uncanny  being,  mysterious,  sacred,  that  requires  desacralising  ; 
though  it  is  perhaps  going  too  far  to  describe  it  as  a  divinity.  Hence  a  solemn 
ceremonial  meal  —  a  sacrament  —  is  necessary,  sometimes  partaken  of  by  the  whole 
community,  sometimes  by  the  chief  or  the  priest  as  its  representative.  Whatever  form 
it  may  take,  this  ceremony  it  is  that  liberates  the  bulk  of  the  crop  for  the  use  of 
mankind.  Can  we  really  suppose  that  the  Greeks  forbore  to  eat  of  the  new  harvest 
(which  was  doubtless  reaped  then  as  now  in  April  and  May)  until  September  or 
October  ?  Of  .course,  if  Demeter  were  identified,  as  Dr.  Frazer  suggests,  with  the 
seed-corn,  and  Persephone  with  the  ripe  ears,  the  first-fruits  may  have  been  offered  to 
the  latter  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  harvest,  and  a  further  ceremony  addressed  to 
Demeter  may  have  taken  place  before  the  ploughing.  Indeed  we  know  that  such  a 
ceremony  called  expressly  Proerosia,  was  held  at  Eleusis,  and  that  the  Sicilians 
celebrated  the  maiden  when  the  corn  was  ripe  and  Demeter  at  the  time  of  sowing. 
It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  the  festival  described  by  Theocritus  was  not  strictly  a 
feast  of  first-fruits,  but  that  the  tribute  of  first-fruits  from  far  countries  to  Eleusis  in 
view  of  the  Proerosia  had  influenced  its  character,  even  in  the  island  of  Cos,  by  the 

[  25  ] 


No.  15.]  MAN.  [1913. 

time  of  Theocritus.  At  any  rate  there  is  something  to  be  explained,  and  the  meagreness 
of  our  information  does  not  enable  us  to  do  so  at  present. 

Coming  to  the  modern  harvest  customs  iu  the  west  of  Europe,  may  I  first  of  all 
suggest  that  the  title,  de  greaule  meaur,  conferred  at  Unna  in  Westphalia  on  the  last 
sheaf,  is  the  dialect  form  of  die  grosse  Mutter,  or  die  Grossmutter,  not  the  Grey 
Mother?  This  would  account  for  the  /,  and  would  bring  the  name  into  line  with 
others  noted  by  Mannhardt.  On  looking  at  Mannhardt's  Forschungen,  p.  319,  I  see 
that  he  does  in  fact  so  interpret  the  expression.  Professor  Frazer  has  doubtless 
overlooked  the  passage.  Another  point,  but  again  a  very  small  one,  is  that  Knhn,  who 
reports  it,  limits  the  custom  to  the  rye  harvest. 

The  best  corn  in  Kent  was  (according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Walter, 
Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  given  to  Brand)  made  up  into  a  figure 
called,  somewhat  strangely,  the  Ivy  Girl.  It  was  brought  home  with  the  last  load 
of  corn  ;  but  Dr.  Frazer  does  not  tell  us  what  was  done  with  it.  Another  passage 
in  Brand  seems  to  throw  some  light  on  the  question.  Under  the  head  of  "  Shrove 
Tuesday"  a  communication  to  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  dated  iu  1779,  is  quoted, 
in  which  the  writer,  a  lady,  says:  "Being  on  a  visit  on  Tuesday  [Shrove  Tuesday] 
"  in  a  little  obscure  village  in  this  county  [east  Kent],  I  found  an  odd  kind  of  sport 
"  going  forward  ;  the  girls  from  eighteen  to  five  or  six  years  old  were  assembled  in  a 
"  crowd,  and  burning  an  uncouth  effigy,  which  they  called  a  Holly  Boy,  and  which, 
"  it  seems  they  had  stolen  from  the  boys,  who  in  another  part  of  the  village  were 
"  assembled  together  and  burning  what  they  called  an  Ivy  Girl,  which  they  had  stolen 
"  from  the  girls.  All  this  ceremony  was  accompanied  with  loud  huzzas,  noise  and 
"  acclamations.  What  it  all  means  I  cannot  tell,  although  I  inquired  of  several  of 
"  the  oldest  people  in  the  place,  who  could  only  answer  that  it  had  always  been  a 
"  sport  at  this  season  of  the  year."  Evidently  the  custom  was  in  a  late  stage  of 
decay.  But  assuming  the  Ivy  Girl  to  be  identical  with  the  best  sheaf  at  Harvest 
Home,  as  seems  probable,  we  have  another  illustration  to  add  to  Professor  Frazer's 
list  of  the  close  connection  between  the  agricultural  rites  of  autumn  and  spring.  It 
is  interesting  that  the  sheaf  is  neither  given  to  the  cattle,  nor  its  seeds  mixed  with 
the  sowing  corn,  but  it  is  burnt.  Has  the  ceremony  been  contaminated  with  that  of 
carrying  out  Death  ?  The  old  witch  is  burnt  in  the  East  Riding,  but  that  rite  is 
performed  on  the  last  day  of  harvest.  To  discuss  the  questions  that  arise  on 
consideration  of  this  Kentish  rite  would,  however,  take  too  much  space  to  be 
attempted  here. 

In  enumerating  the  marks  of  a  primitive  ritual  in  harvest  customs  the  author 
includes  as  one  of  them  that  "spirits,  not  gods,  are  recognised."  The  paragraphs  of 
enumeration  are  taken  from  the  second  edition,  and  I  regret  he  has  not  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  to  reconsider  the  wording  at  least  of  this  item.  Nowhere, 
I  think,  is  the  corn-maiden,  or  whatever  it  may  be  called,  and  whether  male  or 
female,  whether  in  human  or  animal  form,  spoken  of  by  the  peasant  as  a  spirit. 
The  peasant  is  probably  by  no  means  clear  in  his  own  mind  what  it  is,  even  where 
he  really  believes  in  its  objective  existence.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore, 
if  we  are  at  some  loss  for  a  term  for  it.  It  may  be  convenient  to  generalise  it 
under  the  term  spirit.  But  I  venture  to  think  we  should  never  lose  sight  of  the  fact 
that  this  cannot  be  asserted  to  be  the  peasant's  view.  Here  it  would  have  been  quite 
sufficient  to  lay  down  the  negative  proposition  that  the  corn-maiden  and  similar 
beings  of  the  popular  imagination  are  not  gods,  without  going  on  to  say  what  they 
are,  especially  as  the  definition  of  a  spirit  given  in  the  text  lies  open  to  one  or 
two  objections.  When  Professor  Frazer  comes  to  write  that  further  work  on  Com- 
parative Religion,  which  he  has  promised,  and  to  which  he  alludes  in  the  preface 
to  these  volumes,  he  may  have  to  find  a  new  definition  not  entirely  compatible 

[  26  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No§  15. 

with  the  one  here  given.  It  is  clear,  too,  that  if  he  be  right  in  his  main  conten- 
tion, the  heings  in  question  may  become  gods,  a  possibility  not  alluded  to  in  this 
paragraph,  and  this  possibility  may  further  affect  the  definition  of  a  spirit. 

He  is  a  little  exercised  to  account  for  the  double  personification  of  the  corn  as 
Demeter  and  Persephone.  But  if  once  the  corn  (or  barley)  be  regarded  as  a  corn- 
mother,  as  the  name  of  Demeter  would  seem  to  show,  is  not  a  corn-child  suggested 
by  antithesis  ?  One  would  think  it  inevitable.  The  puzzle,  indeed,  is  rather  why  the 
personification  was  not  oftener  double.  It  is  quite  certain  that  the  process  would 
have  been  accelerated,  though  perhaps  not  (as  Dr.  Frazer  thinks)  caused,  by  the 
growth  of  anthropomorphism.  Here  and  elsewhere  he  is,  I  submit,  hardly  enough 
inclined  to  allow  for  the  vagueness  and  fluidity  of  savage  ideas.  There  is  but  little 
correlation  in  this  respect  between  belief  and  ritual.  The  latter  is  often  fully 
developed,  and  comparatively  permanent,  while  the  former  is  uncertain  and  even 
contradictory.  The  theory  of  the  growth  of  story  out  of  rite  is  built  upon  this 
proposition. 

All  this  part  of  the  subject  is  closed  by  a  masterly  summary  of  the  analogies 
between  the  savage  rites  and  those  of  the  European  peasantry,  taken  with  a  few 
additions  from  the  second  edition.  Dr.  Fra/er's  method  has  often  been  criticised. 
There  may  be — there  is — force  in  the  contention  of  the  new  German  anthropological 
school  that,  until  you  know  the  culture  of  any  area  or  people  from  top  to  bottom, 
you  cannot  be  quite  sure  that  you  interpret  a  given  rite  correctly.  The  point  cannot 
be  discussed  now.  But  at  least  we  may  say  that  when  an  interpretation  is  founded 
on  an  induction  so  wide  as  Dr.  Frazer's,  there  is  a  presumption  of  its  accuracy. 
Moreover,  he  has  not  been  insensible  of  the  necessity  of  showing  the  relations  between 
culture  and  rite,  and  of  putting  the  reader  in  a  position  to  judge  of  the  interpretation 
proposed.  In  Adonis  he  brought  before  us  with  singular  vividness  the  civilisation 
and  environment  of  the  peoples  with  which  he  was  dealing.  He  was  enabled  to  do  so 
because  he  was  chiefly  concerned  with  historical  investigations,  and  he  dealt  with 
a  very  few  examples.  In  these  volumes  it  has  been  different  ;  he  has  thrown  his 
net  widely.  Even  here,  however,  he  has  been  anxious  to  give  us  the  whole  of  the 
evidence,  and  generally  the  very  words  of  his  authorities.  It  is  doubtful  whether  he 
has  not  been  too  liberal  in  his  quotations  and  in  his  digressions.  The  danger  is  lest 
his  readers  should  not  see  the  wood  for  the  trees.  The  summaries  from  time  to  time 
do  something  to  avert  that  danger.  Nor  can  he  be  fairly  accused  of  shirking  the 
weak  points  of  his  evidence,  or  of  slurring  over  its  occasional  slenderness. 

Leaving  anthropomorphic  representations  of  the  corn-spirit,  the  discussion  pro- 
ceeds to  the  lower  animals.  First,  they  are  treated  as  representations  of  the  corn-spirit, 
or  the  spirit  of  vegetation  in  general.  I  am  doubtful,  in  spite  of  the  name  Bouphonia, 
whether  the  ox  offered  at  that  festival  can  be  shown  to  have  been  slain  in  such  a 
capacity.  The  choice  of  the  animal  to  be  sacrificed  fell  on  that  one  out  of  the  herd, 
which,  when  driven  round  the  altar  of  Zeus  Polieus,  ate  the  barley  and  wheat 
previously  laid  before  the  god.  Was  this  anything  more  than  an  ordinary  case  of 
divination  which  animal  would  be  acceptable? 

The  ceremonial  connected  with  first-fruits  is  then  considered,  both  sacrament 
and  sacrifice.  Afterwards,  with  an  interesting  chapter  on  killing  the  divine  animal 
we  approach  the  general  subject  of  the  relations  between  men  and  the  lower  animals, 
including  their  propitiation,  the  transmigration  of  souls,  and  types  of  animal  sacrament. 
Is  Professor  Frazer  correct  in  construing  a  verse  of  the  prophet  Habbakuk  to  mean 
that  the  Hebrew  fisherman  sacrificed  to  his  net  ?  The  passage  in  which  it  occurs 
is,  at  least  in  our  translation,  obscure  and  confused  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  the 
imagery  is  taken  from  a  Chaldean,  not  from  a  Hebrew,  custom.  The  prohibition  to 
break  the  bones  of  animals  killed  for  sacrifice  or  food  is  illustrated  by  custom  and 

r  27  ] 


Nos.  15-16.]  MAN.  [1913. 

also  by  story.  Among  the  stories  we  miss  that  of  Thor,  who  on  a  journey  slew  one 
night  for  food  the  goats  that  drew  his  chariot,  and  commanded  his  host,  a  peasant, 
to  put  the  bones  together  in  the  goat-skins.  But  the  peasant's  son  broke  one  of  the 
bones  to  get  at  the  marrow  ;  and  in  the  morning,  when  Thor  by  means  of  his  hammer, 
Mjolnir,  restored  the  goats  to  life,  one  of  them  limped.  The  god  was  wroth,  divining 
what  had  been  done,  and  was  only  mollified  by  compensation  in  the  persons  of  the 
countryman's  son  and  daughter,  who  became  his  slaves.  This  tale,  exhibiting  as  it 
does  the  god's  anger  for  the  trespass  and  the  compensation  exacted,  would  have 
been  even  more  to  the  point  than  those  to  which  reference  is  actually  made.  The 
singing  rite  performed  by  Kaffir  girls,  as  related  by  Mr.  Kidd,  does  not  seem  to  be 
in  honour  of  the  insect  pests  of  the  fields,  but  an  appeal  to  ancestors  for  aid  against 
them.  It  would  have  been  well  to  note,  in  describing  the  Toda  sacrament  from 
Marshall,  that  Dr.  Rivers  did  not  find  a  trace  of  it,  and  so  far  as  this  negative 
evidence  goes  the  ceremony  requires  confirmation.  In  the  Bulgarian  carnival  rites 
mentioned,  Vol.  II,  p.  332,  it  may  be  suggested  that  the  dressing  up  by  youths  as 
girls  and  by  girls  as  youths,  and  the  striking  of  passers-by  with  clubs  by  certain  of 
the  masqueraders  are  fertility  charms  not  intended  to  influence  the  ground,  but 
the  persons  themselves.  There  is  another  rite  mentioned  in  Dr.  Frazer's  authority, 
but  the  mention  of  which  he  has  not  reproduced,  namely,  that  on  the  Monday 
("  Cheese-Monday  ")  marriageable  girls  do  not  dare  to  allow  themselves  to  be  seen 
alone  in  the  street,  for  the  Kukeri  (pi.  of  Kuker)  are  going  round  individually  armed 
with  hooked  sticks  called  Kliink,  with  which  they  strike  any  girl  they  meet  (Arch. 
Religionswiss.  xi,  409).  Mannhardt  has  collected  many  similar  instances,  and  there^ 
can  be  little  doubt  the  interpretation  is  the  same.  Similarly  the  belief  in  several 
cases  referred  to  in  the  first  volume,  that  the  person  who  takes  a  certain  part  in  the 
harvest  ceremonies  will  soon  be  married,  seems  really  to  mean  that  she  (or  he)  will 
soon  be  blessed  with  children,  and  is  perhaps  a  case  of  a  fertility  charm  degenerating 
in.to  augury.  Compare  with  this  belief  the  rites  at  prehistoric  rude  stone  monuments, 
especially  in  France,  performed  indiscriminately  by  women  who  wish  for  children  and 
by  girls  who  desire  husbands  ;  and  the  carnival  custom  of  playing  at  football,  the 
married  on  one  side  and  the  single  on  the  other,  in  which  the  victory  of  the  married 
is  prearranged. 

I  will  only  add  to  these  observations,  for  the  length  of  which  I  apologize,  that, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  Prof.  Frazer's  position  with  regard  to  the  origin  and  content 
of  religion  has  been  so  often  misunderstood,  the  disclaimer  in  the  preface  is  timely. 
Religion  has,  and  has  always  had,  other  sources  than  anxiety  about  the  food  supply  ; 
and  important  as  are  the  rites  concerned  with  food,  there  are  others  equally  important. 
The  study  of  them  will  perhaps  take  us  still  deeper  down  into  the  hidden  springs 
of  human  belief  and  action.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


British  Archaeology.  Johnson. 

Byways  in  British  Archaeology.  By  Walter  Johnson,  F.G.S.  Cambridge  4 fl 
University  Press,  1912.  ID 

Mr.  Walter  Johnson,  an  experienced  archa3ological  writer,  has  given  to  the  world 
a  new  book  on  a  variety  of  old  subjects.  The  529  pages  which  it  contains  are 
occupied  as  follows  : — Churches  on  Pagan  Sites,  100  ;  The  Secular  Uses  of  the  Church 
Fabric,  104  ;  The  Orientation  of  Churches,  38  ;  The  Orientation  of  Graves,  25  ; 
Survivals  in  Burial  Customs,  56  ;  The  Folklore  of  the  Cardinal  Points,  36 ;  The 
Churchyard  Yew,  48;  The  Cult  of  the  Horse,  44;  "The  Labour'd  Ox,"  36; 
Retrospect  7,  Addenda  3,  Index  32. 

It  will  be  seen  that  there  is  ample  room  for  exhaustive  treatment  of  most  of  the 
subjects,  and,  if.  any  of  them  seem  to  the  reader  to  have  been  dealt  with  at  greater 

[  28  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos,  16-17. 

length  than  their  importance  requires,  he  will  at  least  recognise  the  convenience  of 
having  all  the  facts  and  theories  concerning  them  brought  together.  Every  chapter 
is  obviously  the  result  of  much  reading  and  thinking,  as  well  as  of  personal  investi- 
gation, and  the  author's  main  conclusions  will  probably  meet  with  general  assent, 
though  differences  of  opinion  may  arise  concerning  details.  The  following  points, 
for  instance,  occur  to  the  present  writer  : — 

The  author  does  not  make  as  much  of  the  position  of  the  church  at  Stanton 
Drew  as  he  might  ;  Mr.  Dymond's  plan  shows  that  the  chancel  impinges  on  the  line 
between  the  "  cove  "  (which  was  no  part  of  a  stone  ring)  and  the  great  and  north- 
eastern circles,  and,  as  this  was  the  line  of  the  rising  sun,  the  church  was  no  doubt 
intentionally  placed  so  as  to  block  it.  "Cromlech"  is  the  Welsh  and  Irish  name 
for  what  the  French  call  a  "dolmen"  ;  but  the  French,  on  the  other  hand,  use  a  word 
"  cromleac "  to  denote  a  circle,  or,  indeed,  an  enclosure  which  may  not  be  quite 
circular.  This  leads  to  confusion,  and  it  is  better,  therefore,  not  to  use  either 
"  cromlech  "  or  "  cromleac,"  but  to  speak  of  dolmens,  or  circles,  or  other  monuments 
in  unambiguous  language.  The  development  of  the  Irish  round  towers  from  beehive 
huts  seems  rather  open  to  doubt,  as  also  does  the  suggestion  that  churches  were 
built  on  a  larger  scale  in  order  that  they  might  be  used  for  secular  purposes  ;  the 
increase  of  saint-worship,  and  shrines,  and  pilgrims  made  larger  buildings  necessary, 
and,  being  larger,  they  became  more  convenient  for  holding  secular  meetings.  The 
existence  of  a  mounting-block  in  a  convenient  position  by  a  church  door  is  really  not 
evidence  that  the  porch  was  used  as  a  stable.  Finally,  as  to  the  orientation  of  circles 
much  more  might  be  written  by  way  of  supplement  to  Mr.  Johnson's  observations 
than  space  will  permit  on  the  present  occasion.  A.  L.  L. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  NOTE. 

Deputation    on    Indian    Museum.  A~l 

On  December  12th  a  deputation,  promoted  by  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  was  If 
received  at  the  Board  of  Education  by  Mr.  Pease,  President  of  the  Board,  and 
by  Earl  Beauchamp,  First  Commissioner  of  the  Office  of  Works.  The  object  of  the 
deputation  was  to  urge  the  better  housing  of  the  Indian  Museum,  at  present  known 
as  the  Indian  Section  of  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
ask  for  the  appointment  of  an  expert  staff  in  order  that  the  valuable  collections 
may  be  effectively  dealt  with  and  rendered  available  to  students  of  Oriental  art, 
history,  and  ethnography. 

The  deputation  was  introduced  by  Lord  Reay,  President  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  and  the  Society  was  also  represented  by  Sir  Richard  Temple,  Sir  Charles 
Lyall,  Mr.  L.  C.  Hopkins,  Mr.  C.  Otto  Blagden,  Mr.  W.  F.  Amedroz,  the  Right  Hon. 
Ameer  Ali,  Professor  D.  S.  Margoliouth,  Professor  A.  A.  Macdonell,  Dr.  F.  W. 
Thomas,  Librarian,  India  Office,  Mr.  A.  G.  Ellis,  Assistant  Librarian,  India  Office, 
Mr.  R.  Sewell,  Mr.  M.  Longworth  Dames,  H.H.  the  Maharajah  of  Jhalawar,  and 
Miss  C.  Hughes,  secretary.  In  addition  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  many  leading 
societies  and  institutions  were  represented.  The  British  Academy  was  represented 
by  Professor  A.  A.  Macdonell,  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  by  Dr.  Philip  Norman 
(Treasurer),  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  by  Dr.  A.  P.  Maudslay,  the  President, 
Oxford  by  Dr.  D.  G.  Hogarth,  Keeper  of  the  Ashmolean  Museum,  Mr.  H.  Balfour, 
Keeper  of  the  Pitt-Rivers  Museum,  and  Mr.  Vincent  A.  Smith,  Reader  of  Indian 
History  ;  the  Cambridge  Antiquarian  Society  by  Professor  W.  Ridgeway  and  Professor 
Percy  Gardiner,  the  Central  Asian  Society  by  Mr.  E.  R.  P.  Moon,  the  India  Society 
by  Mr.  F.  W.  Rolleston,  the  East  India  Association  by  Col.  C.  E.  Yate,  M.P.,  Sir 
M.  M.  Bhownaggree,  Sir  James  Wilson,  Mr.  R.  V.  Chisholm,  Mr.  J.  W.  Pennington, 

[  29  ] 


No.  17.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Mr.  W.  Coldstream,  and  Dr.  J.  Pollen,  Secretary.  The  India  Office  was  represented 
l>y  the  librarians,  who  are  included  among  the  members  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
given  above.  Other  leading  members  of  the  deputation  were  Sir  John  Jardine,  M.P., 
Col.  T.  H.  Hendley  (late  of  the  Jeypore  Museum),  and  Mr.  Lionel  Gust  (editor  of 
the  "Burlington  Magazine"). 

Lord  Reay,  after  introducing  the  deputation,  pointed  out  that  all  the  facts  had 
beeii  detailed  by  the  deputation  on  the  subject  received  by  Mr.  Runciman,  and  shoved 
clearly  the  necessity  that,  no  further  delay  should  take  place  in  providing  a  building 
which  should  afford  sufficient  space  for  the  classification  and  arrangement  of  the 
collection,  and  a  staff  competent  to  give  information  to  students  such  as  exists  in  Paris, 
Berlin,  and  other  centres.  Although  the  authorities  at  South  Kensington  had  done 
their  best  with  the  limited  means  at  their  disposal  a  building  dedicated  to  India  was 
essential.  The  acquisition  of  the  London  Institution  had  assured  the  foundation  of  an 
institute  for  Oriental  languages,  which  would  attract  to  London  students  of  such 
subjects.  The  museum  would  be  to  a  certain  extent  a  laboratory  of  the  institute, 
and  expert  guidance  for  students  would  be  needed.  India  had  a  right  to  be  represented 
in  London  on  an  adequate  scale,  and  the  honour  of  England  as  the  ruling  power  of 
India  was  at  stake.  We  had  past  omissions  to  redeem,  and  we  should  prevent  Indian 
art  specimens,  which  should  find  a  home  in  London,  from  passing  to  foreign  museums. 
The  Imperial  Institute  was  alluded  to,  and  Lord  Reay  pointed  out  that  India  contributed 
£100,000,  or  a  quarter  of  the  total  cost — a  generous  contribution,  from  which  India  could 
not  be  said  to  have  reaped  a  commensurate  benefit.  India,  after  the  outburst  of  loyalty 
to  the  throne  which  created  such  an  impression,  might  justly  claim  to  have  a  home 
worthy  of  its  splendid  productions. 

Colonel  Hendley  directed  his  remarks  specially  to  the  value  of  expert  assistance 
in  the  Indian  Museum  as  brought  home  to  him  by  his  experience  as  founder  of  the 
Jeypore  Museum  and  organiser  of  exhibitions  and  museums  at  home.  Without  such 
assistance  no  exhibition  or  museum  could  be  successful.  How  serious,  therefore,  was 
the  position  here  at  the  only  Indian  National  Museum  in  London  !  Mr.  Stanley  Clarke's 
services  deserved  unbounded  appreciation,  but  the  work  was  beyond  the  power  of 
any  one  man.  India  presented  as  much  diversity  as  Europe  :  Nepal  and  Delhi,  for 
instance,  were  as  different  as  Scandinavia  and  Spain.  The  task  would  require  the 
services  of  many  experts  with  prolonged  Indian  experience,  yet  there  was  not  on  the 
staff  of  the  museum  one  person  who  had  ever  been  in  India  or  who  spoke  any  of  its 
languages.  Nor  was  the  system  of  arrangement  by  materials  followed  in  South 
South  Kensington  suitable  to  a  museum  dealing  with  India.  In  dealing  with 
collections  illustrating  Indian  religions,  for  instance,  images  of  brass  or  bronze  were 
placed  in  one  part  of  the  galleries  and  others  of  wood  or  stone  in  another.  Muhammadan 
insignia  were  placed  with  brass  vessels  simply  because  they  were  of  metal.  The 
arrangement  was  criticised  in  some  detail,  and  the  urgent  need  of  space  pointed  out, 
and  a  hope  expressed  that  if  the  London  University  found  fresh  quarters  the  room 
occupied  by  it  in  the  Imperial  Institute  might  be  utilised  for  Indian  exhibits. 

Professor  Ridgeway  said  that  the  arrangement  of  every  museum  in  modern  times 
must  be  scientific  if  it  was  to  be  of  any  practical  use,  either  for  the  question  of  races, 
history,  art,  or  for  teaching  purposes.  In  the  case  of  the  Indian  Museum  there  was 
only  one  opinion  among  those  interested  in  scientific  history,  that  it  must  be  ethno- 
graphical. To  arrange  all  the  art  objects,  weapons,  implements,  and  everything 
relating  to  the  vast  medley  of  races  of  India  in  one  section  was  absolutely  destructive 
of  all  scientific  use.  Also  from  an  artistic  point  of  view  to  have  the  products  of  all 
these  races  huddled  together  was  absolutely  useless.  With  such  tremendous  diversity, 
physical  and  psychological,  moral  and  religious,  there  must  be  diversity  in  arts  and 
crafts,  and  classification  must  be  according  to  races  and  regions.  It  had  been  iirged 

[  30  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  17. 

that  the  object  of  the  South  Kensington  and  the  Indian  Museum  was  to  instruct  our 
craftsmen,  and  that  to  do  this  the  products  of  every  land  must  be  placed  together 
according  to  material,  but  to  place  an  eighteenth-century  warming-pan  side  by  side 
with  Indian  Bidri  ware  or  a  French  carved  fan  by  a  Japanese  netsuke  could  do 
nothing  to  raise  the  standard  of  craftsmanship.  He  would  submit  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  this  country  to  have  provision  made  in  the  way  of  building,  and  above  all  by 
expert  officials,  that  this  magnificent  collection  should  be  properly  arranged  and  made 
available  for  students  from  this  country  or  India,  or  foreign  countries. 

Mr.  Balfour  said  that  he  spoke  as  an  anthropologist  and  as  a  member  of  the 
teaching  staff  of  Oxford.  The  material  which  a  properly  equipped  Indian  Museum 
might  afford  would  be  of  the  greatest  value  to  the  student,  the  researcher,  and 
the  Indian  Civil  Servant.  India  alone  might  furnish  material  for  a  text  book  on 
comparative  ethnology.  It  might  be  urged  that  this  was  a  task  for  the  British 
Museum  to  undertake,  but  no  adequate  department  for  the  study  of  Indian  culture 
and  ethnology  had  been  provided  in  the  British  Museum  for  the  very  reason  that 
the  Indian  Museum  could  fulfil  that  particular  function.  He  had  often  heard  foreigners 
comment  on  the  absence  of  such  a  department  in  the  British  Museum,  and  had  always 
replied  that  there  was  an  Indian  Museum  capable  of  taking  the  place  of  any  such 
department.  Nevertheless  the  Indian  Museum  was  not  at  present  fully  adequate  to 
meet  the  requirements  of  the  case,  so  much  so  that  it  had  been  necessary  for  him 
to  urge  his  students  to  go  abroad  to  study  Indian  archaeology  and  ethnology,  and 
to  seek  the  material  for  their  studies  at  Berlin,  Dresden  or  elsewhere.  A  course  of 
anthropology  would  be  of  the  greatest  value  to  Indian  Civil  Service  men,  and  such 
a  course  was  already  insisted  upon  by  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Government.  The  Indian 
Museum  to  hold  its  own  must  progress,  for  there  was  no  place  at  the  present  day 
for  a  museum  that  stagnates. 

Sir  Richard  Temple  said  that  he  had  been  a  member  of  the  former  deputation, 
when  two  things  had  been  asked  for,  one  that  the  Indian  Museum  should  be  main- 
tained intact  and  the  oilier  that  there  should  be  an  improvement  in  the  housing  of 
the  exhibits.  He  would  like  to  thank  the  Board  of  Education  for  having  secured 
the  first  of  these  objects.  What  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  now  wished  to  urge  was 
that  the  collection  must  not  only  be  properly  housed  but  that  there  must  be  a 
competent  staff  to  guide  the  student  to  whom  abstract  study  was  necessary  as  a 
basis  for  practical  work.  The  dependence  of  practical  navigation  on  the  work  of  the 
astronomer  and  the  coinage  of  the  realm  on  that  of  the  mathematician  were  cases 
in  point.  Similarly  the  work  conducted  in  the  "  Indian  Antiquary  "  in  investigating 
the  early  history  and  customs  of  India  had  been  of  the  greatest  value  to  the  Indian 
Government.  And  the  collection  must  be  properly  housed  for  another  reason,  that 
it  would  attract  gifts  from  persons  who  give  them  for  a  definite  object.  For 
himself  he  might  say  that  he  had  given  hundreds  of  objects  to  the  British  Museum 
and  the  museums  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  but  not  to  the  Indian  Museum  because 
there  did  not  appear  to  be  an  adequate  place  for  the  exhibits  nor  an  adequate  staff 
to  look  after  them.  On  these  grounds  he  would  plead  as  earnestly  as  he  could  for 
a  good  Indian  Museum  in  London. 

Dr.  Maudslay  urged  the  desirability  of  ear-marking  the  available  space  in  the 
Imperial  Institute  for  the  Indian  Museum,  and  for  an  ethnographical  museum  of  the 
Empire,  in  case  of  the  University  of  London  moving  from  its  present  quarters.  He 
pointed  to  the  congestion  in  the  British  Museum,  and  added  that  the  ethnographical 
galleries,  which  contained  many  objects  of  Indian  interest,  were  already  overcrowded. 
He  believed  that  the  authorities  of  the  British  Museum  would  be  glad  if  their 
ethnographical  collections  could  be  removed  to  the  Imperial  Institute.  He  had 
himself  spent  many  years  working  at  the  ancient  civilisation  of  America,  and  had 

[  31  ] 


No.  17,]  MAN.  [1913. 

given  the  results  of  his  work  to  the  nation.  He  would  not  go  into  the  history,  but 
would  mention  his  collection  of  casts  was  now  resting  in  the  basement  of  the 
Victoria  and  Albert  Museum  and  was  likely  to  stay  there,  while  Paris  and  New 
York  had  gladly  received  and  exhibited  sets  of  the  same  casts.  It  was  evident 
that  an  Indian  museum  must  be  taken  in  hand  soon.  Time  was  passing,  and 
during  the  next  fifty  or  even  ten  or  twenty  years  most  objects  worth  having  would 
be  already  appropriated,  and  we  should  lose  important  chapters  in  the  history  of 
human  development. 

Colonel  Yate  said  that  he  hoped  no  further  delay  would  occur  in  providing  for 
proper  care  and  arrangement  and  development  of  the  Indian  Museum  collections.  It 
had  come  into  the  nation's  possession  without  any  cost  to  the  nation,  and  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  nation  to  see  that  it  was  fully  utilised*  There  was  undoubtedly  a 
staff  of  experts  in  the  country  perfectly  qualified  to  undertake  the  work. 

Sir  M.  M.  Bhownaggree  said  that  he  knew  that  delay  in  dealing  with  this  subject 
had  been  regarded  in  India  by  persons  not  acquainted  with  administrative  difficulties  as 
indifference  to  the  interests  of  India  ;  but%  without  admitting  the  correctness  of  that 
view,  it  was  certainly  desirable  that  the  prayer  of  the  deputation  should  be  granted. 
He  hoped  with  Colonel  Heudley  that  the  Imperial  Institute  Galleries  might  be 
utilised.  He  had  himself  presented  a  corridor  connecting  the  Imperial  Institute 
Galleries  with  the  Indian  Museum,  but  it  was  still  separated  by  a  wall  from  the 
Indian  Museum.  It  was  possible,  but  perhaps  hardly  desirable,  that  a  contribution 
might  be  obtained  from  the  Indian  revenues. 

The  President  of  the  Board  of  Education,  in  replying,  said  that  he  recognised 
that  his  department  had  been  badly  handicapped  in  dealing  with  two  branches  of  its 
work,  the  Indian  Collections  and  the  Royal  College  of  Art.  Both  required  space, 
and  the  erection  of  the  Science  Museum  made  this  especially  urgent  in  the  case  of 
the  Royal  College  of  Art.  The  only  space  available  in  the  South  Kensington  area, 
i.e.,  the  triangular  space  at  the  south-west  corner  of  the  museum.  This  had  been 
acquired  and  had  been  allotted  by  the  Cabinet  to  the  College  of  Art.  It  had  not 
yet  been  possible  to  come  to  any  decision  as  to  the  Indian  Museum.  Some  changes 
of  property  might  possibly  be  made  in  connection  with  alterations  required  by  the 
College  of  Science,  and  if  the  London  University  should  leave  the  Imperial  Institute, 
the  space  it  occupied  there  might  become  available.  At  present  he  was  unable  to 
commit  his  colleagues  to  any  proposal,  but  the  question  would  come  up  again  as  soon 
as  it  was  decided  whether  the  University  of  London  was  going  to  move.  As  to 
arrangement  of  the  collections,  great  improvement  had  been  made  since  1909  ;  the 
system  of  arrangement  by  materials  was  in  accordance  with  that  followed  in  the  Victoria 
and  Albert  Museum,  which  had  met  with  the  approval  of  the  general  public  and  the 
majority  of  critics.  New  premises  were  undoubtedly  required  as  the  collection  was 
developing  and  had  greatly  increased  since  the  Indian  contribution  of  £10,000  a 
year  ceased.  Better  accommodation  would  undoubtedly  attract  exhibits. 

There  was  undoubtedly  some  force  in  the  point  urged  by  the  deputation  that  we 
should  have  what  he  might  call  "  conspicuous  showmen  with  expert  knowledge  of  the 
exhibits "  appointed  to  rouse  the  interest  of  the  public.  This  was  rather  for  the 
future.  He  wished,  however,  to  impress  upon  the  deputation  that  an  expert  who  had 
great  knowledge  of  Indian  languages  or  hieroglyphic  inscriptions,  or  of  Indian  art, 
need  not  necessarily  be  the  best  custodian  for  exhibits.  When  exhibits  were  once 
properly  arranged  in  cases,  what  was  required  was  a  staff  properly  trained  as  custodians 
of  a  museum.  He  was,  however,  prepared  to  consider  how  the  staff  might  be 
strengthened  so  as  to  popularise  the  museum  further. 

He  and  Lord  Beauchamp  were  agreed  as  to  the  desirability  of  providing  a  museum 
in  which  the  Indian  collection  might  be  satisfactorily  housed.  M.  L.  D. 

Trinted  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  C 


MAN,  1913. 


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1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  18. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Ethnology.  With.  Plate  C.  Edg-e-Partingrton. 

Note    on    certain    Obsolete    Utensils    in    England.       />'//    -I-    Edge-    4 Q 

Partington.  10 

In  MAX,  1911,  36,  I  gave  a  short  description  of  a  few  obsolete  utensils  from 
Wales.  Since  then  I  have  been  able  to  get  together  some  old  English  household 
specimens,  mostly  connected  with  cooking  and  brewing  (Figs.  2  and  3).  By  the 
kindness  of  the  Proprietor  of  The  Studio  I  am  able  to  reproduce  two  plates  showing 


Fio.  1. 

{Reproduced,  by  kind  permission,  from  "  Ttie  Studio"  1906.) 
[    33     ] 


No.  18.]  MAN.;  [1913. 

a  few  specimens  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Digby-Wyatt  (Fig.  1)  and  the  old  room  in 
his  house  at  Westpn-Corbett,  Hants,  where  they  are  preserved  (Plate  C).  (These 
two  plates  appeared  in  the  winter  number  of  The  Studio,  1906,  pp.  42-43.) 

DESCRIPTION  OF  UTENSILS  IN  FIG.  2. 

No.  1.  "Pot-hook"  of  iron  for  regulating  the  height  of  the  pot  or  kettle  when 
cooking.  It  was  hung  suspended  from  the  crane.  Shropshire. 

No.  2.  "Lazy-back"  of  wrought  iron.  This  was  hooked  on  to  the  pothook 
and  held  the  kettle  over  the  fire.  By  means  of  the  lever  the  kettle  could  be  tilted 
for  pouring  without  having  to  lift  it  off  the  hooks.  Shropshire. 

No.  3.  Fork  of  polished  iron  with  engraved  ornament,  for  lifting  meat,  etc., 
from  the  pot.  Worcestershire. 

Nos.  4  and  5.  Meat  skewers  of  polished  iron.     Worcestershire. 

No.  6.  "  Peel "  of  brass,  with  wrought-iron  handle.     Hertfordshire. 

No.  7.  Iron  "  trivet "  for  placing  on  embers,  when  the  fire  was  low,  on  which  to 
stand  the  kettle.  Sussex. 

No.  8.  Brass  "  skillet "  with  iron  band  under  the  projecting  rim,  long  iron 
handle,  on  the  under  side  of  which  is  a  support  to  prevent  tilting.  Shropshire. 

No.  9.  Iron  cheese  "  taster."     Shropshire. 

No.  10.  Iron  hanging  candle  and  rushlight  holder,  with  means  for  regulating 
the  height.  Shropshire. 

These  were  also  used  for  sliding  along  an  iron  rod  fixed  on  the  beam  over  the 
open  fireplace. 

No.  11.  Standard  candlestick  of  iron.  The  stick  slides  up  and  down  the  standard 
which  rests  on  three  feet.  Hitchin,  Herts. 

No.  12.  "Jack-hook"  of  brass  used  in  the  days  of  open  ranges.  From  it  hung 
the  meat-jack.  Shropshire. 

No.  13.  "Meat-jack"  of  brass.  This  contains  clockwork,  by  means  of  which 
the  joint  was  kept  revolving  slowly  before  the  fire.  Shropshire. 

No.   14.  Iron  "meat-hook"  for  attaching  to  the  jack.     Shropshire. 

No.  15.  Brass  "baster"  with  iron  handle.     Hook,  Hants. 

No.   16.  Skewer  rack  of  polished  iron.     Shropshire. 

No.  17.  1  have  included  this  with  the  hopes  that  I  may  find  out  its  use.  It 
is  made  of  a  thin  band  of  iron  to  which  are  attached  at  regular  intervals  eight 
sharp-pointed  hooks.  There  are  two  overarching  bands  of  similar  material  crossing 
one  another  at  right-angles,  through  these,  at  the  point  where  they  cross,  passes  a 
stout  pin  .with  a  circular  ring  on  the  upper  end  for  suspension,  and  from  the  lower 
end  hangs  a  stout  triple  hook. 

I  have  seen  such  depicted  in  old  Dutch  pictures  hanging  from  the  beam  of  the 
living  room. 

No.  18.  Japanned    iron  tobacco    box,  opened    by  dropping    a    coin    through    the 
slit,  and  then  pressing  the  knob,  upon  it  is  the  following  inscription  : — 
"  A  halfpenny  drop  into  the  till, 
Press  down  the  knob  and  you  may  fill. 
When  you  have  filled,  without  delay 
Shut  down  the  lid  or  sixpence  pay." 

Baskingstoke,  Hants. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  SPECIMENS  IN  FIG.  3. 
No.   1.  Sieve  used  in  brewing. 

No.  2.  Sieve  rest  or  "  tongs."     This  held  the  sieve  over  the  brewing  tub. 
No.  3.  Mash  stirrer. 

No.  4.  Plug  of  brewing  tub.     This  stood  upright  in  the  tub. 

[     34     ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


J j) 

QSrtfc-g— T>- .-    ^ 


Nos.  18-19.]  MAN.  [1913. 

No.  5.  Wooden  beer  bowl. 

No.  6.         „         funnel. 

No.  7.         „         beer  cup. 

No.  8.         „  „     tap,  with  screw. 

No.  9.         „  „       „         „     plunger. 

No.  10.  Basketwork  "  wilsh  "  for  fixing  on  tap  on  inside  of  brewing  tub  to  act 
as  a  strainer. 

No.  11.  Faggot  fork. 

No.  12.  Iron-pronged  implement  ("bale")  for  fixing  to  scythe  when  used  for 
cutting  corn. 

No.  13.  Reaping  hook. 

No.   14.  "Flasher"  for  hedging. 

No.   15.  "Bond"  (band)  winder;  for  hay-bands. 

No.  16.  Iron  dibble.  These  were  used  in  pairs  for  sowing  corn,  beans,  etc.  The 
man,  using  them,  walked  backwards  making  the  holes,  followed  by  another  who 
dropped  in  the  seed,  filling  in  the  holes  with  his  feet. 

All  the  above  came  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Covehithe,  Suffolk. 

No.  17.  "Grit-bottle"  for  containing  crushed  sandstone,  applied  to  the  stick  to 
sharpen  scythes  and  hooks.  Anglesey,  North  Wales. 

No.   18.  Horn  for  giving  calves  draughts.     Anglesey,  North  Wales. 

J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. 


Archaeology  :  Prehistoric.  Reid  Moir. 

Flint  Implements  of  Man  from    the  Middle    Glacial    Gravel  and     JQ 
Chalky  Boulder  Clay  of  Suffolk.     By  J.  Reid  Moir.  |J 

During  the  last  seven  years  I  have  been  carefully  examining  the  exposures  of 
middle  glacial  gravel  and  chalky  boulder  clay  in  East  Suffolk,  and  have  been  suc- 
cessful in  finding  a  good  series  of  humanly-worked  flints  in  these  deposits.  The 
specimens  are  very  rare,  but  I  have  now  got  together  sufficient  to  clearly  show  the 
types  of  implements  which  were  made  by  pre-river-drift  man  in  this  neighbourhood. 

1.  The   Implements  from   the  Middle    Glacial    Gravel. — These   are  seen  to  fall 
into   four    well-defined    groups,    distinguished    by   their    form,   flaking,  patination,  and 
mineral  condition.      The  most  weathered  and  oldest-looking  series  approximates  very 
closely  to  the   flaked  stones   found   in    the    plateau-drift    of   Kent ;    the    other  groups 
show  a    gradual  improvement    in  culture,  the    least    ancient-looking    series  exhibiting 
flaking  of  a  high  order  and  little  or  no  weathering. 

As  these  flints  showing  different  colours  occur  in  all  gravel  it  appears  that  they 
acquired  them  at  some  period  prior  to  the  deposition  of  the  gravel. 

If  the  gravel  in  which  they  now  lie  had  stained  them,  it  is  presumed  the  flints 
would  exhibit  a  uniform  colouration. 

The  patination  of  flint  is  supposed  to  take  place  only  when  the  stones  are 
exposed  to  atmospheric  conditions  on  a  land-surface,  and  it  is  suggested  that  the 
middle  glacial  gravel  specimens  were  at  one  time  lying  so  exposed  before  they  were 
deposited  in  the  bed  where  they  are  now  found. 

It  therefore  seems  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  middle  glacial  gravel  is  in 
part  formed  from  a  broken-up  land  surface. 

2.  The    Implements  from    the    Chalky  Boulder   Clay. — These    were    apparently 
made  during  the  period  between  the  deposition  of  the  middle  glacial  gravel  and  the 
boulder  clay.     As  the  specimens  are  generally  unpatinated  and  unrolled  it  seems  that 
they  were  lying  on  a  land  surface    for  only  a  comparatively  short  time  before  beino- 
incorporated  in  the  glacial  clay. 

The  boulder  clay  specimens  are  somewhat  similar  in  form  to  the  later  Moustier 

[    36     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  19-20, 

(palaeolithic)  implements,  in  that  many  of  them  show  a  plain  bnlbar  surface, 
supplemented  by  fine  edge-flaking,  and  are  markedly  different  from  the  various  groups 
in  the  middle  glacial  gravel  and  from  those  found  in  the  detritus  bed  below  the  Red 
Crag  of  Suffolk. 

It  is  now  demonstrated  that  human-struck  flints  occur  in  this  latter  deposit,  in 
the  later  middle  glacial  gravel,  and  the  overlying  chalky  boulder  clay. 

All  these  beds  ante-date  by  a  long  period  the  river  terrace  gravels  containing  the 
earliest  Chellean  (pakeolithic)  implements.  The  various  specimens  described  above  will 
shortly  be  exhibited  in  the  Ipswich  Museum,  where  they  will  be  open  to  inspection 
by  all  those  who  wish  to  go  into  this  question.  J.  REID  MOIR. 


Archaeology :  Prehistoric.  Warren. 

Problems  of  Flint  Fracture.    By  S.  Hazzledine  JVarren,  F.G.S.  flfl 

With  regard  to  the  subject  of  Mr.  J.  Reid  Moir's  flint  experiments  described  fcU 
in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Prehistoric  Society  of  East  Anglia  (Vol.  I,  Part  II,  1912, 
p.  171),  and  in  a  letter  to  Nature  of  December  26,  1912,  I  may  perhaps  be  permitted 
to  explain  that  I  have  been  a  practical  student  of  flint  fracture  since  the  year  1889, 
and  that  my  conclusions  differ  from  those  of  this  author. 

Mr.  Moir's  work  has  not  always  been  characterized  by  sound  mechanical  principle 
or  carefulness  of  statement,  so  that  one  may  be  pardoned  for  looking  closely  into  his 
methods  before  accepting  his  results.  So  far  as  the  sack  experiments  are  concerned 
I  do  not  doubt  that  these  have  their  value,  but  if  we  take  them  as  representative  of 
natural  erosion  in  its  totality,  I  think  we  shall  be  seriously  misled.  In  a  stream,  a 
rain  of  blows  is  steadily  delivered  in  a  constant  direction  against  other  stones  wedged 
in  its  bed.  Moreover,  the  nature  of  the  blows  differs  essentially  from  those  delivered 
within  the  confined  space  of  a  sack. 

When  one  comes  to  consider  the  work  of  the  sea  (and  one  must  not  forget  that 
the  sub-Crag  stone  bed  is  a  marine  deposit)  one  fails  to  see  how  any  analogy  can  be 
drawn  between  wave-action  during  storms  and  the  operation  of  shaking  up  a  few 
flints  in  a  sack  held  between  two  men.  Further,  there  are  two  factors  of  primary 
importance  in  Nature  which  no  experiment  can  ever  reproduce.  These  are  (1)  the 
quantity  of  material  acted  upon  ;  (2)  the  time  during  which  the  forces  are  operating. 

In  the  papers  before  us  certain  characters  are  set  forth  for  the  determination  of 
human  workmanship.  Having,  through  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Reginald  Smith,  made  a 
careful  examination  of  Mr.  Moir's  British  Museum  exhibit  of  chipped  flints,  and  having 
given  each  of  these  characters  very  careful  consideration,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  stating 
it  to  be  my  deliberate  opinion  that  these  criteria  are  essentially  unscientific.  They 
are  wide  generalizations  made  upon  insufficient  data  on  the  side  of  the  experiments, 
while  the  comparison  between  the  accidental  results  and  designed  flaking  is  further 
unsatisfactory,  because  the  observations  of  the  characters  of  genuine  human  implements 
are  incorrect. 

I  have  put  each  of  these  characters  to  practical  test  and  find  that  they  all  lead 
to  false  results.  It  is  scarcely  worth  while  to  go  through  each  in  detail,  but,  as  an 
illustration,  one  may  take  the  rippling.  Of  100  accidental  concussion  fractures  made 
by  experimental  methods,  and  taken  at  random,  I  find  that,  judged  by  the  theories 
before  us,  forty-nine  of  them  would  be  proved  to  be  human.  Of  the  same  number  of 
prehistoric  human  flakiugs,  forty-seven  are  proved  by  the  same  method  to  be  natural. 

To  test  still  further  the  question  of  the  relation  of  the  ripplings  to  the  direction 
of  the  blow,  I  have  made  a  special  series  of  experiments,  tabulating  in  each  case 
(a)  the  direction  of  the  blow,  (6)  the  indication  of  that  direction  furnished  by  the 
three  converging  lines  drawn  as  directed  in  the  communications  before  us,  (e)  the 
strength  of  the  ripplings.  Upon  analysing  these  results  I  found  that  I  had  made 

[  37  ] 


Nos.  20-21.]  MAJSf.  [1913, 

eighty-three  experiments  ;  fifty-four  of  these  gave  an  erroneous  indication  of  the 
direction  of  the  blow,  estimated  as  directed,  and  forty-five  violated  the  alleged  relation 
of  the  strength  of  the  rippling  to  the  direction  of  the  blow. 

The  material  used  in  the  above  experiments  represented  as  much  variety  as  I 
could  at  the  moment  obtain  from  the  glacial  and  pre-glacial  deposits  of  the  borders 
of  Essex  and  Hertfordshire.  None  was  fresh  chalk  flint.  Mr.  Moir  says  that  he 
has  used  every  kind  of  flint  in  his  experiments.  The  British  Museum  exhibit  is 
chiefly  composed  of  one  kind  of  flint  only.  This  is  unfortunate  as  it  is  my  experience 
that  results  of  the  same  process  differ  greatly  according  to  the  quality  of  the  material 
used. 

So  far  from  man  executing  only  what  is  easy,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Moir,  and  Nature 
doing  the  chipping  that  is  more  difficult,  it  is  my  experience  that  accidental  chipping 
tends  to  follow  the  lines  of  least  resistance,  or,  in  other  words,  the  "  natural  angles  " 
of  flint  fracture,  and  that  it  is  man  who  exercises  control  over  the  material  in  his 
endeavour  to  produce  a  desired  result. 

I  will  not  enter  into  the  fallacy  into  which  Mr.  Moir  has  fallen  with  regard  to 
the  pressure  of  sand.  One  must,  however,  point  out  that  the  condition  under  which 
we  believe  that  pressure-chipping  may  take  place  beneath  the  surface  is  through  the 
grinding  of  one  flint  against  another  under  pressure.  The  letter-press  experiments 
described  have  no  bearing  upon  this  problem.  The  present  writer  pointed  out  in  1905 
(Journ.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXV,  p.  354  ;  PI.  XXVI,  Figs.  19,  20)  that  eolithic 
chipping  which  presents  pressure  characteristics  was  generally  associated  with 
scratched  surfaces,  and  that  these  striated  surfaces  are  suggestive  of  that  movement 
under  pressure  which  is  required  to  effect  the  chipping. 

I  agree  with  Mr.  Moir  upon  the  importance  of  studying  flint  experiments. 
Where  we  essentially  differ  is  that  my  opponent  takes  certain  special  experiments  as 
directly  representative  of  natural  conditions.  Of  some  of  these  we  may  spare  dis- 
cussion, as,  for  instance,  when  he  gravely  tells  us  that  he  has  reproduced  the  conditions 
of  an  ice-sheet  by  seizing  a  flint  in  a  pair  of  tongs  and  dragging  it  over  a  cement 
floor  !  But  apart  from  such  slips,  I  venture  to  think  that  in  all  cases  the  application  of 
experimental  results  to  natural  conditions  requires  careful  and  mature  consideration. 

In  this  note  I  have  confined  myself  to  the  general  principles  of  flint  chipping, 
and  have  not  entered  into  the  special  problems  presented  by  the  sub-Crag  flints. 

The  history  of  the  gradual  acceptance  of  the  palaeoliths  has  been  urged  in  favour 
of  the  eoliths  by  almost  every  writer  on  the  subject.  But  there  is  a  contrary  side  to 
this  which  has  never,  I  think,  been  adequately  stated.  Twenty  years  ago  I  was 
myself  a  collector  of  eoliths  under  the  impression  that  they  were  human  implements, 
and  only  reluctantly  abandoned  them  after  much  thought  and  practical  experiment. 
In  this  change  of  opinion,  which  was  forced  upon  me  by  the  accumulated  experience 
of  years,  I  do  not  stand  alone.  There  are  others,  including  practical  flint  workers 
like  Mr.  F.  N.  Haward,  who  have  similarly  changed  their  point  of  view  by  a 
line  of  work  independent  of  my  own.  Possibly  Mr.  Moir,  with  the  wider  experience 
that  only  time  will  bring,  may  yet  be  added  to  their  number. 

S.  HAZZLEDINE  WARREN. 


India,  North.  Tiger. 

Customs    of    the    Ouraons.       /•'//    Augustus    Tiger.  l\4 

I. — CUSTOMS. 

.  Before  entering  into  the  subject  of  my  essay  I  must  answer  a  question  frequently 
asked  of  me,  while  I  was  speaking  of  the  Ouraons  :  "  Where  is  Chota  Nagpur  ? " 
It  lies  south  of  Behar  and  covers  an  area  of  44,000  square  miles.  It  is  hilly  almost 
throughout,  scantily  populated,  and  has  by  far  the  greater  part  of  its  surface  covered 

(    38    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  21. 

with  forest.  Much  of  it  is  greatly  fertile  and  it  is  rich  in  mineral  resources,  but, 
owing  to  its  wildness  and  want  of  roads,  its  natural  wealth  has  not  been  turned  into 
account.  Coal  and  mica  are  mined  and  exported.  Iron  and  copper  are  abundant. 
The  forest  is  infested  with  wild  beasts,  such  as  tigers,  bears,  wolves,  jackals,  pigs, 
deer,  wild  cows,  wild  buffaloes,  and  elephants  in  some  parts.  There  are  also  various 
and  numerous  poisonous  snakes.  The  country  has  very  well-determined  seasons  : 
hot,  rainy,  and  cold  ;  the  hot  weather  lasts  from  the  middle  of  March  to  the  middle 
of  June  ;  the  rainy  season  thence  to  October  ;  the  remainder  of  the  twelve  months 
is  cold  weather.  Chota  Nagpur  is  chiefly  one  large  rice-producing  country  ;  oil  seeds, 
jute,  indigo,  sugar-cane,  opium,  tobacco,  tea,  coffee,  grain,  cotton,  dyes,  and  drugs 
and  other  articles  of  produce.  This  is  a  brief  description  of  the  country  where  the 
Ouraons  live  ;  and  now,  coming  back  to  the  proper  subject,  let  us  go  back  to  the 
original  home  of  this  people.  The  Ouraons  are  the  descendants  of  the  Dravidiau 
family  ;  their  language,  according  to  Dr.  Grierson,  is  more  allied  to  Canarese  than  to 
any  other  language  spoken  in  India.  All  they  know  about  their  origin  is  that  the 
name  of  their  first  ancestor  was  Rawana,  a  famous  king  who  lived  in  the  south. 
One  of  their  legends  which  they  recite,  when  offering  a  kind  of  sacrifice  to  God, 
seems  to  be  only  a  mutilated  fragment  of  the  Hindu  legend,  about  Ram  Lachmau 
and  Sita,  when  Rawana  runs  away  with  Sita  Ram's  wife.  Their  traditions  say  that 
their  primitive  home  was  in  the  Carnatic,  whence  they  went  up  the  Narvada  River 
and  gradually  pushed  their  way  north-westward  and  went  as  far  as  Afghanistan, 
where  they  borrowed  from  the  Afghans  the  hard  gutturals.  Finding  the  country  not 
suited  to  their  purpose  they  turned  away  from  Afghanistan  and  directed  their  course 
towards  the  south-east,  and  finally  settled  in  Behar,  on  the  banks  of  the  Sone  ;  and 
here  they  built  at  Ruidas  a  fort  to  protect  themselves  against  the  attacks  of  the 
Hindus  or  Muhammadans.  They  were  victorious  in  several  encounters,  but  once, 
on  a  feast  day,  all  got  drunk  and  were  singing,  dancing,  and  amusing  themselves, 
when  at  night  the  Muhammadans  came,  captured  the  fort,  and  cut  to  pieces  nearly 
the  whole  tribe.  Some,  however,  managed  to  escape,  and  as  they  were  pursued, 
divided  themselves  into  two  parties  ;  one  of  these  directed  its  course  towards 
the  Rajmahal  Hills,  and  now  -form  quite  a  separate  tribe  called  Mahli,  while  the 
other  ascended  the  Sone  into  Palamau  and,  turning  eastward  along  the  Koel,:  took 
possession  of  the  north-western  portion  of  the  Chota  Nagpur  plateau.  The  number 
of  persons  enumerated  under  the  head  Ouraon  at  the  census  of  1901  was  600,000. 
As  to  their  profession  they  are  generally  all  farmers. 

Having  given  you,  therefore,  in  short  the  history  of  the  Ouraons,  I  now  draw  your 
attention  to  their  social  and  religious  customs  ;  but  to  shorten  my  essay  I  shall  not 
enter  much  into  details.  The  Ouraons  are  sociable,  kind,  light-hearted,  and  fond  of 
music,  dancing,  and  drinking.  They  have  no  general  administrative  organisation  ;  there 
is  no  recognised  head  of  the  whole  tribe,  and  the  authority  of  any  given  man  does  not 
extend  beyond  the  limits  of  his  own  village.  The  only  organisation  to  safeguard  the 
customs  of  the  tribe  is  a  general  "  panchayat "  of  the  chief  men  of  a  group  of  villages. 
According  to  the  etymology  of  the  word,  this  should  be  composed  of  five  members 
only,  but  in  practice  the  "panch"  is  the  whole  community  represented  by  its  eldest 
members,  namely,  the  panch,  the  munda,  the  pahan,  and  the  mahto.  A  "  panchayat " 
is  an  assembly  of  the  "  panch,"  or  the  eldest  people  of  the  village,  to  discuss  a  question 
or  settle  difficulties  that  arise  in  the  community.  To  defray  the  expenses  of  these 
assemblies  they  put  aside  in  every  village  a  certain  amount  of  land  called  pancbayati 
khet ;  this  belongs  to  the  community  and  may  be  cultivated  by  anyone  on  condition 
he  feeds  the  "panch"  whenever  there  is  an  assembly.  In  villages  where  there  are 
not  two  parties  in  continual  opposition  to  each  other,  the  "  panch  "  can  be  relied  upon 
to  settle  questions  in  the  best  way  possible.  Practically  in  cases  where  the  laws  do 

[     39     ] 


No.  21]  MAN.  [1913. 

not  interfere,  the  "  panch  "  can  decide  all  difficulties  and  disputes  that  may  arise  in 
an  Ouraon  community.  They  can  settle  land  disputes,  difficulties  about  inheritance, 
marriage  questions,  adultery  cases,  and  any  violation  of  the  customs  of  the  tribe. 

Wherever  this  form  exists  the  people  are  divided  into  three  "khunts"  —the 
pahan  khunt,  the  mahto  khunt,  and  the  munda  khunt.  To  understand  the  khunt 
system  we  have  to  go  back  in  mind  to  the  time  when  the  Ouraons  first  settled  in 
Chota  Nagpur.  The  Mundaries  were  before  them.  They  had  cleared  the  jungle  and 
made  several  villages,  but  there  were  still  many  more  to  be  made  ;  and,  as  there  was 
plenty  of  room  for  both,  the  Mundaries  did  not  interfere  with  the  new-comers.  These 
in  their  turn  began  to  clear  the  juugle  and  make  new  paddy-fields.  At  that  time 
there  was  no  raja  in  possession  of  the  country,  and  the  Ouraons  adopted  the  same 
system  as  that  prevailing  among  the  mundaries.  The  first  son  of  the  first  settler 
became  the  munda,  namely,  the  head  or  chief,  and  the  second  became  pahan.  Later 
on  the  third  son  became  the  mahto.  According  to  their  hereditary  system,  the  munda 
or  the  first  son  got  more  land  than  the  pahan  or  the  second  son,  and  the  pahan  more 
than  the  mahto  or  the  third  son.  The  munda  became  the  chief  of  the  village  as  being 
the  possessor  of  most  of  the  lands.  The  pahan  became  the  priest  of  the  village  and, 
besides  his  share  by  inheritance,  got  from  the  community  four  acres  of  land  called 
pahnai.  This  he  cultivates  to  defray  the  expenses  connected  with  different  pujas. 
The  mahto,  whose  office  was  at  first  that  of  a  village  policeman,  got  also  a  special  land 
from  the  community  called  mahtot  khet.  When  the  rajas  began  to  take  possession  of 
the  country  they  left  these  three  khunts  in  possession  of  their  respective  lands,  whilst 
the  new  settlers  had  to  pay  rents,  and  the  mahto  became  the  rent  collector  in  raja's 
name. 

One  more  explanation  about  the  khunts  might  perhaps  throw  some  light  on  the 
subject.  As  they  are  all  the  descendants  of  the  same  man,  namely,  of  the  first  settler, 
all  the  members  of  these  three  khunts  in  the  same  village  have  the  same  "  gatar,"  or 
family  name.  Hence  we  see  that  they  are  divided  into  a  great  number  of  groups,  or 
septs,  each  bearing  the  name  either  of  a  plant  or  an  animal,  as,  for  example,  Bakla= 
paddy-bird  ;  ekka  =  tortoise  ;  kerketa  =  a  kind  of  hedge-sparrow  ;  lakra  =  tiger  ;  xaxa  = 
crow  ;  xalxo  =  a  kind  of  fish  ;  ofirgora  =  hawk  ;  minj  =  a  kind  of  fish  ;  bara  =  fig  tree  ; 
bek  =  salt  ;  kuzur  =  a  kind  of  creeper,  &c.  These  divisions  of  the  caste  are  called 
gotars,  and  on  no  account  will  they  allow  two  people  of  the  same  gotar  to  marry.  The 
gotar  is  always  reckoned  solely  from  the  male  side. 

We  have  seen  now  how  the  Ouraons  are  attached  to  the  observances  of  their 
caste  system,  and  I  think  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  say  a  few  words  about  the 
offences  for  which  the  punishment  is  expulsion  from  the  tribe.  These  offences 
are  : — 

1.  Eating  cooked  rice  with  any  man    not    belonging  to  the  tribe,   or  eating  rice 
cooked  by  any  one  but  a  member  of  the  tribe. 

2.  Sexual  intercourse   with  any  member  of  any  other  caste. 

3.  Drinking  water   or   rice-beer    or    eatirg  bread  with    any  member   of    caste  or 
tribe  with  whom  it  is  forbidden  to  do  so. 

The  first  and  the  third  offences  but  partly  concern  the  unmarried  people,  who  can 
drink  water,  rice-beer,  and  eat  rice,  bread,  and  meat  with  all  the  aboriginal  and  semi- 
aboriginal  tribes,  except  with  Lohars,  Ghasis,  Turis,  Chamars,  and  Dusadhs.  When 
a  man  has  been  guilty  of  any  of  the  offences  mentioned  above  he  is  ejected  from 
the  tribe,  and  even  his  family  abandons  him.  If  he  wishes  to  be  readmitted,  he  goes 
to  the  "  kartaha,"  who  fixes  a  day  for  the  panchayat.  On  the  appointed  day  all 
the  chief  men  of  the  surrounding  villages  are  summoned  to  attend  at  the  meeting. 
They  all  assemble  at  the  village  of  the  guilty  man  and  form  a  great  committee  with 
the  kartaha  at  their  head.  They  discuss  the  question,  weigh  the  fault  of  the  culprit, 

[     40     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  21. 

and  settle  how  much  he  has  to  pay  and  give.  This  depends  on  the  fault  committed 
and  on  the  means  of  the  man.  The  penalty,  however,  is  always  a  heavy  one, 
especially  for  the  poor,  for  he  has  to  feed  all  the  members  of  the  panchayat  and 
the  whole  village  for  one  day  and  a  half  ;  and  they  are  not  satisfied  with  a  dry  meal 
with  rice  and  meat  but  they  must  be  supplied  with  plenty  of  rice-beer.  And,  of 
course,  on  such  an  occasion  everybody  makes  most  of  the  opportunity.  The  least 
that  the  kartaha  takes  for  his  recompense  is  Rs.  10.  At  the  last  common  meal  the 
man  is  called  and  if  he  has  done  everything  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  panchayat  he 
is  allowed  to  sit  and  eat  with  the  community,  not,  however,  before  receiving  a  sound 
admonition  from  the  kartaha. 

Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  religious  customs  of  the  Ouraons.  Generally 
eight  days  after  the  birth  of  a  child  they  have  the  ceremony  of  the  "  chathi "  or  the 
giving  of  the  name.  In  this  we  find  an  instance  of  how  difficult  it  is  at  times  to 
reconcile  the  proverbial  indifference  and  improvidence  of  the  ignorant  people  with 
the  precaution  they  take  for  the  welfare  of  their  children.  On  that  day  some  men 
of  the  village  representing  the  panch  assemble  at  the  house  of  the  child  ;  friends  and 
relatives  are  invited.  The  ceremony  then  begins  ;  two  leaf  cups,  one  full  of  water, 
the  other  full  of  paddy,  are  brought.  The  head  of  the  child  is  shaved  by  one  of 
the  members  of  the  family  or  by  a  relative,  and  the  hair  is  put  in  the  cup  containing 
water.  Then  one  of  the  members  of  the  panch  taking  one  grain  of  paddy  and 
pronouncing  their  usual  formula,  "Above  God,  below  the  panch,"  drops  it  in  the 
name  of  God  in  the  water,  and  taking  another  grain  does  the  same  in  the  name  of 
their  ancestors.  These  two  grains  have  to  meet  together.  If  they  do  not  meet  they 
try  after  a  month  or  two  for  the  second,  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  time.  During  the 
intervals  of  these  attempts  a  little  hair  is  left  to  grow  in  the  nape  of  the  neck,  and 
if  in  some  necessary  circumstances  this  hair  is  cut,  they  carefully  keep  it  for  the 
next  ceremony  ;  for,  they  say,  that  if  they  throw  it  away  through  negligence,  the 
curse  of  their  ancestors  will  fall  upon  the  child  and  his  head  will  be  bald.  If  after 
several  attempts  the  grains  do  not  meet,  they  give  up  the  ceremony,  and  the  child 
is  always  looked  upon  with  suspicion,  and  life  for  such  a  child  is  then  very  hard. 

When,  however,  the  two  grains  have  met,  they  are  satisfied  that  God  is  pro- 
pitious to  the  child.  They  then  drop  in  one  grain  in  the  child's  name,  and  one  in 
the  name  of  each  of  his  ancestors,  pronouncing  their  names.  They  continue  to  do  so 
till  one  of  the  grains  meets  with  the  one  dropped  in  the  child's  name.  The  name 
pronounced  when  this  particular  grain  is  dropped  in  will  be  the  name  of  the  child. 
The  succession  of  the  names  brought  forward  is  as  follows  : — first  the  paternal  grand- 
father's name,  then  the  paternal  great  grandfather's,  the  father's,  the  paternal  uncle's, 
and  the  maternal  grandfather's  ;  then  the  names  of  other  relatives.  The  paddy  left  in 
the  second  cup  after  the  ceremony  is  kept  for  seed,  and  what  it  yields  at  harvest  time 
is  kept  and  sown  again,  and  so  on  from  year  to  year,  until  by  constant  progression  it 
is  sufficient  to  buy  a  cow  or  some  goods,  which  in  their  turn  increase  and  become 
the  property  of  the  child.  This  is  called  "  punji,"  and  is  designed  to  be  given  at 
the  time  of  the  marriage.  In  addition  to  the  punji  the  friends  and  the  relatives  who 
come  to  attend  at  the  ceremony  give  to  the  child,  as  far  as  their  means  can  help  them, 
either  a  cow,  or  a  goat,  or  some  money. 

All  the  Ouraon  boys  burn  out  deep  marks  on  the  fore-arm  of  the  left  hand. 
This  they  do  to  be  recognised  and  be  received  in  the  community  by  the  Ouraons  when 
they  go  into  the  other  world.  The  burning  of  the  arm  is  done  in  the  following  way. 
A  burning  taper  is  placed  on  the  arm  and  is  let  to  continue  very  slowly  till  it  is 
wholly  burnt  and  extinguished.  The  ashes  that  are  left  behind  after  the  wick  haa 
been  burned  are  applied  to  the  wound,  and  any  other  medicine  must  not  be  made  use 
of.  The  marks  should  always  be  odd  ones  in  number,  and  as  a  rule  they  all  have 

[  41  ] 


No.  21.]  MAN.  [1913. 

five  marks,  but  some  have  more.  They  say  that  the  more  marks  one  has  the  more  rich 
and  fortunate  will  he  be.  Similarly  the  girls  are  tattooed  in  their  childhood  with 
three  vertical  lines  on  the  forehead  and  with  two  on  each  of  the  temples. 

In  every  Ouraon  village  there  is  a  common  sleeping  hall  called  "  Dbumkuria," 
where  all  the  bachelors  of  the  village  must,  when  not  absent  from  it,  sleep  under 
penalty  of  a  fine.  Immediately  in  front  of  the  hall  is  the  dancing  arena,  about  forty 
feet  in  diameter,  with  a  stone  or  post  marking  its  centre.  It  is  surrounded  by  seats 
for  tired  dancers  or  non-dancing  spectators,  and  shaded  by  fine  old  tamarind  trees. 
During  the  festive  seasons  of  the  year  dancing  commences  shortly  after  sunset,  and  if 
the  supply  of  liqueur  holds  out  is  often  kept  up  till  sunrise. 

When  a  boy  is  twelve  or  thirteen  years  of  age  it  is  time  for  him  to  be  a  member 
of  the  common  dormitory.  The  Dhumkuria  boys  form  a  kind  of  association,  and  they 
pledge  themselves  to  the  greatest  secrecy  about  what  is  going  on  in  their  dormitory. 
Woe  to  the  boy  who  dares  to  break  that  pledge.  He  would  be  most  unmercifully 
beaten  and  looked  upon  as  an  outcast.  In  order,  they  say,  to  make  the  boys  hardy 
and  manly  members  of  the  tribe  they  have  a  kind  of  mutual  training,  in  which  the 
eldest  boys  of  the  dhumkuria  bully  the  younger  ones  and  make  them  suffer  all  kinds 
of  troubles  and  bodily  punishment.  There  is,  in  fact,  a  regular  system  of  bullying. 
All  the  novices  have  to  undergo  three  years'  probation.  During  the  winter  they 
have  to  get  up  every  day  at  the  second  cock's  crow  and  go  barebody  to  the  nearest 
river,  if  there  is  any,  or  to  the  tank  and  have  a  bathe.  The}7  must  come  back  before 
sunrise.  During  summer  all  must  gather  firewood  for  the  winter,  which  they  do,  but 
are  not  allowed  to  warm  themselves.  They  must  also  learn  every  day  fencing,  drum- 
beating,  playing  on  flutes,  and  many  other  things  besides  which  are  too  numerous  to 
be  mentioned.  In  all  their  undertakings  the  novices  are  not  left  to  themselves,  but 
there  is  one  always  to  direct  them. 

Leaving  aside  the  feasts  and  pujas  (for  to  enter  into  this  branch  of  the  subject 
would  require  far  more  space  than  can  here  be  afforded)  we  come  now  to  the  last,  but 
not  the  least  interesting  subject,  namely,  the  marriage.  The  marriage  ceremonies  of 
the  Ouraons  are  very  complicated.  The  boy  and  the  girl  have  absolutely  nothing 
to  say  about  the  matter,  but  everything  is  settled  by  the  parents.  The  average  age 
of  the  boy  is  about  sixteen  or  seventeen,  and  that  of  the  girl  is  about  fourteen  or 
fifteen.  When  the  boy  is  about  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age  his  parents  look  out 
for  a  wife  for  him.  When  they  have  found  the  girl  who  they  think  will  suit  their  son, 
they  choose  a  trustworthy  man  who  knows  the  girl  well,  and  who  is  very  familiar 
with  her  parents.  This  man  is  called  "  Agua,"  or  the  leader,  and  has  to  negotiate  the 
marriage  alliance  with  the  girl's  parents.  The  father  of  the  boy  gives  him  as  a 
recompense  for  his  undertaking  three  pots  of  rice-bee)1,  two  hams,  and  three  or  four 
rupees.  The  office  of  the  "Agua"  is  very  difficult  sometimes,  for  he  is  always 
responsible  for  misfortunes  that  may  arise  from  either  side. 

It  may  sometimes  happen  that  the  girl  is  not  faithful  to  her  husband,  or  she  is 
not  well  treated,  then  in  such  cases  they  can  impose  a  heavy  fine  on  the  man  if 
they  wish  to  do  so.  But  it  is  indeed  very  seldom  that  such  cases  occur.  When  the 
Agua  has  settled  the  matter  with  the  girl's  parents  the  father  of  the  boy  goes,  after 
three  or  four  days,  to  the  house  of  the  girl -with  the  Agua  and  some  others  repre- 
senting the  panch.  On  reaching  the  house  all  stand  in  silence  before  the  door, 
when  the  father  of  the  house  comes  out  and  addresses  them  thus  : — "  What  are  you  in 
"  search  of,  my  brothers  ?  Welcome  to  you  all  ;  why  are  you  so  early  to-day  ?  Where 
"  do  you  come  from,  and  where  do  you  want  to  go  now,  &c."  The  father  of  the 
boy  then  makes  answer,  saying  :  "  We  come  from  a  far  region  ;  we  have  lost  a  calf, 
"  which  we  heard  came  in  this  village  ;  do  you  know  where  it  is  ?  Can  you  give 
"  us  a  helping  hand  to  find  it  out  ?  If  not  we  direct  our  course  to  north  or  south." 

I    42    1 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  21-22. 

This  conversation  goes  on  for  about  ten  minutes,  and  none  but  the  old  people  can 
understand  the  meanings  of  their  disguised  speech.  When  at  last  the  father  of  the 
girl  has  given  them  his  assurance  they  all  enter  into  the  house  and  discuss  the 
question  of  the  omens  seen  on  the  road.  If  any  bad  omen  has  been  noticed  they 
agree  that  the  marriage  shall  not  take  place.  "  Brother,"  they  say,  "  God  does  not 
"  want  this  marriage  to  take  place,  let  us  not  go  against  his  will."  If,  on  the  contrary, 
nothing  unlucky  has  happened  they  eat  and  drink,  and  a  day  is  settled  for  the  girl's 
father  to  come  and  see  the  boy.  As  soon  as  the  girl's  "father  arrives  the  question  of 
omens  is  again  discussed.  Eight  days  after  this  visit  the  father  of  the  boy  goes  with 
the  panch  to  the  girl's  house  to  settle  the  price  of  the  marriage.  The  settling  of  the 
price  is  done  as  follows  : — The  father  of  the  girl  takes  some  balls  of  cowdung  and 
some  pebbles  (which  means  that  he  wants  so  many  bulls  and  rupees  as  there  are 
balls  and  pebbles)  and  wraps  them  in  a  leaf  and  passes  them  to  the  boy's  father, 
who  opens  and  sees  them.  If  he  is  not  able  to  give  so  much  as  he  is  asked  he 
diminishes  the  number  and  passes  it  back.  This  is  repeated  again  and  again  till 
both  agree.  When  the  price  is  settled  the  rejoicing  begins.  Both  fathers  get  up 
and  embrace  each  other,  and  from  that  time  they  call  themselves  "  samdhi."  All 
the  people  of  the  village  are  invited  to  the  feast,  and  from  every  house  a  pot  of 
rice-beer  is  brought,  and  they  drink  together  and  make  merry.  All  this  time  the 
girl  has  been  kept  aside,  but  now  she  suddenly  sallies  forth  carrying  a  pot  of  rice- 
beer  on  her  head.  She  comes  and  stands  in  front  of  her  future  father-in-law,  who 
at  once  takes  the  pot  from  her  head,  embraces  her,  and  offers  her  a  seat  next  to  him. 
She  remains  there  sitting  during  the  whole  time  of  the  feast.  The  party  returns 
home  as  soon  as  the  feast  is  over.  The  marriage  will  take  place  only  two  or  three 
years  afterwards.  During  that  period  two  regular  visits  are  paid  annually  by  the 
girl's  parents.  A  few  days  before  the  marriage  there  is  another  visit  paid  by  the 
boy's  parents,  in  which  a  day  for  the  marriage  is  fixed.  During  this  ceremony  both 
the  fathers  get  up,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  assembly  join  arms,  and  one  of  them 
says,  "  He  who  wishes  to  cut  let  him  cut  ;  what  is  joined  with  iron  can  be  sepa- 
"  rated  ;  what  is  joined  with  flesh  cannot  be  separated."  Then  all  shout  together, 
"  It  is  done  !  It  is  done  !  "  The  ceremonies  and  the  enjoyments  of  the  marriage 
day  are  much  more  lengthy  and  complicated. 

The    marriage  of  the  Ouraons  is  administered    and  made  legal  and  valid  by  the 
bridegroom  and  the  bride  when  they  put  vermilion  on  the  head  of  each  other. 

A.  TIGER. 


REVIEWS. 
Gaul.  Rice  Holmes. 

Ccesar^s  Conquest  of  Gaul.     By  T.  Rice  Holmes.     Second  edition.       Oxford  :     OO 
Clarendon  Press,  1911.  " 

Of  the  850  pages  of  this  work  some  eighty  are  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  the 
ethnology  of  Gaul,  and  these  it  will  well  repay  any  anthropologist  to  read. 

The  author  says  that  "he  need  not  be  afraid,  even  if  he  is  not  a  Celtic  scholar 
"  or  a  professed  anthropologist,  to  form  an  opinion  of  his  own."  With  this  we 
cordially  agree,  and  believe  that  it  is  a  privilege  to  hear  the  criticism  of  a  historian 
trained  in  sifting  evidence,  but  free  from  anthropological  bias,  on  a  subject  in  which 
many  of  us  have  formed  definite  and  it  may  be  hide-bound  opinions. 

In  his  introduction  the  author  thinks  that  in  general  neither  Sergi's  method  nor 
cranial  measurement,  by  which  he  seems  to  mean  the  cranial  index,  is  sufficient  in 
itself,  but  that  the  rivals  should  combine.  He  might,  we  think,  have  gone  further 
quite  safely  and  have  said  that  the  cranial  index  and  Sergi's  method  combined  are 
not  enough  upon  which  to  found  a  generalisation,  for  anthropologists  are  beginning 

[    43     1 


Nos,  22-23,]  MAN.  [1913. 

to  realise  that  they  must  put  a  good  deal  more    spadework  into  their  subject  before 
they  can  speak  with  any  real  authority. 

When  he  comes  to  the  question  of  environment  he  gives  Professors  Ridgeway 
and  William  Wright  a  very  bad  time  indeed.  It  is  quite  possible  that  these  poor 
gentlemen  deserve  all  they  have  got  in  the  particular  arguments  which  the  author 
has  picked  out,  bat  to  those  who  know  them  it  is  at  least  doubtful  whether  they 
are  the  dullards  which  a  reader  of  this  book  who  does  not  know  their  full  scientific 
record  would  imagine. 

Here  perhaps  we  may  justly  remark  that  Dr.  Rice  Holmes  shows  a  rather  needless 
acidity  towards  some  of  his  fellow  workers  who  have  come  to  conclusions  different 
from  his  own,  and  we  may  instance  the  footnote  on  p.  325  in  which  he  says,  "  the 
"  absurd  but  widely  accepted  theory  that  the  Goidels  were  identical  with  the  Round 
"  Barrow  '  race  '  of  Britain  is  refuted  in  Anc.  Britain,  pp.  429-33."  It  is  quite  true 
that  he  has  made  out  a  masterly  case  against  so  regarding  them,  but  those  who  are 
handling  and  digging  up  the  remains  of  this  people  do  not  necessarily  feel  that 
"  absurd "  is  a  happy  adjective  with  which  to  brush  away  the  facts  which  make 
some  of  us  think  it  likely  that  the  Bronze  Age  race  or  people  of  the  round  barrows 
may  have  been  Goidels  after  all. 

The  literature  of  the  ethnology  and  physical  characteristics  of  the  Palaeolithic 
inhabitants,  Ligurians,  Iberians,  true  Celts,  and  Germanic  invaders  of  Gaul,  is  re- 
viewed temperately  and  thoroughly,  and  to  the  best  of  our  judgment  may  be  taken 
as  a  fair  summing  up  of  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  of  these  peoples  ;  but 
the  thing  which  strikes  us  as  unhappy  is  that,  while  these  Jong-headed  people  are 
treated  with  all  fulness,  the  short-headed  stock  is  left  with  very  scant  notice. 

To-day,  as  in  Caesar's  time,  the  typical  Frenchman  is  a  short,  dark,  round-headed 
individual,  and  the  round-headed  stock  which  the  author,  agreeing  with  most  anthro- 
pologists, believes  came  into  Gaul  from  the  East,  has  absorbed  and  masked  all  the 
long-headed  peoples  who  were  there  before  they  came  and  all  who  have  come  since. 

This  seems  to  justify  the  opinion  that  the  short-headed  people  require  most 
attention  in  working  out  the  ethnology  of  Gaul,  and  one  could  wish  that  the  author 
had  criticised  the  various  theories  of  the  origin  and  language  of  these  people  as  fully 
and  competently  as  he  has  those  of  the  long  heads. 

As  has  been  said  already,  the  ethnological  part  of  this  book  is  a  serious  review 
and  criticism  of  our  knowledge  up  to  two  or  three  years  ago,  and  one  which  no 
anthropologist  can  afford  to  leave  unread.  The  rest  of  the  book  is  delightful  reading, 
but  is  quite  beyond  the  powers  of  the  present  writer  to  criticise. 

F.  G.  PARSONS. 

Palaeolithic  Art.  Breuil :  Capitan  :  del  Rio  :  Peyrony  :  Sierra. 

La  Caverne  de  Font  de  Gaume,  aux  Eyzies,  Dordogne.  Par  L.  Capitan 
H.  Breuil  et  D.  Peyrony.  Monaco,  1910.  Pp.  viii  +  255.  Planches  et 
Figures  par  H.  Breuil. 

Les  Cavernes  de    la   Regione   Cantaluque.     Par  H.  Alcalde  del  Rio,   H.  Breuil  et 
L.  Sierra.     Monaco,   1912.     Pp.  viii   +    265.     Planches  et  Figures  par  H.   Breuil. 

These  handsome  and  finely  illustrated  volumes  continue  the  series  of  monographs 
on  prehistoric  caves,  published  at  the  expense  of  the  Prince  of  Monaco.  The 
possibility  of  issuing  them,  as  of  their  predecessor  on  Altamira,  may  be  said  to  be 
mainly  due  to  the  fortunate  union  in  the  person  of  M.  1'Abbe  H.  Breuil  of  enthusiasm 
for  the  study  of  the  prehistoric  archeology  and  artistic  ability.  All  the  beautifully 
coloured  plates  in  these  volumes,  as  in  that  on  Altamira,  are  from  his  pencil.  The 
amount  of  labour  and  trouble  incurred,  the  difficulties  overcome  by  this  intrepid 
observer,  and  the  acuteness  of  his  interpretations,  can  only  be  fully  appreciated  by 

[    44    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  23. 

those  who  have  carefully  studied  the  topography  of  the  caves,  and  the  situation  of 
the  remarkable  drawings  upon  their  walls. 

The  volume  on  Font  de  Gaume  is  in  some  ways  complementary  to  that  on 
Altamira.  Whilst  the  latter  contains  a  detailed  ethnographic  study  and  comparison 
of  similar  artistic  productions  among  primitive  peoples  like  the  American  Indians, 
Bushmen,  and  Australians,  the  authors  of  the  former  have  devoted  several  chapters 
(X.-XV.)  to  a  study  of  the  representation  of  animals  in  palaeolithic  art,  both  on  the 
walls  of  caves  and  in  objects  found  in  the  floor  deposits.  The  various  engravings 
and  paintings  of  the  mammoth  rhinoceros,  carnivora,  reindeer,  the  great  stag,  and 
bison  are  all  subjected  to  a  careful  and  critical  survey,  which  forms,  after  the  frescoes, 
the  most  interesting  and  useful  part  of  the  work.  In  the  Cantabrian  volume  the 
study  is  continued  for  hornless  deer  and  reindeer,  and  birds.  A  description  is  also 
given  of  representation  of  the  elephant  on  rock  surfaces  in  North  and  South  Africa. 
The  animal  most  often  represented  on  the  walls  of  Font  de  Gaume  is  the  bison  ; 
one  little  chamber  was  styled  by  the  explorers  Salle  des  petits  Bisons,  for  there  are 
no  less  than  a  dozen  polychromes  of  this  animal  on  its  walls.  The  figures  of  extinct 
animals  are  in  some  ways  more  interesting.  There  are  several  of  the  mammoth, 
though  they  are  by  no  means  so  numerous  as  in  the  neighbouring  cave  of  Corn- 
barelles.  The  discovery  of  a  complete  drawing  in  broad  red  line  of  a  rhinoceros  is 
certainly  one  of  the  most  striking  results  of  the  exploration  of  this  cave.  The  head 
only  of  another,  also  in  red  line,  occurs  in  a  different  part  of  the  cavern.  These 
are  the  only  known  prehistoric  paintings  of  this  animal.  The  few  engravings  of  it 
yet  discovered — two  on  stone  from  Lourdes  and  the  trilobite  cave,  and  another  on 
stalagmite  at  Gourdan — are  much  inferior  as  works  of  art.  The  authors  compare 
the  paintings  and  engravings  of  the  rhinoceros  by  the  Bushmen  of  South  Africa  with 
these  Font  de  Gaume  drawings. 

As  in  so  many  of  the  French  caves  containing  mural  decoration,  the  paintings 
at  Font  de  Gaume  do  not  appear  until  the  cave  is  penetrated  for  a  considerable 
distance,  about  70  yards.  This  leads  the  authors  to  devote  a  chapter  to  a  discussion 
of  the  reasons  for  the  absence  of  the  drawings  in  the  first  part  of  the  cave.  They 
suggest  that  it  was  not  intentional  on  the  part  of  the  artists  to  begin  their  work  so 
far  from  the  entrance,  and  recall  in  support  of  this  view  the  much  earlier  appearance 
of  mural  decoration  at  Marsoulas,  Pair-uon-Pair,  Hornos  de  la  Pena,  and  elsewhere. 
Reasons  are  given  for  the  belief  that  the  absence  of  paintings  is  due  to  their 
destruction  in  the  course  of  time.  Frost  and  vegetation  will  account  for  this  over 
only  a  comparatively  short  distance  from  the  entrance,  say  20  yards.  They  attribute 
it  to  corrosion  of  the  walls  through  damp  favoured  by  movements  of  the  air  due  to 
seasonal  changes  of  temperature.  Such  movements  are  naturally  much  less  in  the 
inner  recesses  of  a  cave,  and  at  Font  de  Gaume  are  reduced  to  a  minimum  in  the 
great  gallery  containing  the  frescoes  owing  to  the  cavern  narrowing  almost  to  closure 
near  its  entrance,  a  point  picturesquely  termed  the  Rubicon  by  the  explorers. 

It  is  somewhat  singular  the  only  animal  whose  bones  are  found  in  any  great 
quantity,  according  to  M.  Harle,  to  whom  the  osseous  relics  were  submitted  for 
examination,  is  the  cave  bear.  In  keeping  with  this,  numerous  deep  striaj  on  the  walls 
are  believed  to  have  been  produced  by  the  claws  of  this  animal.  The  authors  give 
an  account,  illustrated  with  photographs,  of  these  markings,  pointing  out  how  in  some 
cases  they  correspond  to  the  row  of  claws  on  the  bear's  foot,  and,  moreover,  at  just 
such  a  height  as  the  animal's  fore  paws  would  reach  were  he  to  stand  on  his  hind 
legs  facing  the  wall.  Involuntarily  we  see  before  our  eyes  this  quaternary  mammal 
in  the  cave  assuming  a  position  so  natural  and  so  often  observed  in  his  modern 
representative  ! 

A  detailed  description  of  the  frescoes  with  two  plans,  thirty-eight  coloured  plates, 

[  45  ]  ' 


No.  23.]  MAN.  [1913. 

and  a  large  number  of  photographs  by  Lasalle  of  Toulouse  enable  the  reader  to 
appreciate  the  extraordinary  decoration  extending  for  60  yards  along  the  whole  of  the 
left  side  of  the  large  gallery,  a  part  of  the  right  side,  in  a  lateral  gallery  to  the 
right,  and  in  the  Salle  des  Bisons.  Among  the  animals  represented  are  mammoths, 
bison,  reindeer,  horses,  and  the  rhinoceros.  The  patience  and  care  with  which  the 
authors  have  carried  out  their  investigation  appear  on  almost  every  page.  Every 
engraved  line  has  been  carefully  and  truthfully  recorded,  and  it  is  clearly  shown  how 
often  the  figures  were  engraved  before  colour  was  applied. 

The  Cantabrian  volume  is  mainly  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  cave  of  Castillo, 
some  miles  south-east  of  Altamira,  discovered  in  1903  by  H.  Alcalde  del  Rio.  The 
clever  pencil  of  M.  Breuil  is  again  assisted  by  a  long  series  of  photographs,  which 
show  the  nature  of  the  surrounding  country  and  those  parts  of  the  interior  in  which 
the  engravings  and  paintings  are  situated.  The  latter  are  triumphs  of  photographic 
art,  being  sometimes  obtained  from  most  difficult  and  almost  inaccessible  positions, 
and  reflect  the  greatest  credit  on  the  resource  and  ability  of  M.  Lasalle.  Castillo  is 
a  very  large  cavern  more  than  300  metres  long,  and  containing  a  number  of  chambers. 
In  one  place  there  are  nearly  fifty  designs  of  hands  stencilled  out  on  a  red  ground, 
forming  what  the  authors  designate  the  Friese  des  Mains.  These  recall  the  similar 
designs  at  Gargas,  and,  like  them,  are  mostly  of  the  left  hand,  but  they  show  no  sign 
of  mutilation  which  has  there  attracted  so  much  attention.  There  are  paintings  of 
animals,  as  the  elephant,  bison,  and  stag,  outlined  in  red  or  yellow,  and  others,  as 
the  horse  and  ibex  in  black  broad  bands.  Polychromes  are  very  few  :  they  resemble 
in  execution  those  at  Altamira.  There  are  also  many  engravings  of  animals.  The 
authors  describe  no  less  than  fourteen  other  caves  in  this  region  showing  more  or 
less  evidence  of  mural  decoration.  Of  these  the  following  more  particularly  attract 
attention.  Hornos  de  la  Pefia,  not  far  from  Castillo,  and  discovered  in  the  same 
year,  contains,  in  addition  to  numerous  engravings  of  horses,  ibex,  and  bison,  and  a 
tailed  anthropomorphic  figure  with  uplifted  arms  like  those  at  Altamira,  meandering 
lines,  and  outlines  of  animals  traced  out  in  clay,  covering  in  places  the  walls.  The 
same  thing  is  seen  at  St.  Clotilde  d'Isabel,  a  cave  not  far  from  Altamira.  These 
designs,  apparently  made  with  the  finger,  recall  the  tracings  of  arabesques  and  animals 
executed  on  the  roof  at  Gargas.  At  Pindal  in  Oviedo,  a  cave,  situated  in  a  very 
inaccessible  position  close  to  the  sea,  contains  figures  of  an  elephant,  hind,  and 
bison  outlined  in  broad  red  bands,  and  engravings,  the  most  striking  of  which  is  a 
marine  fish  18  inches  long,  the  fins  and  tail  being  distinctly  shown.  With  the 
exception  of  the  engravings — supposed  to  be  of  trout — on  the  floor  at  Niaux,  this  is 
the  only  representation  of  a  fish  yet  discovered  on  the  wall  of  a  cave.  Niaux  is 
also  recalled  here  by  the  presence  of  club-shaped  or  clariform  designs.  El  Pendo  is 
notable  for  an  engraving  of  a  bird,  an  animal  rarely  seen  among  these  mural  drawings, 
and  by  no  means  common,  engraved  or  carved  on  objects  found  in  floor  deposits.  At 
Santian  are  broad  linear  designs  suggestive  of  an  arm  with  the  hand  ;  other  plain 
broad  red  bands  have  a  trident-like  termination  ;  others  again  are  quite  plain  with 
no  finger-like  ends.  It  is  suggested  that  these  designs  represent  weapons  comparable 
to  the  boomerang  and  nulla-nulla  of  the  Australian  natives.  Non-zoomorphic  designs 
occur  more  or  less  in  all  these  caves,  and  include  red  dots  or  discs  arranged  in  series 
of  rows.  They  are  most  numerous  at  Castillo,  where  the  design  termed  tectiform  is 
often  found.  The  authors  discuss  this  design  at  some  length  as  it  is  believed  to 
represent  a  hut,  and  compare  it  with  similar  designs  found  in  other  caves  as  Marsoulas, 
Altamira,  and  Font  de  Gaume.  The  authors  of  the  Font  de  Gaume  volume  also  pay 
considerable  attention  to  this  subject,  and,  in  fact,  devote  a  whole  chapter  to  its 
discussion.  They  give  illustrations  of  the  huts  of  several  primitive  peoples  for  com- 
.parison.  The  study  of  [the  full  description  of  these  designs  and  the  ethnographic 

'        [    46     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  23. 

comparisons  given  in  these  two  volumes  will  go  a  long  way  towards  removing  the 
scepticism  at  first  not  unnaturally  felt  regarding  this  interpretation.  If  correct  it  is 
certainly  of  great  interest,  for  it  brings  us  one  step  nearer  the  actual  life  of  .palaeolithic 
man,  and  we  may  permit  our  imagination  to  dwell-on  the  representation  of  the  simple 
dwellings  in  which  the  very  artists  themselves  dwelt. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  Cantabrian  volume  another  cave  of  exceptional 
interest  has  been  discovered  in  the  same  region.  It  is  that  of  La  Pasiega,  near 
the  hamlet  of  Villanueva,  first  noticed  by  M.  Obermeier  in  May  1911  and  since 
explored  by  him  with  M.  Breuil  and  Alcalde  del  Rio.  On  its  walls  no  less  than 
226  paintings  and  36  engravings  have  been  counted — deer,  horses,  oxen,  bison,  stags, 
ibex  and  chamois  are  among  the  animals  represented  as  well  as  dozens  of  tectiform 
and  other  inanimate  designs.  Most  of  the  coloured  figures  are  in  red,  a  few  only  in 
yellow  or  black.  The  explorers  remark  on  the  large  number  of  deer  with  antlers, 
recalling  the  remarkable  paintings  in  a  rockshelter  of  great  interest  recently  discovered 
at  Alpera  in  the  south-east  of  the  peninsula. 

In  both  volumes  the  evolution  of  the  mural  decoration  of  the  caves  is  discussed. 
Wherever  the  walls  of  a  cave  prevent  any  considerable  number  of  drawings,  some 
will  be  found  superposed  on  others  of  an  older  date.  This  at  once  suggests  a 
possible  means  of  discovering  the  relative  age  or  order  of  appearance  of  the  different 
figures.  Evidence  of  the  age  of  the  drawings  is  also  sought  by  comparing  them 
with  those  on  objects  found  in  the  floor  deposits  of  known  age,  and  with  drawings 
of  similar  style  in  other  caves.  Opinions  on  this  subject  are  not  unnaturally  some- 
what fluid  and  undergo  modification  as  knowledge  increases.  Completely  satisfactory 
conclusions  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  yet  been  reached,  though  the  question  has  been 
carefully  studied  at  Font  de  Gaume,  Altamira  and  Castillo.  They  must  still  be 
regarded  as  to  some  extent  sub  judice.  In  the  Cantabrian  volume  the  authors  have 
treated  the  subject  in  a  very  detailed  manner,  and  draw  up  quite  an  elaborate  series 
of  stages  of  evolution.  If  an  attempt  is  made  to  state  what  appears  to  be  most 
clearly  established  it  might  be  said,  first  of  the  paintings.  The  earliest  coloured  designs 
are  those  of  the  hand,  as  seen  at  Castillo,  Gargas,  and  in  a  less  degree  at  Altamira 
and  Font  de  Gaume.  Of  the  drawings  the  oldest  are  those  depicted  in  simple  lines 
of  colour — black  or  red.  Then  come  figures  slightly  modelled  in  black,  rarely  in 
red.  These  are  followed  by  broad  red-lined  forms.  Paintings  of  one  uniform  tint 
are  a  later  stage,  and  finally  polychromes  appear.  These,  at  first  immature,  showing 
only  slight  combination  of  colours,  are  followed  by  beautifully  finished  productions 
like  the  fine  polychromes  at  Altamira  and  Font  de  Gaume.  Secondly,  with  regard  to 
the  engravings.  Here  the  linear  and  animal  designs  traced  in  clay  are  exceedingly 
interesting  because  the  authors  apparently  regard  them  as  earlier  than  any  engravings 
on  the  rocky  surface.  We  may,  in  fact,  regard  them  as  the  first  efforts  in  this 
department  of  representative  art.  The  oldest  of  the  rock  engravings  are  executed  in 
deep  broad  lines.  Later  the  lines  become  shallower,  and  finally  are  fine  and  delicate, 
and  may  be  combined  to  form  a  scratched  or  hatched  surface.  The  tectiform  designs 
seem  to  present  a  difficulty,  for,  whilst  at  Font  de  Gaume  they  appear  in  such  a 
relation  to  the  polychromes  as  to  place  them  amongst  the  most  recent  decorative 
elements,  the  authors  of  the  Cantabrian  volume  regard  them  as  comparatively  early, 
placing  them  in  the  second  of  the  four  stages  into  which  they  divide  their  evolu- 
tionary series.  We  may  hope  and  expect  that  further  study  of  this  most  interesting 
phase  of  palaeolithic  art  in  other  decorated  caves  will  clear  up  these  difficulties,  and 
demonstrate  fully  the  order  in  which  the  drawings  were  executed,  and  incidentally 
throw  some  light  on  the  fascinating  problem  of  the  origins  of  representative  art 
among  mankind.  E.  A.  PARKYN. 

[     47     ] 


Nos.  24-25.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Africa,  South.  Junod. 

The  Life  of  a   South  African   Tribe.     By  Henri  A.  Junod.  A  J 

This  volume  constitutes  the  first  half  of  the  new  edition  of  M.  Junod's  £• 
monograph  on  the  Baronga,  the  first  edition  of  which  was  published  fourteen  years 
ago.  It  must  be  said  at  once  that  the  author  has  given  us  good  measure,  well 
pressed  down,  and  while  no  adequate  appreciation  of  the  work  is  possible  until  the 
whole  has  appeared,  the  500  pages  or  so  now  issued  make  it  clear  that  this  book 
will  constitute  the  most  important  account  yet  given  of  any  South  African  tribe,  and 
that  it  will  be  one  of  the  main  weapons  in  the  armoury  of  all  future  investigations 
into  the  ethnology  and  folklore,  not  only  of  the  Bantu,  but  also  of  the  Nilotes  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Great  Lakes  and  even  to  the  north  in  the  Sudan. 

Further,  it  has,  or  should  have,  enormous  importance  for  all  engaged  in  ad- 
ministering the  natives  of  South  Africa.  Compared  with  its  former  avatar,  that  half 
of  the  work  now  under  consideration  is  as  long  as  the  whole  of  Les  Ba-Ronga, 
while  everywhere  additional  details  of  the  greatest  importance  are  given.  It  would 
be  possible  to  write  an  article  of  any  number  of  pages  pointing  out  the  interest  of 
the  information  presented  by  M.  Junod,  but  even  a  cursory  mention  of  the  most 
important  would  be  out  of  place  in  a  preliminary  notice  ;  it  is,  however,  legitimate  to 
draw  attention  to  the  author's  workmanlike  device  of  describing  in  the  preface  the 
qualifications  of  his  chief  informants.  Among  these  was  Mankhelu,  "  an  elder  son  of 
"  Shiluvane,  the  late  chief  of  the  Nkuna  clan,  who  had  been  for  many  years  the 
"  prince-regent  of  the  Ba-Nkuna  till  the  actual  chief  Muhlaba  came  of  age.  Mankhelu 
"  was  the  general  of  the  army,  the  great  doctor  of  the  royal  kraal  one  of  the  main 
"  councillors,  and  entirely  convinced  bone-thrower,  a  priest  of  his  family,  a  Bantu  so 
"  deeply  steeped  in  obscure  conceptions  of  a  Bantu  mind  that  he  never  could  get 
"  rid  of  them,  and  remained  a  heathen  till  his  death  in  1908."  It  is  obvious  that 
information  collected  sympathetically  from  such  an  authority  cannot  be  other  than 
priceless,  and  readers  of  this  book  will  join  with  the  author  in  regretting  Mankhelu's 
death. 

The  book  is,  in  fact,  so  well  done  that  it  is  almost  presumptuous  for  any  one 
who  has  not  lived  among  the  Bantu  to  point  out  weaknesses,  but  since  the  busi- 
ness of  the  critic  is  to  criticise  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  M.  Junod's  use  of  the 
word  "taboo"  is  unsatisfactory  (cf.,  e.g.,  pp.  44,  45,  and  166),  while  going  through 
the  book  the  writer  continually  felt  that  it  would  have  been  easier  to  understand  if 
the  account  of  the  regulation  of  public  life  given  in  the  third  part  and  presumably 
to  be  continued  in  the  fourth  part  (in  the  volume  not  yet  published)  had  preceded 
those  sections  dealing  with  the  life  of  the  individual.  These  are,  however,  but  slight 
defects  in  a  great  work  upon  which  M.  Junod  may  be  heartily  congratulated. 

C.  G.  S. 


India.  Coomaraswamy. 

Visivakarma.  Specimens  of  Indian  Architecture,  Sculpture,  Painting,  flC 
Handicraft.  Chosen  by  Ananda  K.  Coomaraswamy,  D.Sc.  Parts  I.  and  II.  fcU 
In  this  publication  Dr.  Coomaraswamy  proposes  to  produce  a  series  of  examples 
of  important  works  of  Indian  art,  and  judging  from  the  first  two  parts,  each  con- 
taining twelve  plates,  the  collection  will  be  a  valuable  one  to  all  students  of  Oriental 
art.  The  first  series  is  to  consist  of  one  hundred  examples  of  sculpture,  and  in 
these  parts  the  specimens  have  been  selected  with  care  and  judgment,  and  the* 
photographic  reproductions  are  excellent.  Some  of  them  have  been  published  already 
in  works  on  art  by  Dr.  Coomaraswamy  and  Mr.  Havell,  but  the  publication  of  a 
series  of  plates  alone  without  letterpress  will  no  doubt  be  found  useful.  The 
sculptures  from  Konarak  deserve  especial  notice.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


A 


PLATE  D. 


MAN,  1913. 


FIG.   i. 


FIG.  2. 
BURIAL  CUSTOMS  IN  THE   NORTHERN  FLINDERS  RANGES  OF  SOUTH  AUSTRALIA. 


1913.]  MAN.  [No,  26. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Australia,  South.  With  Plate  D.  Basedow. 

Burial  Customs  in  the  Northern  Flinders  Ranges  of  South 
Australia.  By  Herbert  Basedow,  M.D.,  M.A.,  B.Sc.,  F.G.S.,  $c. ;  Local 
Correspondent  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  London;  Hon.  Fellow  of  the 
Anthropological  Society,  Gottingen ;  Hon.  Corresponding  Member  of  the  Geographical 
Society,  Hamburg,  fyc. 

Introduction. —  As  the  influence  of  civilisation  advances,  step  by  step,  into  remote 
districts,  which  had  hitherto  lent  a  charm  by  being  classed  as  "primitive  wilds  where 
"  Nature  unadulterated  reigns,"  so  must  ever  be  lost  to  science  countless  treasures 
through  lack  of  interest  and  want  of  observation  on  the  part  of  the  hardy  pioneers, 
who,  in  their  determined  struggle  against  drought,  heat,  and  exposure,  have,  of 
necessity,  little  or  no  time  left  to  think  of  noting  facts  and  thus  preserving  valuable 
material  for  scientific  research.  The  living  thus  often  vanishes  from  the  face  of  the 
earth  without  a  record.  In  few  instances,  only,  a  temporary  or  permanent  monument 
remains  for  a  subsequent  observer  to  decipher,  and  throw  but  a  little  light  upon 
the  characteristics  and  doings  of  the  past.  It  was  a  relic  of  this  description  that  I 
recently  had  the  good  fortune  to  discover  in  the  North  Flinders  Ranges,  while  com- 
missioned by  the  South  Australian  Government  to  examine  that  country  geologically. 
With  the  exception  of  a  small  group  of  semi-civilised  and  corrupted  natives,  now 
living  at  the  Government  Depot  at  Mount  Serle,  none  are  nowadays  to  be  found 
roaming  about  their  ancient  haunts  ;  but  evidence  is  at  hand  to  show  that,  in  years 
gone  by,  the  country  was  inhabited  by  a  powerful  tribe,  which  I  have  elsewhere 
referred*  to  as  the  "  Two-tooth "  natives. 

Among  other  things,  I  found  two  aboriginal  graves  during  my  exploration  of 
the  Ranges.  These  are  of  exceptional  interest,  not  only  because  their  particular 
method  of  burial  has  not  been  described  from  the  district,  but  because  one  of  the 
skeletons  demonstrates,  in  a  very  explicit  way,  some  of  the  attendant  burial  rites. 

Locality  of  Graves. — Two  graves  were  found  in  the  same  tract  of  country,  lying 
between  Lakes  Frome  and  Torrens,  viz.,  one  near  Bobmoony  Well,  about  twelve 
miles  east  of  Beltana,  and  another  on  Mundy  Creek,  about  seventeen  miles  south-east 
of  Lyndhurst. 

General  Description. — The  Bobmoony  grave  is  that  of  an  old  male  aboriginal, 
and  that  on  Mundy  Creek  is  that  of  an  aged  female.  A  permanent  natural-water 
exists  at  either  site  ;  consequently,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  natives  used  to  select 
these  places  as  their  camping  grounds,  and,  while  they  were  camped  there,  the 
individuals  here  referred  to  died.  In  either  case,  the  grave  had  been  dug  about 
one  mile  due  west  of  the  water,  and  the  mode  of  interment  was  alike  in  both.  The 
long  axis  of  the  grave  ran  due  north  and  south.  The  corpse  was  laid  on  its  back 
at  a  depth  of  about  two  feet  below  the  natural  surface  of  the  ground.  The  head  pointed 
to  the  south  and  the  face  was  turned  to  the  left,  that  is,  towards  the  setting  sun. 
In  the  Bobmoouy  case,  the  skeleton  lay  fully  extended  and,  so  far  as  the  mutilation 
allowed  judgment,  the  same  was  true  of  the  female  buried  at  Mnndy  Creek.  The 
arms  had  been  laid  in  a  normal,  lateral  position  along  the  body,  but  were  slightly 
flexed  in  the  former  case  so  that  the  old  man's  hands  rested  upon  his  thighs.  In 
filling  up  the  graves,  the  corpses  had  first  been  covered  with  leaves  and  other 
vegetable  waste,  and  upon  this  had  been  placed  a  layer  of  short  pieces  of  wood 
(which,  however,  at  the  time  of  my  examination,  had  almost  completely  rotted  away). 

*  Vide  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1907,  p.  709.  The  information  concerning  the  practice  of 
the  knocking  out  of  the  incisors  among  these  natives  was  given  me  by  old  residents.  In  several 
skeletons  that  I  personally  examined  there  was  no  evidence  of  any  of  the  incisors  having  been 
removed  intra  i-itam. 

[     49     ] 


No.  26.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


Immediately  over  the  wood  .restsd  a  number  of  flat  slab*  of  clay  slate,  which  com- 
pletely covered  the  surface  of  the  grave.  Lastly,  earth  had  been  thrown  in.  No 
doubt  sufficient  earth  had  originally  been  used  to  raise  the  surface  of  the  grave  at 
least  up  to  the  natural  level  of  the  ground,  or  possibly  to  build  up  a  small  mound 


FIG.  1. 

to  indicate  the  spot.  Time  had,  however,  obliterated  all  traces  of  such,  and  the 
surface  of  the  grave  now  actually  lay  a  little  beneath  that  of  the  adjacent  ground. 
No  implements,  or  personal  belongings,  were  found  either  in  or  upon  the  grave  ;  but 
old  residents  told  me  that  it  was  customary  to  lay  the  spears,  spear-thrower,  water- 
carrier,  or  other  favourite  articles,  upon  the  completed  grave.  It  was  still  apparent 
that  a  circular  space,  about  15  feet  in  diameter,  had  been  cleared  around  the  grave  and 
swept  clean.  This  space,  I  was  informed,  used  to  be  inspected  occasionally  by  the 
aborigines,  for  the  purpose  of  detecting  any  tracks  or  footprints  likely  to  have  been 
left  by  a  visiting  foe  or  evil  spirit  (the  so-called  "  devil-devil ").  At  the  southern 
end,  that  is,  the  head  end,  a  semi-circular  shelter  of  branches,  brushwood,  and  stones 
skirted  the  cleared  space.  Its  construction  was  quite  similar  to  the  shelter  often  built 
at  the  head-end  of  camping  places  in  other  parts  of  Central  Australia. 
:  Mutilation  of  Body  before  Burial. — With  the  exception  of  a  fibula  and  a  few 
metatarsal  bones,  which  had  been  removed  to  the  surface  by  burrowing  rabbits,  the 
skeleton  of  the  old  man  at  Bobmoony  Well  belonging  to  an  individual  over  six  feet 
high  was  quite  intact  and  complete.  It  was  not  so  with  the  Mundy  Creek  specimen. 
This  skeleton  plainly  showed  that  the  body  of  the  old  woman  had  been  mutilated 
before  it  was  finally  buried. 

Although    none    of    the    continental  Australian  tribes  are  cannibals  in  the  strict 
sense  of    the  word,  it  has    long  been  known    that  certain   tribes,  if   not  all,  practise 

r  50  ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  26. 


man-eating  when  opportunity  is  afforded.  That  is  to  say,  no  tribe  goes  out  speci- 
allv  to  kill  its  own  kind  for  the  purpose  of  eating  the  slain,  but  if  perchance  the 
body  of  a  fallen  enemy  can  be  secured  the  natives  do  not  hesitate  to  make  a  meal 
off  the  same.  During  prolonged  drought  it  may  happen  that  an  infant  is  purposely 
killed  by  its  parents  and  an  elder  child  fed  with  its  flesh  to  keep  the  latter  from 
starvation.  By  far  the  most  common  practice  is,  however,  to  select  for  eating 
particular  parts  from  the  body  of  a  living  captive,  slain  enemy,  or  friend  who  died 
from  natural  causes  or  otherwise.  In  this  respect  the  kidney  fat  seems  to  be  the 
most  favoured  ;  it  is  removed  by  a  dorsal  incision  from  either  dead  or  living.  Several 
of  these  cases  have  lately  come  under  my  notice  from  the  south  central  districts  of 
Australia.  When,  moreover,  a  noted  warrior  or  otherwise  distinguished  identity  dies, 
privileged  members  of  the  tribe  may  during  the  mourning  ceremonies  cut  certain 
parts  from  the  corpse  and  eat  them.  By  so  doing  they  hope  to  acquire  the  special 
qualities  of  the  deceased. 

Whether  we  have  such  a  case  before  us  in  the  Mundy  Creek  discover v,  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  The  body  of  the  old  woman  had  been  literally  bisected  above 
the  pelvis,  aud  the  spinal  column  severed  between  the  fourth  and  fifth  lumbar 
vertebrae.  The  pelvis  and  the  long  bones  of  the  legs  had  been  unfleshed  in  a  manner 
that  reminds  us  of  the  customs  of  other  primitive  people.  The  bones  of  the  pelvis 
and  the  lower  limbs  had  been  isolated  with  the  exception  of  the  fibulae  and  those  of 
the  feet.  Whether  the  soft  parts  belonging  to  these  detached  bones,  and  the  contents 
of  the  pelvis  had  been  feasted  upon  during  the  obsequies  is  a  matter  of  conjecture, 
but  in  view  of  what  follows  it  is  probable.  Every  one  of  the  long  bones  of  the  legs 
(with  the  exception  of  the  fibulae)  had  beeLi  purposely  broken  and  split  open  with  an 
instrument  before  burial.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  object  of  this  procedure  was 
to  procure  the  marrow  from  the  medullary  canal  in  order  to  eat  it.  The  instrument 
used  was  one  with  a  sharp  cutting  edge  and  must  have  been  of  fair  weight  to 
shatter  the  bones  by  impact.  A  tomahawk  might  well  have  been  used  to  effect  the 
purpose.  Nowadays  a  grinding  stone  or  "miri"  is  usually  carried  about  by  the 
natives  in  their  kit,  and  this  is  used,  among  other  things,  to  crush  the  bones  of 
kangaroos  and  other  game  at  meals. 

In  Fig.  1  I  have  shown  the  component  fragments  of  the  shattered  long  bones 
replaced.  A  point  of  percussion  is  clearly  visible  on  the  right  femur  at  a  distance 
of  about  one 
quarter  its 
length  from 
the  upper 
end.  No 
fragments 
belonging  to 
the  left  femur 
were  found. 
The  inferior 
extremity  of 
the  left  tibia 
and  the 
sacrum  were  pIG  •> 

also  missing. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  any  of  the  missing  fragments  or  ostta  had  been 
purposely  retained  by  the  tribe  to  carry  about  with  them  as  amulets.  This  is  done 
by  various  Central  Australian  tribes  living  to-day.  There  is  also,  in  this  case,  a 
possibility  of  subsequent  removal  by  burrowing  rabbits. 

[    51     ] 


No.  26.]  MAN.  [1913. 

The  upper  half  of  the  skeleton,  from  the  fourth  lumbar  vertebra  upwards,  is 
practically  complete.  The  only  bones  that  were  not  found  in  correct  position  and 
that  had  been  artificially  broken  with  an  instrument  are  those  of  the  right  fore  arm. 
The  radius  was  smashed  at  its  ueck  and  tuberosity.  The  ulna  was  cut  with  a  sharp 
instrument  in  the  region  of  the  nutritious  foramen  ;  the  distal  segment  could  not  be 
found. 

Fig.  2  figures  the  superior  extremities  of  the  left  femur  and  right  ulna,  with 
clearly-defined  cuts  by  a  sharp  instrument.  None  of  the  bones  show  any  evidence 
of  having  been  laid  on  the  fire  or  hot  ashes  ;  it  is  therefore  surmised  that  the  marrow 
was  taken  from  the  bones  raw. 

The  position  and  order  in  which  the  bones  of  the  pelvis  and  lower  extremities 
were  found  is  deserving  of  notice.  The  tarsals  and  metatarsals,  together  with  the 
phalanges,  were  in  their  correct  places.  Adjoining  them  lay  the  fibulae,  also  in 
normal  position.  Above  these,  however,  existed  a  gap,  corresponding  to  the  space 
originally  occupied  by  the  thigh  and  hip-bones.  Where,  under  ordinary  circumstances, 
the  pelvis  would  have  been  found,  lay  a  heap  of  bones  and  bone  fragments  arranged 
not  altogether  without  order.  The  ossa  coxae  had  been  placed  one  over  the  other, 
and  surmounted  a  vertebra  and  the  epiphyses  of  the  broken  long  bones.  The  long 
splinters  of  the  broken  bones,  however,  projected  outwards  from  the  obturator 
foramina,  into  which  they  had  been  stuck  by  human  agency. 

Summary. — This  discovery  of  ancient  burial  customs  of  a  practically  extinct 
tribe  in  South  Central  Australia  is  valuable  ethnographically,  since  it  teaches  iis  of 
a  yet  unrecorded  method  of  interment  from  a  locality  that  is  (and  is  likely  to 
remain)  a  terra  incognita  to  the  anthropologist.  I  could  find  no  record  in  the  dis- 
trict of  "  tree-burial,"  either  concrete  or  traditional,  and  that  agrees  with  my  obser- 
vations in  the  Musgrave  Ranges  lying  to  the  north-west  of  the  Flinders  Ranges. 
This  method  of  disposal  of  the  dead  on  platforms  in  trees  or  elsewhere  is,  or  was, 
practised  by  most  of  the  tribes  in  the  north  and  the  south  of  Australia. 

Further,  we  have  the  positive  evidence  of  a  most  interesting  mourning  custom 
consisting  in  the  mutilation  of  the  dead  body,  and  in  the  probable  eating  of  certain 
parts  of  it  during  the  attendant  ceremonies  of  burial.  The  latter  affords  further  proof 
that  this  tribe  practised  man-eating,  as  most  of  the  Australian  tribes  have  now  been 
proved  to  do.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  we  should  be  justified  in  calling 
any  of  the  continental  Australian  tribes  cannibals. 

In  conclusion  I  beg  to  here  acknowledge  the  courteous  and  able  assistance 
tendered  me  by  Mr.  W.  A.  Fergusson,  of  Moolooloo,  in  the  location  and  exhumation 
of  these  scientifically  so  valuable  specimens. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  PLATE  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  TEXT. 

PLATE  D. 

Fig.  1. — Grave  of  a  male  aboriginal,  Bobmoony  Well,  east  of  Beltana.  Note 
the  small  heap  of  short  pieces  of  wood  on  the  left  of  grave,  and  the  flat  slabs  of 
rock  on  the  right  ;  both  materials  covered  the  skeleton  in  distinct  layers.  Near  to 
the  heap  of  wood  is  the  entrance  to  a  rabbit  burrow,  in  front  of  which  lie  a  fibula 
and  a  few  bones  of  a  human  foot,  which  were  unearthed  by  the  rabbit's,  and  led  to 
the  discovery  of  the  grave.  Note  also  the  semi-circular  shelter  of-  branches  and 
slabs  of  rock  surrounding  the  head-end  of  grave. 

Fig.  2. — Grave  of  a  female  aboriginal,  Mundy  Creek,  south-east  of  Lyndhurst. 
Note,  as  above,  the  flat  slabs  of  rock  that  covered  the  skeleton,  and  semi-circular 
shelter  at  the  head  end  ;  also  the  derangement  of  the  bones  of  the  pelvis,  from  the 
foramina  of  which  projects  splinters  of  the  long  bones  of  the  legs.  In  both  cases 
head  is  facing  the  west. 

[     52     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  %  [Nos.  26-27. 

ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  TEXT. 

Fig.  1. — The  shattered  long  bones  of  the  legs  and  fragments  of  an  ulna  and 
radius,  all  of  which  have  been  artificially  broken  to  secure  the  marrow.  A  point  of 
percussion  is  seen  below  the  head  of  the  right  femur.  The  fragments  and  splinters 
were  replaced  into  their  respective  positions  after  exhumation  ;  many  were  missing. 

Fig.  2. — Superior  extremities  of  left  femur  and  right  ulna,  showing  clearly- 
defined  cuts  by  a  sharp  instrument. 


India.  Hodson. 

Seasonal    Marriages  in   India.      /»'//    '/'•   C.  Hodson. 

The  announcement  in  the  English  press  of  the  celebration  on  the  15th 
February,  1913,  of  the  marriages  of  the  Kadwa  Kanbi  caste  touches  a  subject  of 
considerable  interest.  The  best  account  I  know  is  given  in  the  liaroda  Census 
Report  for  1911,  pp.  173-4.  The  intervals  in  the  case  of  the  Kadwa  Kanbis  (a  large 
cultivating  caste  also  in  Bombay)  are  nine,  ten,  or  eleven  years.  There  is  a  strong 
movement  afloat  to  reduce  it  to  five  years,  and  thence  gradually  to  one.  The 
Bharvads,  a  small  shepherd  caste  (Guzerat  and  Kathiawar),  admit  longer  intervals — 
twelve,  fifteen,  or  twenty-four  years.  These  intervals  depend  on  astrological  calcula- 
tions. To  obviate  difficulties,  they  practise  substituted  marriages  in  which  the  part 
of  bridegroom  is  played  by  a  bunch  of  flowers  which  is  thrown  away,  leaving  the 
girl  free  to  marry  by  a  simpler  form.  Sometimes  an  elderly  relation  is  the  nominal 
husband.  It  is  also  "one"  of  the  reasons  for  "child  marriage."  Motala  Brahmans 
(Baroda)  celebrate  marriages  every  four  years  on  a  fixed  day.  Ahirs  and  Rabaris  have 
marriages  once  a  year  on  a  fixed  day.  Dhodias  in  Bombay  (Census  Report,  1911, 
p.  255)  only  marry  on  Thursdays.  Gait  in  the  Bengal  Census  Report  for  1901, 
p.  254,  remarks  that  "  it  is  the  fashion  amongst  Tirhutia  Brahmans  to  meet  for  the 
"  purpose  at  certain  regular  assemblies  held  for  the  purpose  towards  the  end  of  the 
"  lagan  or  marriage  season.  The  largest  of  these  gatherings  is  held  at  Sanrath  and 
"  extends  over  a  week.  Carpets  are  spread  under  the  trees  and  the  Brahmans  assemble 
"  gaily  clad  in  crimson  with  flowing  turbans.  The  occasion  is  one  of  unwonted 
"  rowdiness.  .  .  .  When  a  marriage  is  decided  on  the  ceremony  is  at  once  per- 
"  formed."  In  a  valuable  note  to  p.  250  he  refers  to  the  favourite  months  for  mar- 
riage both  among  Hindu,  Hinduised  and  non-Aryan  groups,  and  to  the  superstitions 
attaching  to  certain  months.  It  is  notable  that  the  eldest  son  and  daughter  may  not 
marry  in  Jaishta,  nor  may  a  couple  marry  in  a  month  in  which  either  was  born,  nor 
within  twelve  months  of  a  death  of  a  parent,  nor  in  an  even  year  of  one's  age. 

The  Puvaththukudi  Chettis  marriages  are,  it  is  stated  by  Thurston  (Vol.  II, 
p.  93),  for  reasons  of  economy  only,  celebrated  at  intervals  of  many  years. 

"  Concerning  this  custom  a  member  of  the  community  writes  to  me  as  follows  : — 
"  In  our  village  marriages  are  performed  only  once  in  ten  or  fifteen  years.  My  own 
"  marriage  was  celebrated  in  the  year  Nandana  (1892-93).  Then  seventy  or  eighty 
"  marriages  took  place.  Since  that  time  marriages  have  only  taken  place  in  the 
"  present  year  (1906).  .  .  .  Another  Chetti  writes  that  this  system  of  clubbing 
"  marriages  together  is  practised  at  the  villages  of  Puvaththukudi  and  Mannagudi 
"  (district,  Tanjore),  and  that  the  marriages  of  all  girls  of  about  seven  years  of  age 
"  and  upwards  are  celebrated."  The  talikettu  ceremony  is  often  performed  for  a 
number  of  girls  at  one  and  the  same  time  "  once  in  ten  or  twelve  years  "  (Thurston, 
Vol.  V,  p.  319,  quoting  Mr.  N.  Subramani  Aiyar  for  Travancore  and  Cochin  Castes, 
Vol.  II,  p.  22).  Regard  has  in  these  cases  to  be  had  to  astrological  details,  as  if  the 
horoscopes  of  the  tali  tier  and  of  any  one  of  the  girls  did  not  agree  that  girl  would 
have  to  be  left  out.  The  exact  "value"  of  the  tali  tving  ceremony  is  not  quite 

[     53    ] 


Nos.  27-29.]  MAN.  [1913. 

settled.  The  best  view  is  that  it  is  to  give  the  girl  a  marriageable  status.  See 
introduction  to  Cochin  Castes^  Vol.  II,  p.  x\. 

Abbe  Dubois  thinks  that  the  original  reason  why  Hindus  selected  certain  months 
as  the  most  auspicious  for  marriages  is  that  during  these  months  all  agricultural  work 
is  either  finished  or  suspended.  (Note  to  p.  214,  Hindu  Manners  and  Ceremonies.) 

An  interesting  case  where  the  celebration  of  marriages  depends  on  circumstances 
distinct  from  the  will  either  of  the  parties  or  of  their  communities  in  general  comes 
from  Burma.*  '*  The  Banyong  Karens  are  reduced  in  numbers  by  extraordinary 
"  marriage  customs.  Mr.  Giles  says  there  is  no  giving  and  taking  in  marriage  as 
"  with  all  other  races  in  the  world.  It  is  only  when  a  high  official  such  as  a 
u  Taungsa  visits  Banyin  that  there  are  any  marriages  all.  This  personage  orders  a 
"  couple  to  be  married,  and  married  they  are.  just  as  a  man  might  be  sworn  of  the 
"  peace.  The  Taungsa  Gonwara  makes  a  point  of  going  there  once  a  year  so  as  to 
"  ensure  at  least  one  marriage  in  the  twelvemonth.  It  appears  that  matters  are 
"  further  complicated  by  the  fact  that  the  contracting  parties  must  be  relations,  as 
"  is  the  custom  with  the  Sawngtung  race.  In  a  village  of  six  houses,  however, 
"  where  custom  has  decreed  cross-marriages  for  many  years,  this  requirement  should 
"  be  very  easily  fulfilled.  The  men  are  said  to  be  very  averse  to  marriage,  and 
"  'have  frequently  to  be  taken  by  force  to  the  bride's  house.'"  T.  C.  H. 

New  Ireland.  Rivers. 

The  Bow  in  New  Ireland.  By  W.  H.  K.  Rivers.  flfl 

I  am  much  indebted  to  Dr.  Graebner  for  calling  my  attention  to  several  £0 
errors  in  the  second  appendix  to  my  article  on  ''  The  Disappearance  of  Useful  Arts  " 
in  the  Festschrift  recently  brought  out  in  honour  of  Professor  Westermarck.f  In  his 
Methode  der  Ethnologie,  to  which  reference  is  made  on  p.  130  of  my  article,  Dr. 
Graebner  only  mentions  the  statement  of  Behrens  and  cites  it  as  an  example  of  a 
principle  that  the  mention  by  a  traveller  of  a  widely  distributed  object  has  less  value 
as  evidence  than  when  the  object  is  rare  and  exceptional.  The  example,  therefore, 
remains  appropriate  even  if,  as  I  suppose,  the  statement  of  Behrens  was  correct. 

The  evidence  of  Bougainville,  which  I  quote  against  Dr.  Graebner,  is  beside  the 
mark,  for  this  traveller  only  records  the  presence  of  the  bow  in  the  central  part  of 
New  Ireland,  where  it  is  still  used.  His  evidence  has  no  bearing  on  the  problem 
whether  this  weapon  was  formerly  used  at  the  southern  end  of  the  island.  We  have, 
therefore,  only  the  evidence  of  two  independent  witnesses  to  the  former  presence  of 
the  bow  and  arrow  at  this  end  of  New  Ireland. 

Further,  the  word  "Britain,"  which  occurs  on  p.  129  in  the  fifth  and  eighth  lines 
of  Appendix  B,  should  in  each  case  be  "  Ireland,"  and,  as  Mr.  Sidney  Hartland  has 
pointed  out  to  me,  the  word  "  lances,"  by  which  I  translate  the  Assageys  oder 
fVurff-Pfeilen  of  Behrens,  should  not  be  used  for  weapons  which  are  thrown.  It  is 
now  customary  to  call  such  objects  "  javelins."  W.  H.  R.  RIVERS. 


Archaeology :  Prehistoric.  Reid  Mo  jr. 

Problems  of  Flint  Fracture.    By  J.  Reid  Moir,  F.G.S.  flQ 

I  regret    to    find    myself    unable  to    make  any  really  serious    reply  to  Mr.     fcU 

Hazzledine  Warren's    criticisms  of    my  work,    as  set    forth    in    the  March  number  of 

MAN.     After  twenty-four  years  as  a  "practical  student"  of  flint  fracture  Mr.  Warren 

still  finds  it  necessary  to  rely  upon    fallacious    theories  to  support  his  views  on    this 

subject — and  while  he  does  this  it  is  impossible  to  come  to  grips  with   him. 

*   Gazetteer  of  Upper  Surma,  Vol.  I.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  547. 

t  Festskrift  tillagnad  Edvard  Westermarck,  Helsingfors,  1!)12. 

[    54     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  29. 

He  states  that  "  in  a  stream  a  rain  of  blows  is  steadily  delivered  in  a  constant 
"  direction  against  other  stones  wedged  in  its  bed."  This  is  in  the  nature  of  things 
a  theoretical  and  improbable  statement,  and  one  which  proves  nothing — except, 
perhaps,  that  Mr.  Warren  falls  an  easy  prey  to  a  somewhat  riotous  imagination. 

Mr.  Warren  further  states  "  that  the  nature  of  the  blows  (given  in  a  stream) 
"  differs  essentially  from  those  delivered  within  the  confined  space  of  a  sack." 

This,  again,  is  simply  an  assertion,  and  will  remain  so  until  Mr.  Warren  explains 
exactly  what  the  difference  is  between  the  two  types  of  blow. 

I  do  not  think  that  anyone  is  likely  to  forget  that  the  detritus  bed  below  the 
sands  and  shells  of  the  Red  Crag  sea  is  a  marine  deposit,  but  it  is  difficult  to  recollect 
any  unassailable  evidence  having  been  brought  forward  to  show  that  this  deposit  has 
been  greatly  agitated  by  "wave-action  during  storms."  Perhaps  Mr.  Warren  will  be 
able  to  publish  the  facts  upon  which  his  remarks  are  based. 

Another  vague  statement  is  that  "  there  are  two  factors  of  primary  importance 
"  in  Nature  Avhich  no  experiment  can  ever  produce. 

"These  are  (1)  the  quantity  of  material  acted  upon  ;  (2)  the  time  during  which 
"  the  forces  are  operating." 

To  elevate  this  assertion  to  a  position  of  even  temporary  importance  Mr.  Warren 
must  tell  us  exactly  what  sort  of  material  he  refers  to,  and  give  us  a  hint  as  to  the 
mysterious  force  he  invokes. 

The  question  of  "  time  "  we  can  leave,  though  as  some  assert  time  to  be  merely 
a  concept,  I  recommend  it  to  Mr.  Warren's  careful  consideration. 

After  having  realised  the  strange  atmosphere  of  assertion  and  uncertainty  in 
which  Mr.  Warren  so  freely  moves,  his  remarks  that  my  work  "  has  not  always  been 
41  characterised  by  sound  mechanical  principle  or  carefulness  of  statement,"  and  that 
my  "  criteria  [of  human  workmanship  upon  flints]  are  essentially  unscientific,"  leave 
me  cold  and  unmoved. 

It  is  a  relief  to  find  that  Mr.  Warren  has  conducted  some  experiments  with 
flints,  but  I  cannot,  naturally,  pass  any  detailed  criticism  upon  the  results  of  these 
until  1  have  seen  and  handled  the  specimens  from  which  he  draws  his  conclusions, 
but  after  having  examined  an  exhibit  of  his  at  University  College  last  November 
I  may,  perhaps,  be  permitted  to  express  very  grave  doubts  as  to  the  value  of 
these  conclusions. 

I  would,  however,  be  very  glad  to  meet  Mr.  Warren  before  some  body  of 
unbiased  scientific  men,  and  with  his  flints  and  mine  before  us,  to  discuss  this  matter 
in  all  its  details. 

I  notice  Mr.  Warren  states  that  "  Mr.  Moir  says  that  he  has  used  every  kind 
"  of  flint  in  his  experiments."  Will  he  be  so  good  as  to  name  the  publication  in 
which  these  words  occur  ? 

Iii  reference  to  the  suggestion  that  "  eoliths "  which  exhibit  chipping  showing 
"  pressure  characteristics "  are  generally  associated  with  scratched  surfaces,  I  would 
ask  how  it  is  that  neolithic,  surface,  implements,  which  show  extensively  striated 
surfaces,  do  not  also  exhibit  "  eolithic  chipping"?  But  possibly  "  eolithic  "  pressure 
was  a  totally  different  thing  from  the  more  modern  variety. 

Mr.  Warren  states  that  my  "  letter-press  experiments  .  .  .  have  no  bearing 
4S  upon  this  problem."  Yet  I  notice  in  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute 
(Vol.  XXV,  p.  345),  which  contains  a  paper  by  him  on  "  The  Origin  of  Eolithic 
"  Flints  .  .  .,"  the  following  paragraph  appears  : — 

"  Experiments. — At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  some  experiments  were  con- 
ducted in  order  to  show  practically  the  effects  of  perpendicular  pressure  upon  the 
edges  of  flints.  Some  of  these  were  .  .  .  slowly  pressed  against  a  pebble  in  a 
screiv-press  made  expressly  for  the  purpose" 

[     55     ] 


Nos.  29-30.]  MAN.  [1913. 

It  will  be  interesting  to  know  why  experiment*  with  a  "  *crew-press "  are 
looked  npon  with  favour  in  this  matter,  while  those  with  a  "  letter-press "  are 
regarded  with  such  scorn  and  contempt. 

Mr.  Warren  concludes  his  remarks  by  expressing  the  pious  hope  that  "  wider 
experience "  on  my  part  will  bring  me  into  line  with  himself  and  Mr.  F.  N. 
I  la  ward  on  the  question  of  the  natural  chipping  of  flint. 

It  is  remotely  possible  that  this  may  be  the  case,  but  if  the  acceptance  of  their 
views  would  lead  me  to  emulate  them  in  prostrating  myself  before  some  unknown, 
non-human  forces,  such  as  Mr.  Warren  pays  homage  to,  and  whose  supposed 
movements  Mr.  Ha  ward  describes  by  the  amusing  title  of  "  chip  and  slide."  I  really 
think  that  when  this  surrender  on  my  part  occurs  1  shall  be  well  advised  to  hang 
my  shield  upon  the  wall  and  drop  out  of  the  ranks  of  prehistorians  altogether. 

J.  REID  MOIK. 

Africa,  East.  Beech. 

Suicide  amongst  the  A-Kikuyu  of  East  Africa,       By  Mervyn  W.  II.     Qfl 

Beech,  M.A.  ull 

A  few  weeks  ago  some  regulations  were  introduced  into  the  reserve  by  the 
native  elders  with  a  view  to  putting  a  stop  to  the  practice  of  beer  drinking  amongst 
young  men. 

The  local  native  council  fined  a  young  man,  aged  about  twenty,  the  sum  of 
Its.  15*.  for  infringement  of  these  regulations. 

On  the  sentence  being  pronounced  the  young  man  forthwith  slashed  his  thigh 
with  a  native  sword,  inflicting  a  deep  wound,  and  the  following  morning  hanged 
himself  on  a  tree. 

By  the  time  the  police  inspector  had  arrived  on  the  scene  the  skin  rope  had 
snapped  and  the  body  was  lying  on  the  ground.  There  was  no  doubt  but  that  the 
man  had  committed  suicide,  and  the  muddy  prints  of  his  feet  were  plainly  discernible 
on  the  tree  up  which  he  had  climbed. 

When  the  police  inspector  told  the  deceased  man's  brothers  to  bury  the  corpse, 
they  said  that  if  they  did  so  they  would  die  ;  they,  however,  were  willing  to  drag 
the  body  off  into  the  bush  by  a  rope  so  long  as  they  did  not  touch  it. 

The  whole  procedure  of  slashing  himself  and  then  committing  suicide,  also 
the  frightened  expression  of  the  elders  who  reported  the  matter,  pointed  to  the 
fact  that  the  deceased  thought  that  by  doing  what  he  did  to  himself  he  would 
thereby  in  some  manner  or  other  bring  trouble  on  the  elders  who  had  fined  him.  I 
could,  however,  find  no  confirmation  of  this  view  ;  indeed,  when  at  last  I  went  so 
far  as  to  put  a  leading  question  to  this  effect  a  prompt  denial  was  the  only  response. 
Nevertheless,  I  learned  that  anyone  who  has  died  a  violent  death,  whether  by  spear 
or  by  hanging  or  in  any  such  way,  must  on  no  account  be  buried  in  the  earth. 
Those  who  buried  him  would  slowly  waste  away  to  death,  eaten  up  by  sores,  by  the 
disease  "  kionji,"  or  leprosy  ;  because  the  "  nguro "  or  spirit  of  the  dead  man  being 
angry  would  if  he  were  buried  have  the  power  of  inflicting  this  disease  upon  those 
who  buried  him.  * 

Suicide  among  the  A-Kikuyu  is  comparatively  common,  and  as  far  as  the  follow- 
ing cases  which  have  come  to  my  notice  are  concerned,  they  would  point  to  the 
fact  that  the  A-Kikuyu  commit  suicide  only  for  much  the  same  reasons  as  civilised 
people. 

1.  The  "patriarch"  Karanja  wa  Mariti  tells  me  that  on  one  occasion  he  had  a 
sore  hand.  The  pain  extended  to  his  shoulder  and  was  so  acute  that  had  not  his 
brother  seized  the  weapon  from  him  he  would  have  killed  himself. 

2.  At  Kikuyu    a    man    after    marrying    a  woman    found    that    he  was  impotent. 

[    56    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  30-31. 

Dreading    ridicule    lie    attempted    to    murder    his  wife    and  committed    suicide.     The 
woman,  however,  recovered. 

3.  Another  man  finding    he    had    been  robbed  of  Rs.  70  during  the  night  hung 
himself. 

4.  A  woman  recently  threw  herself    in  front  of    the  train  and  was  killed.     Her 
husband  did  not  know  why  she  did  it,  but  as  he  said  :  "  I  was  quite  near,  yet  I  could 
"  not  prevent  the  act  as  I  did  not  know  if  she  were  doing  it  because  she  was  angry 
"  with  me.     For  if  she  was  doing  it  for  that  reason  and  I  had  touched  her  I  should 
"  certainly  have  died." 

5.  The  mother  of  one  of  my  porters  hanged  herself  after  bearing  an  excruciating 
pain  in  her  foot  for  two  days. 

6.  A  woman  hanged  herself  at  Lamnru  after  a  quarrel  with  her  husband. 
In  conclusion  I  will  quote  the  words  of  Karanjja  mentioned  above  : — 

"  It  is  very  common  for  A-Kikuyu  to  kill  themselves.  Some  do  so  because  they 
are  old  and  solitary  and  have  no  relations,  others  because  they  are  poor. 

"  It  is  more  common  for  women  to  kill  themselves  than  men — many,  many 
women  have  killed  themselves. 

"  None  of  the  relatives  or  members  of  the  clan  may  touch  the  corpse  of  a 
suicide.  The  unrelated  elders  of  the  kiama  (council)  are  those  who  cut  down  the 
body  of  one  who  has  hanged  himself,  and  they  are  given  a  very  fat  sheep  indeed 
for  their  trouble."  MERVYN  W.  H.  BEECH,  M.A. 


India,  North.  Tiger. 

Proverbs  of  the  Ouraons.     By  A.   Tiger.  Q4 

1.  Among  men    the  barber,   among  animals  the  monkey,  among  birds  the     Ul 
crow  is  very  prudent. 

2.  The    blind    100   times  ;     the    one-eyed    man  1,000    times  ;    the    squint-eyed 
man   10,000  times  more  cunning  than  an  ordinary  man. 

3.  An  orphan  child  is  easily  provoked. 

4.  An  illegitimate  child  is  very  clever. 

5.  The  very  dog  which  I  tamed  bites  me. 

6.  We  must  not  count  the  teeth  of  a  presented  horse. 

7.  A  fool  gets  wet  when  he  is  in  the  village. 

8.  Thunder  and  lightning  seldom  brings  rain. 

9.  Day  and  night  is  the  same  for  a  blind  man  whether  he  sleeps  or  awakes. 

10.  A  distant  drum  is  very  pleasant. 

11.  You  have  attained  old  age  and  you  don't  know  what  a  goat  is. 

12.  Take  care    if    you    fall   from    the  tree,    you    will    see    the  wedding  of   your 
father. 

13.  One  egg  and  that  also  spoilt. 

14.  You  have  not  lost  yet  your  milk  teeth. 

15.  A  child  which  sucks  the  milk  of  its  mother  is  a  good  one. 

16.  A  thief  at  mid-day. 

17.  A  thief  knows  thieves. 

18.  A  dog  is  very  bold  when  it  is  in  the  house. 

19.  No  one  accepts  a  truth,  but  a  lie  the  whole  world  believes. 

20.  If  the  reputation  of  a  man  is  good  then  the  whole  world  is  good. 

21.  A  big  man's  share  is  big,  a  small  man's  small. 

22.  He  who  comes  last  returns  empty  handed. 

23.  A  word  spoken  cannot  be  called  back. 

24.  A  good  beginning  is  half  the  work  done. 

[    57     ] 


NOB.  31-32.]  MAN.  [1913. 

25.  Money  is  the  father  of  men. 

26.  Danger  past,  Ram  (God)  is  forgotten. 

27.  What  early  grows  early  rots. 

28.  As  is  the  father  such  is  the  son. 

29.  To  buy  dear  and  to  sell  cheap. 

30.  To  get  drowned  in  a  dry  river. 

31.  A.  joker  must  not  be  hanged. 

32.  To  wash  a  piece  of  charcoal  with  soap. 

33.  He  who  works  not  must  not  eat. 

34.  If  you  sit  with  clean  hands  you  will  get  nothing. 

35.  To  lick  the  spittle. 

36.  Not  to  dream  properly.     (To  explain  an  accident  that  happened  afterwards.) 

37.  He  who  does  not  follow  the  advice  of  his  elder  will  go  to  beg. 

38.  Drop  by  drop  a  tank  is  filled. 

39.  When  stomach  is  full  everything  is  dust. 

40.  A  daughter  is  but  others'  property. 

41.  A  hunter  looks  for  a  gun  when  a  deer  is  before  him. 

42.  An  idle  fellow  after  falling  into  the  pit  does  not  want  to  come  out. 

43.  One  pea  was  divided  between  seven  brothers. 

44.  Time  once  past  never  returns. 

45.  A  tiger  was  caught  in  the  cobweb. 

46.  Filter  the  water  before  you  drink.  A.    TIGER. 


REVIEWS. 
India :  Assam.  Shakespear. 

The  Kuki-Lushei   Clans.       By    Lt.-Colonel    J.    Shakespear,    C.I.E.,    D.S.O. 
London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1912. 

This  volume  is  divided  into  two  parts.  In  Part  I  we  have  an  account  of  the 
Lushei  proper  ;  in  Part  II  an  account  of  tribes  who  have  either  been  practically 
assimilated  by  Lusheis  under  the  rule  of  Thangur  chiefs  or  have  been  much  influenced 
by  their  neighbours  as  well  as  of  the  so-called  old  and  new  Kukis  and  of  the  Lakhers, 
comparatively  recent  immigrants  from  the  Chin  Hills.  Colonel  Shakespear  traces 
firmly  and  clearly  the  wars  and  troubles  of  these  people  and  their  migrations  from 
an  area  between  Tiddim  and  Falam  in  the  Chin  Hills.  They  fought,  now  for  land, 
now  for  the  hand  of  the  local  Helen,  sometimes  in  resistance  to  the  ever-increasing 
pressure  of  the  stalwart  Chins  east  of  them,  sometimes  in  organised  warfare  against 
the  Thados.  Their  affinities  are  touched  on  in  more  than  one  place.  In  the  Intro- 
duction he  notes  the  similarities  between  the  Lusheis  and  the  matrilineal  Garos,  and 
approves  the  theory  put  forward  by  Sir  Charles  Lyall  of  the  evident  connection 
between  the  Mikirs  and  the  Kuki  Chin  group.  He  recurs  to  this  theme  on  page  8, 
where  he  remarks  that  the  Kukis,  Chins,  and  Lusheis,  are  all  of  the  same  race,  with 
definite  traces  of  a  relationship  with  the  Kabuis  and  Manipuris,  and  in  the  last 
chapter  of  Part  II  the  linguistic  evidence  is  briefly  .summarised.  With  his  hope  that 
the  affinities  of  the  tribes  described  in  this  book  with  other  tribes  may  be  dealt  with 
by  some  competent  authority  when  the  whole  series  has  been  published,  we  shall  all 
find  ourselves  in  complete  agreement,  but  will  any  of  us  live  to  see  the  completion 
of  the  series  ?  And  what  of  the  North  Bank  tribes,  what  of  the  tribes  north  and 
north-east  of  Manipur  ?  They  await  their  pious  historians  and  they  belong  to  the 
far-flung  Tibeto-Burman  peoples.  The  task  is  stupendous  and  yet  should  be  under- 
taken. Whv  not  by  Colonel  Shakespear  himself? 

[     58    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  32. 

What  strikes  me  is  the  extent  to  which  Lushei  and  Naga  customs  are  similar. 
Where  they  differ,  and  they  differ  in  many  very  interesting  details,  \ve  can  with  our 
authority  attribute  the  differences  in  great  extent  to  the  deliberate  policy  of  the  pre- 
dominant Thangnr  chiefs,  who  saw  "  that  any  restrictions  on  inter-marriage  would 
"  have  interfered  with  that  fusion  of  clans  which  was  so  necessary  for  the  establish- 
"  ment  of  their  power."  Thus  disintegration  was  followed  by  a  larger,  though  only 
partial  integration.  But  other  causes  were  at  work  to  promote  differential  evolution. 
''The  method  of  cultivation  which  they  follow  is  very  wasteful,  and  a  large  village 
"  soon  uses  up  all  the  land  within  reach,  and  then  a  move  becomes  imperative." 
"  These  constant  moves  have  had  a  great  share  in  moulding  the  Lushai  character." 
''The  peculiar  vagabond  strain  in  the  blood  of  the  Kuki-Lushei  race"  is  in  strong 
contrast  to  "  the  intense  love  of  the  Naga  for  his  ancestral  village  site."  The  nature 
of  the  hills  makes  permanent  cultivation  almost  an  impossibility.  The  jhum  system 
of  cultivation,  as  was  noted  by  Payne,  is  in  the  circumstances  of  these  hills  "the 
"  most  economical  method  because  it  produces  the  largest  net  return."  In  many  ways 
the  effect  of  the  pressure  of  environment  is  exemplified  in  the  customs.  The  chiefs 
send  their  sons  out  to  found  new  villages  as  they  attain  maturity.  Hence  we  have 
the  youngest  son  as  the  heir  general,  the  residuary  legatee.  The  dispersion  of  the 
clans  renders  annual  clan  ceremonies  impossible. 

Teknonymy  is  usual  among  the  Lusheis.  Despite  Colonel  Shakespear's  vigorously 
expressed  contempt  for  the  mere  theorist,  I  will  venture  on  the  opinion  that  it  is 
connected  with  the  idea  that  full  social  maturity  is  not  attained  till  marriage  has 
proved  fruitful.  Tattooing  is  practised  by  young  men  "  as  mementoes  of  love  affairs 
"  in  happy  bachelor  days"  (p.  12),  and  is,  1  think,  related  to  the  belief  that 
"  access  to  the  abode  of  bliss  hereafter  is  obtained  by  success  in  the  courts  of 
"  Venus "  (p.  60).  The  use  of  the  comb  in  expressing  social  gradations — quoted 
from  McCnlloch — is  very  interesting.  Any  tendencies  to  hypergamy — of  which 
there  is  some  evidence — were  checked  by  the  policy  of  the  Thaugurs  which  of  set 
purpose  widened  the  jus  connubii.  The  position  of  the  blacksmith  as  a  village  official 
and  the  ideas  attaching  to  the  forge  as  a  place  tabu  after  certain  sacrifices  (p.  73) 
and  as  a  place  where  a  man  who  has  killed  a  rhinoceros — surely  a  rare  event — 
can  rid  himself  of  the  evil  consequences  of  his  rash  act  (p.  103),  are  facts  of  more 
than  momentary  interest.  The  prevalence  of  the  Zawlbuk,  the  Bachelors'  Hall,  a 
common  institution  in  the  Naga  Hills  (ride  Hutton  Webster  on  Primitive  Secret 
Societies)  with  age  classifications  affecting  the  functions  of  the  various  classes  is 
noteworthy  as  also  is  the  substitution  of  the  house  of  some  rich  villager  for  the 
Zawlbuk.  There  is  a  strong  public  feeling,  we  are  told,  that  the  whole  village  would 
suffer  for  such  an  innovation  as  putting  windows  in  any  but  the  authorised  places. 

The  nature  of  certain  tabus  and  the  mental  attitude  which  brings  them  into  being 
are  very  admirably  adapted  and  summarised  by  Colonel  Shakespear  on  page  70,  where 
he  defines  thi-ang-lo  as  unlucky,  and  again  on  page  101  et  seq.,  where  he  describes 
the  various  superstitions  of  a  very  superstitions  race.  "  It  is  the  unusnalness  of  the 
thing,"  he  says,  "which  makes  the  Lushei  think  it  thi-ang-lo.''1  Headhunting,  we  are 
told,  was  not  indulged  in  ;  the  raids  were  not  made  to  get  heads.  But  later  on  we 
find  that  "The  proud  title  of  Thangchhuah,  which  carries  with  it  much  honour  in 
"  this  world  as  well  as  the  right  to  admission  to  Pielral — the  abode  of  bliss — after 
"  death,  can  only  be  obtained  by  killing  a  man  and  certain  animals,  and  every 
"  member  of  a  raiding  party  in  which  a  man  is  slain  is  entitled  to  say  that  he  has 
"  killed  a  man."  If.  then,  raids  were  not  made  to  get  heads,  if  the  primary  object 
was  to  get  captives  and  loot,  if  heads  were  taken  as  accidents  or  incidents  or  as 
proofs  of  valour,  no  sensible  Lushei,  if  a  chance  came  his  way,  would  fail  to 
remember  the  serious  advantages  to  be  secured  in  this  world  and  in  the  next  by 

[  59  ] 


No.  32,]  MAN.  [1913. 

the  possessor  of  a  head.  In  no  uncertain  tones  does  Colonel  Shakespear  pronounce 
his  verdict  on  an  institution  which  some  time  ago  came  into  some  public  notice,  the 
institution  of  slavery  so-called.  He  shows  that  the  "  boi  "  are  generally  Avell  treated, 
have  means  of  protecting  themselves  against  ill-treatment,  can  acquire  property,  and 
that  "  the  custom  seems  well  suited  to  the  people  and  provides  for  the  maintenance 
"  of  the  poor,  old  and  destitute,  and  it  would  be  extremely  unwise  to  attempt  to 
"  alter  it."  Social  reformers  in  a  hurry  please  take  careful  note. 

Marriage  customs  are  fully  described.  Cousin  marriages  are  not  looked  on  with 
favour  by  Lusheis  because  the  transfer  of  a  girl  to  an  outside  family  increases  the 
wealth  of  her  family.  In  other  parts  of  India  cousin  marriage  seems  to  be  favoured 
among  other  reasons — sociological  as  well  as  physiological — for  the  reason  that  it  is 
less  expensive  than  outside  marriage. 

Cousin  marriages  are  common  among  Routes,  and  since  we  know  that  cousin 
marriage  is  related  to  the  dual  organisation  of  society,  as  Dr.  Rivers  has  shown,  it 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Routes  are  divided  into  two  exogarnous  divisions, 
Lanu  and  Changon.  The  Kolhen  also  are  divided  into  two  main  exogamous 
divisions,  the  Khullakpa's  division,  Chongthus  and  the  Luplakpa's  division,  Jetes, 
associated  each  with  five  clans.  At  the  great  spring  festival  "  the  girls  of  each  family 
"  pull  on  the  opposite  side  to  the  young  men  of  their  family,"  i.e.,  on  the  side  into 
which  they  must  marry,  of  which  they  are  potential  members.  The  Khullakpa's 
family  has  the  choice  from  every  family,  a  contrast  with  the  Lushei,  where  marriage 
with  first  cousins  is  more  frequent  in  the  families  of  the  chiefs  than  among  the 
commoners.  There  are  instances  of  tribes  which  practise  what  Dr.  Goldenweiser 
calls  "  definite  exogamy."  The  actual  clans  from  which  brides  may  be  taken  are 
fixed  among  the  Chiru,  the  Chawte,  the  Ronte,  and  the  Tarau. 

Are  we  interested  in  the  "  theory  of  magic "  ?  The  Lusheis  so  far  recognise 
the  "  Force  of  initiative  in  magical  conflict,"  *  as  to  believe  that  if  you  meet  a 
species  of  python,  and  spit  at  it  first,  it  will  fall  a  prey  to  its  assailants,  They 
know  something  of  the  strange  phenomena  of  spirit  possession.  There  is  the  power 
called  Zawl,  a  comparatively  useful  power  which  enables  the  Zawlnei  to  "  elicit 
from  Khuavang  information  regarding  the  particular  sacrifice  required  to  cure  any 
sick  person."  Our  pity  goes  out  to  the  unfortunate  persons  who  are  possessed  by 
or  possess  Khawring,  a  mysterious  visitor  which  seems  to  come  from  the  wild  boar. 
There  is  an  admirable  collection  of  folk-tales  in  both  parts  of  the  volume,  which  are 
of  profound  interest  to  the  folklorist.  I  have  elsewheref  given  reasons  for  my 
conviction  that  the  Lamgaug  tale  of  the  eclipse  (p.  183)  suffers  from  a  confusion 
between  the  meanings  of  the  Meithei  word  hidak  which  means  (1)  medicine,  and 
(2)  tobacco,  and  that  the  Anal  tale  of  the  pious  man  whose  "  virtue "  aroused  the 
envy  of  the  sun  and  moon,  has  been  contaminated  by  contact  with  Hinduism. 
What  was  the  virtue  which  the  sun  and  moon  carried  off?  Obviously  some  material 
thing,  probably,  as  I  suggested,  the  magical  bark — as  in  the  Purum  and  Kabui  tales 
— which  had  the  power  of  healing  all  wounds  and  of  restoring  the  dead  to  life. 

Here,  as  elsewhere  in  India,  there  are  rites  forming  part  of  the  marriage 
ceremonies,  which  are  often,  indeed  commonly,  described  as  survivals  of  marriage  by 
capture.  There  are  here  cases,  too,  of  captives  taken  to  wife,  captured  because  they 
were  wanted  as  wives.  But  the  view  that  marriage  by  capture  cau  ever  have  been 
as  McLennan  made  it,  a  decisive,  all-important  factor  in  social  organisation,  has 
been  challenged.  It  is  held  by  M.  Van  Gennep|  that  these  customs  only  indicate 

*   Cf.  Haliday,  Folklore,  XXI.  (2),  pp.  147  et.  seq.,  esp.  p.  168,  quoting  Virgil,  "  Vox  quoque  Moerini 
jam  fugit  ipsa  ;  lupi  Moerim  videre  priores." 
t  Folklore,  XX  (4),  p.  417,  et  seq. 
%  Rites  de  Passage,  pp.  177-180. 

[    60    1 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  32- 

that  the  bride  (and  bridegroom)  "quitte  une  certaine  sock'tr  sexuelle  restrainte,  tant 
"  familiale  que  locale,  pour  etre  agregee  a  une  autre  societe  sexuelle  restreinte  tant 
"  familiale  que  locale."  Among  the  Lusheis,  the  rites  called  Loi  and  Inngaithlak 
(p.  83),  and,  among  the  Vraiphei  (p.  163),  the  feast  which  the  young  man  has  to  give 
to  his  dormitory  fellows,  seem  to  me  to  demand  attention.  Some  interest  attaches  to 
this  question  because  the  matter  has  been  raised  both  before  the  Burma  Research 
Society*  and  in  the  Burma  Census  Report  for  1911  (p.  147).  In  the  first  r;i>r 
the  custom  known  in  Burma  as  ge-bo  and  the  accompanying  custom  of  demanding 
money  from  the  bridegroom — paralleled,  as  M.  Van  Gennep  has  shown,  by  Savoy 
customs — are  cited  as  "survivals  from  the  days  when  society  in  Burma  was  organised 
on  matriarchal  lines."  In  the  second  case  the  customs  are  thought  "  to  date  back 
"to  a  period  when  each  tribe  lived  in  a  state  of  sexual  promiscuity." 

Burma,  of  course,  belongs  to  the  adjacent  anthropology  of  the  Kuki-Lushei 
area,  and  what  is  a  survival  in  Burma — explained  by  curious  astiological  myths — may 
be  in  healthy  harmony  with  the  social  order  of  people  like  the  Lusheis,  who  tolerate 
a  good  deal  of  sexual  freedom  before  marriage. 

Space  does  not  permit  me  to  indulge  in  further  notes  from  or  in  discussions  of, 
this  fascinating  volume.  Religion,  with  an  otiose  All-Father,  a  clan  spirit — Sakbua — 
whose  rites  vary  from  clan  to  clan,  so  much  so  that  by  their  rites  to  Sakhua  can  the 
various  clans  be  best  distinguished,  beliefs  in  reincarnation,  separable  and  dual  souls, 
dual  funeral  obsequies,  funeral  rites  which  look  Very  much  like  survivals  of  tree  burial, 
magical  sacrifices  to  gain  power  over  the  spirits  of  men  and  animals  killed  on  raids 
or  in  the  chase,  geuna  customs,  the  erection  of  stone  monuments  for  reasons  and  to  the 
accompaniment  of  tabus  which  vividly  recall  those  of  the  Naga  tribes,  tales  of  a 
dream,  a  bad  dream,  time  when  all  the  world  was  in  darkness  like  the  sad  time 
when  Xurnitkappa  of  Meithei  legend  shot  the  sun,  tabus  on  running  water,  penal 
laws,  elaborate  marriage  price  systems,  incipient  hypergamy,  folklore,  language,  all 
are  here  faithfully  portrayed  and  skilfully  ordered.  There  is  one  notable  absentee 
from  the  list  of  subjects  dealt  with.  Not  a  line,  not  a  syllable  about  totemism.  It 
is  still  a  thorny  subject.  There  are  here  definite,  well-marked  exogamic  groups, 
recognising  group  tabus,  admitting  as  a  social  fact  the  existence  of  an  intimate 
relation  between  them  and  animals,  but  the  group-names  are  nearly  all  eponyms  or 
place-names.  Even  when  they  are  place-names,  they  are  indirectly  eponyms,  since 
the  place-names  were  originally  the  names  of  chiefs.  Of  the  name  Lushei  and  its 
derivation  there  can  be  no  certainty.  Neither  here  nor  in  the  Naga  area  do  group 
tabus  serve  here  as  bases  for  group-names  or  nicknames. 

There  seems  to  be  no  mention  of  any  rain-compelling  ceremonies,  performed 
specially  in  times  of  drought.  I  know  that  such  rites  are  practised  by  the  Korns 
and  Chirus,  and  believe  that  enquiries  would  elicit  some  very  interesting  information. 

Colonel  Shakespear  set  out  with  the  pious  intention  of  avoiding  all  theories  and 
deductions.  He  has  permitted  himself  the  dangerous  delight  of  one  invasion  of  the 
forbidden  area.  His  speculation  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Bachelors'  Hall  (p.  152)  is 
most  ingenious,  and  it  may  be  commended  to  the  consideration  of  the  learned  in 
matters  of  social  structure.  There  is  material  here  enough  and  to  spare  for  many 
theories  and  interesting  deductions.  The  narrative  is  closely  packed  with  facts,  but 
it  never  flags,  and  is  rich  in  those  personal  touches  which  relieve  effectually  a  work 
of  this  kind  from  all  suspicion  of  dulness.  As  a  contribution  to  the  scientific  study 
of  anthropology,  as  presenting  a  clear  account  of  the  customs  and  beliefs  of  an 
important  group  of  peoples,  it  will  rank  very  high.  Like  all  Colonel  Shakespear's 
work,  it  is  sincere  and  meticulously  accurate,  the  result  of  long  years  of  intimate 

*  Vol.  I.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  26,  "Matriarchal  vestiges  in  Burma." 
I     61     ] 


Nos.  32-33.]  MAN.  [1913, 

knowledge  and  sympathetic  study.  It  is  tastefully  embellished  with  handsome,  care- 
fully chosen  illustrations,  and  is  in  every  way  worthy  of  the  high  and  well-deserved 
reputation  of  its  author,  whose  soldierly  courage  and  great  administrative  ability  have 
won  for  him  a  distinguished  place  on  the  honour  roll  of  the  Wardens  of  the  North 
Eastern  Marches  of  India.  T.  C.  HODSON. 


Mexico  :  Codex  Colombino.  Cooper  Clark. 

The   Story  of  Eight  Deer  in   Codex   Colombino.     By  J.  Cooper  Clark. 

This  thoughtful  and  carefully  worked-ont  study  is  a  good  example  of  what 
might  be  accomplished  for  the  elucidation  of  the  ancient  Mexican  picture  -  writings. 
Apart  from  those  of  which  Dr.  E.  Seler  has  published  such  masterly  analyses,  and 
Mrs.  Zelia  Nnttall's  notes  on  The  Lady  Three  Flint  and  on  Eight  Deer  in  Codex 
Zouche  -  Nuttall,  little  has  been  done  in  this  direction.  The  Maya  codices  have 
received  much  more  attention.  Difficulty  of  access  to  the  picture-writings  has  been 
a  great  drawback,  as  the  original  manuscripts  are  widely  dispersed.  Copies  of  Kings- 
borough  are  rare  and  costly,  and  the  Due  de  Loubat's  reproductions  were  given 
chiefly  to  libraries,  and  have  been  for  some  time  out  of  print.  Students  are  allowed 
to  inspect  the  precious  original  manuscripts  possessed  by  the  Bodleian  Library  at 
Oxford,  but  few  can  afford  the  time  and  expense  for  prolonged  work  there.  Fresh 
and  accurate  reproductions  of  the  whole  series  are  badly  needed.*  It  was  a  happy 
thought  to  produce  this  valuable  work  as  a  contribution  to  the  Eighteenth  International 
Congress  of  Americanists  held  in  London  May,  1912.  After  thorough  study,  not  only 
of  Codex  Colombino  in  the  National  Museum  of  Mexico,  but  of  five  other  picture- 
codices  (Bodleian  No.  2,858,  Selden  No.  3,135,  Vienna,  Becker,  and  Zouche-Nuttall), 
Mr.  Cooper  Clark  has  been  able  to  bring  together  many  scenes  and  important  events 
in  the  life  of  the  warrior-chief  named  Eight  Deer.  Some  of  these  are  given  in  three 
or  four  of  the  codices,  although  the  details  vary.  With  admirable  accuracy  and 
artistic  skill  the  author  has  copied  a  number  of  them,  which  are  reproduced  in  ten 
coloured  plates  and  some  line  drawings.  A  running  commentary  on  the  events  and 
dates  provides  a  coherent  story. 

Eight  Deer  appears  for  the  first  time  in  three  codices  on  the  same  date,  12  akatl 
1  malinalli.  In  the  Mexican  calendar  a  given  date  would  come  once  only  in  the 
fifty-two-year  cycle,  and  this  date  may  be  placed  tentatively  in  the  second  cycle  before 
the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  and  would  then  correspond  to  A.D.  1439.  The  period 
covered  by  the  pictures  relating  to  Eight  Deer  in  one  or  other  of  these  codices, 
extends  to  the  same  date  fifty-two  years  later,  or  A.D.  1491.  In  that  year  he  met 
his  death.  The  official  Historic!  elemental  de  Mexico,  by  Cordoba,  in  describing  the 
Toltec  rule  from  an  early  writer,  states  that  it  was  customary  for  a  chief  to  reign 
fifty-two  years  ;  then  he  made  way  for  a  young  successor. 

The  principal  facts  recorded  in  an  ancient  Mexican  biography  may  be  worth 
noting.  Eight  Deer  is  seen  conferring  with  Nine  Ocomatli  and  Nine  Xochitl  seven- 
teen years  after  the  year  12  akatl,  when  the  author  supposes  that  he  was  born.  In 
4  kalli  he  is  in  a  ball  court  with  One  Ollin,  and  also  attacks  a  fortress.  About  this 
time  the  name  or  title  of  Ocelot  Claw  was  bestowed  on  him.  Several  scenes  of  the 
year  4  akatl  are  given,  such  as  offering  to  the  Sacred  Tree,  burning  incense  in  a 
tlaxtli  or  ball  court,  and  conferring  with  his  friend,  Twelve  Ollin.  In  7  tecpatl  he 
starts  on  a  great  military  expedition  which  occupied  nine  years  and  resulted  in  the 
capture  of  twenty-six  towns.  This  was  followed  by  further  conquests,  and  in  7  kalli 
the  victorious  hero  received  the  yakax'mitl,  the  greenstone  or  turquoise  nose-ornament. 
The  ceremony  of  piercing  the  septum  of  his  nose  for  this  ornament  is  given  in  four 

*  Except  Codex  Zouche-Nuttall,  published  for  the  Peabocly  Museum  of  Harvard  by  B.  Quaritch 

[     62     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  33-34. 

codices.  He  then  made  a  compact  with  Four  Ocelotl  and  had  a  conference  with 
twelve  chiefs.  A  campaign  followed,  with  the  conquest  of  forty-seven  places,  and  in 
9  akatl  symbols  of  peace  were  exchanged  with  Six  Ocelotl  in  a  ball  court. 

The  kindling  of  the  sacred  fire  comes  next,  probably  at  the  commencement  of  a 
new  year-cycle.  Mr.  Cooper  Clark  gives  examples  from  three  codices.  In  each  Eight 
Deer  twirls  a  ceremonial  arrow  in  a  hollow  in  a  log  of  wood,  which  in  two  instances 
is  held  by  another  chief.  Smoke  rises  from  the  hole.  In  11  kalli  he  made  a  prisoner, 
Four  Ehecatl,  and  in  12  tochtU  took  part  in  a  gladiatorial  fight  with  a  weeping 
captive,  tied,  as  was  customary,  to  a  large  circular  stone.  In  13  akatl  he  married 
Thirteen  Kouatl,  and  the  birth  of  a  sou  is  recorded  in  three  codices.  The  Colombino 
and  Zouche  codices  are  incomplete,  but  the  closing  scenes  in  his  life  are  shown  in 
the  Vienna  and  Bodleian.  In  12  akatl  he  advances  with  bow  and  arrow,  aiming  at 
an  eagle  perched  upon  a  tree  in  the  middle  of  a  lake,  and  then  he  is  seen  stretched 
on  a  sacrificial  stone,  whilst  a  priest  plunges  a  knife  into  his  breast. 

The  question  arises,  to  what  part  of  the  country  did  Eight  Deer  belong  ?  It 
might  be  answered  by  someone  familiar  with  the  geography  of  Mexico,  for  the  rebus 
names  of  the  many  conquered  places  should  make  it  possible  to  identify  a  series. 
Mr.  Cooper  Clark  has  observed  that  a  sculptured  monolith  from  Monte  Alban,  near 
Oaxaca,  represents  a  war-chief  with  the  glyph  of  a  deer's  head  and  the  numeral  8 
(a  dash  =  5,  and  three  dots),  and  he  suggests  that  this  may  be  the  personage  of  the 
codices,  and  possibly  a  Zapotec  king,  perhaps  Zaachila  III.  The  temporary  supremacy 
of  the  Aztecs  when  the  Spaniards  first  knew  them  has  obscured  the  importance  of  the 
neighbouring  nations,  and  the  memory  of  their  civilisation  died  out  as  the  country 
became  almost  depopulated  after  the  conquest.  But  the  region  of  the  ancient  Zapotec 
kingdom  still  contains  Indian  communities  with  a  high  degree  of  culture,  and  amongst 
them  the  intelligent  tourist  might  find  traditions  of  their  former  heroes. 

The  ethnologist  will  notice  in  the  plates  the  weapons  used  by  Eight  Deer, 
especially  the  ceremonial  spears  and  the  atlatl,  or  spear-thrower.  In  the  picture 
from  the  Bodleian  Codex,  in  Plate  B,  there  are  clumsy  bows,  which  are  wanting  -in 
the  companion  picture  from  Codex  Colombino.  These  may  have  been  introduced  into 
Central  America  by  contact  with  the  Spaniards  during  the  voyages  of  Columbus. 
They  are  not  seen  in  the  more  ancient  paintings  and  sculptures.  A.  C.  B. 


India,  Southern :  Omens  and  Superstitions.  Thurston. 

Omens  and  Superstitions  of  Southern  India.      By    Edgar  Thurston,  C.I.E.     Q 1 
London  :  T.  Fisher  Unwin,   1912.     22   X   14  cm.     Price   12*.  6rf.  net.  UT 

In  this  book  Mr.  Thurston  has  collected  from  his  works  on  The  Castes  and 
Tribes  of  Southern  India  (1909),  his  Ethnographic  Notes  in  Southern  India 
(1906),  and  from  other  sources,  a  large  mass  of  information  on  the  popular  beliefs 
and  practices  of  the  races  of  the  Madras  Presidency.  He  deals  successively  with 
omens,  animal  superstitions,  the  evil  eye,  snake  worship,  vows,  votive  and  other 
offerings,  charms,  human  sacrifice,  magic  and  human  life,  magic  and  magicians, 
divination  and  fortune-telling,  agricultural  and  rain-making  ceremonies.  Mr.  Thurston's 
reputation,  as  a  careful  student  of  South  Indian  ethnography,  will  be  enhanced  by 
the  present  book,  which  contains  in  accessible  form  a  fairly  complete  account  of  the 
beliefs  of  a  very  interesting  people.  Relieved,  to  a  large  extent,  from  the  pressure  of 
Brahmanism  and  Islam,  which  in  Northern  India  have  caused  the  disappearance  of 
many  interesting  usages,  they  have  been  permitted  to  develop  their  religious  system 
undisturbed  by  foreign  control.  The  book  being  a  catalogue  of  facts,  without  any 
attempt  to  discuss  the  material  from  a  comparative  point  of  view,  does  not  readily 
lend  itself  to  detailed  criticism.  He  was  probably  well  advised  to  confine  himself 

[    63    ] 


Nos,  34-36.]  MAN.  [1913. 

to  the  collection  of  material  ;  but  it  is  perhaps  to  be  regretted  that  he  did  not  take 
the  opportunity  at  least  of  comparing  his  evidence  with  that  already  collected  from 
other  parts  of  the  peninsula.  This  task,  one  of  great  difficulty,  must  soon  be  under- 
taken if  students  are  to  be  placed  in  a  position  to  compare  the  Animism  and 
Hinduism  of  the  south  with  those  prevailing  in  other  parts  of  the  Indian  Empire. 
For  such  a  study  this  book  will  prove  to  be  of  the  highest  importance,  and  its 
value  is  much  increased  by  a  good  serious  of  illustrations.  W.  CROOKE. 


Africa,  East.  Beech. 

The  Suk,  their  Language  and  Folklore.  By  Matt.  H.  Beech.  With  OC 
Introduction  by  Sir  Charles  Eliot.  Clarendon  Press.  Price  12*.  6d.  net.  UU 

The  book  is  the  result  of  the  investigations  made  during  a  period  of  a  little  over 
a  year  whilst  the  author  was  Acting  District  Commissioner  of  Baringo,  East  Africa, 
and  Sir  Charles  Eliot  describes  it  as  "  an  important  addition  to  our  knowledge."  It 
is  arranged  in  the  form  of  notes,  and,  no  doubt,  had  the  author  had  more  time  at  his 
disposal  and  a  further  opportunity  of  consulting  the  people,  he  would  have  greatly 
enlarged  and  improved  his  book,  but  even  as  it  is  it  cannot  fail  to  be  extremely 
valuable  to  other  officials  in  the  district,  and  it  is  quite  a  good  model  for  students  to 
work  upon. 

Every  physical  type  known  in  East  Africa  is  to  be  found  amongst  the  Suk,  who 
call  themselves  the  Pokwut  (Suk  being  the  Masai  name  for  them),  and  at  present  the 
nation  can  be  roughly  divided  into  two  sections,  the  pastoral  and  the  agricultural. 
The  old  men  are  unanimous  in  declaring  that  there  were  always  two  original  Snk 
tribes  living  on  the  Elgeyo  escarpment,  and  that  through  the  inter-marriage  of  these 
with  fugitives  and  adventurers  from  neighbouring  tribes  the  present  Suk  nation  was 
evolved.  There  are  now  a  number  of  totemic  and  exogamous  clans,  each  having 
its  totem,  and  a  number  of  restrictions.  It  is  generally  believed  that  a  man's 
spirit  passes  into  a  snake  at  death. 

.  Socially,  the  Suk  are  roughly  divided  into  boys,  circumcised  men,  and  old  men. 
There  are  no  chiefs,  each  village  is  a  family,  but  the  Government  has  appointed  two 
headmen.  Only  married  men  possess  houses  (one  for  each  wife).  Bachelors  sleep 
outside,  and  in  the  rains  wrap  themselves  up  in  ox  skins  for  the  night. 

Chapter  II.  contains  an  interesting  comparison  of  some  Suk  customs  with  those 
of  their  immediate  neighbours,  a  given  offence  being  often  very  differently  punished. 
Chapter  III.  consists  of  folk  tales  and  riddles,  amongst  which  many  old  friends 
may  be  noticed. 

The  remainder  of  the  book  is  composed  of  a  short  grammar  and  a  vocabulary,  and 
certain  resemblances  are  found  to  the  Nandi.  In  fact,  the  author  observes  that,  "  But 
"  for  the  presence  of  an  element,  the  origin  of  which  I  have  as  yet  been  unable  to 
"  determine,  but  which  may,  of  course,  be  the  language  of  the  two  original  tribes,  the 
"  Suk  language  might  fairly  be  described  as  a  dialect  of  Nandi."  The  most  striking 
differences  are  that  Suk  has  no  definite  article,  and  has  borrowed  the  Turkana  numerals. 

A.  J.  N.  T. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. 

The  International  Historical  Congress  will  be  held  in  London  on  April  Oft 
3rd-12th.  Section  I.  will  deal  with  Oriental  Studies,  Section  VIII.  with  Art  00 
and  Archaeology,  and  Section  IX.  with  Ethnology.  Those  wishing  to  participate 
should  communicate  with  the  Secretary  of  the  British  Academy,  Burlington  House. 

ERRATUM. 
In  MAN,  1913,  24,  p.  48,  line  7,  for  investigations  read  investigators. 


Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. 


fr-/ 


PLATE  E. 


MAN,  1913. 


• 


A    GOLD     BEAKER     FROM     LAMBAYEQUE,     PERU. 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  37. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Peru :  Archaeology.  With  Plate  E.  Joyce. 

Note  on  a  Gold  Beaker  from  Lambayeque,  Peru.       /,'//  '/*.  .  I.  Joyce,     Q^ 
M.A.  Of 

Plate  E  illustrates  a  fine  beaker  of  beaten  gold,  discovered  in  an  ancient  grave 
called  La  Merced,  near  the  village  of  Illinco,  district  Tucume,  in  the  coastal  province 
of  Lambayeque,  Peru.  The  height  of  the  vessel  is  4*8  inches,  the  diameter  at  the 
base  is  2'3  inches,  and  increases  regularly  to  3  inches  at  a  height  of  3'6  inches 
from  the  bottom  ;  from  this  point  there  is  a  distinct  "  flare  "  to  the  rim,  the  diameter 
of  which  is  4-1  inches.  The  weight  is  1,623  grains.  Between  the  flaring  lip,  which 
is  plain,  and  a  line  drawn  rather  less  than  an  inch  from  the  bottom,  the  space  is 
entirely  occupied  with  a  design  in  relief,  consisting  of  a  rather  conventionalized 
human  figure  thrice  repeated.  The  details  of  this  figure  are  shown  in  Fig.  1,  which 
is  from  a  rubbing.  Here  we  have  apparently  a  warrior  with  an  ornamental  crown, 
a  vandyked  tunic,  and  large  ear-plugs,  holding  in  his  left  hand  a  spear,  rather  similar 
in  type  to  the  rattle-staff,  cktcattaztli,  carried  by  the  Mexican  deity  Xipe.  In  his 
right  hand  is  a  circular  shield  with 
toothed  border,  above  which  rises 
an  object  with  a  design  somewhat 
resembling  a  conventional  fish-face 
surmounted  by  a  crown,  and  below, 
what  might  be  the  pole  to  which 
this  "  fish-standard "  is  attached. 
The  hand  of  the  figure  shows  foitr 
fingers,  and  each  foot  three  toes. 

The  technique  of  the  beaker 
evidences  considerable  skill  ;  it  is 
beaten  out  of  a  single  sheet  of 
metal,  and  there  is  no  trace  of  a 
join  anywhere.  The  outline  is 
elegant  and  harmonious,  and  the 
lines  of  the  design,  in  spite  of  its 
conventional  nature,  are  bold  and 
effective. 

The  Valley  of  Lambayeque  is  a 
locality  of  peculiar  interest,  since  it 
is  the  scene  of  one  of  those  immigrations  by  sea  of  Avhich  so  few  traces  have  survived 
in  Peruvian  tradition.  It  is  said  that  in  the  far  past  a  number  of  men  and  women 
arrived  on  rafts,  under  a  chief  named  Naymlap,  the  names  (or  titles)  and  functions 
of  whose  personal  attendants  are  given  in  detail.  With  them  they  brought  their 
god,  a  green  stone  idol  called  Llampallec.  From  the  early  history  of  these  immi- 
grants it  seems  not  impossible  that  their  rulers  belonged  to  the  class  of  divine  kin<:s 
Avho  were  killed  as  soon  as  their  powers  showed  signs  of  waning,  or  if  misfortune 
fell  upon  the  tribe.*  At  the  end  of  the  reign  of  the  eleventh  successor  of  the 
immigrant  chieftain  a  republic  was  established,  which,  in  its  turn,  was  overthrown 
by  the  powerful  Chirnn  ruler,  whose  seat  of  power  was  at  Truxillo,  not  far  to 
the  south.  The  conqueror  imposed  upon  the  valley  a  line  of  tributary  princfs. 
nine  of  whom  had  succeeded  in  order  when  the  Spaniards  arrived.  Such  remains 
as  have  at  present  come  to  light  in  this  neighbourhood  differ  in  no  respect  from 
those  characteristic  of  the  Truxillo  culture,  and  this  beaker  is  not  an  exception. 
*  See  my  South  America/I  Archeology,  p.  50. 
[  65  ] 


FIG.  1. 


Nos.  37-38,]  MAN.  [1913, 

From  the  style  of  the  design  it  would  seem  to  belong,  not  to  that  magnificent 
period  distinguished  by  the  fine  painted  and  moulded  ware  which,  artistically  speaking, 
is  one  of  the  glories  of  aboriginal  America,  nor  to  the  later  period  characterised  by 
the  appearance  on  the  coast  of  the  inland  art  which  flourished  at  Tiahuanaco  in 
pre-Inca  times,  but  to  the  period  which  immediately  preceded  the  conquest  of  the 
coast  by  the  Inca,  a  period  of  technical  progress  but  artistic  decadence.  As  to  the 
individual  represented  in  the  ornament,  whether  he  be  god,  noble,  or  warrior,  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  The  remaius  from  the  coast  in  museums  and  private  collections 
far  outnumber  those  from  the  highlands,  and  from  those  remains  we  can  gather  many 
details  concerning  the  appearance,  dress,  and  weapons  of  the  coast  people.  But  for 
the  most  part  their  history,  mythology,  and  social  system  are  a  sealed  book  to  us. 

The  beaker  is  the  property  of  Mr.  James  Curie,  to  whom  I  owe  cordial  thanks 
for  permission  to  publish  it  in  MAX.  T.  A.  JOYCE. 


Africa,  East..  Werner. 

A  Pokomo  Funeral.     By  Miss  A.    Werner.  QQ 

The  following  account  of  a  Pokomo  funeral  is  translated  from  some  notes  UU 
sent  me  (in  German)  by  Herr  Becker,  of  the  Neukirchen  Mission,  Knlesa,  Tana  River. 
I  have  supplemented  them  with  some  information  derived  directly  from  natives, 
though  this  is  much  less  than  I  could  have  wished.  Unfortunately,  I  was  not  able 
to  come  in  touch  with  Wapokomo  at  a  distance  from  any  of  the  mission  stations, 
so  have  no  independent  confirmation  or  otherwise  of  the  statement  that  the  custom 
of  preventing  the  earth  from  touching  the  body  is  entirely  due  to  Christian  influence. 
In  view  of  the  fact  that  most,  if  not  all  Bantu  tribes  (not  counting  those  who,  like 
the  Gikuyu,  have  adopted  Masai  burial — or  non-burial — customs)  take  some  sort  of 
precautions  to  insure  this  result,  this  statement  does  not  strike  one  as  probable.  But 
the  Pokomo,  being  placed  in  rather  peculiar  conditions  (not  to  mention  the  strong 
probability  that  they  are  partly  of  Wasanye  descent)  seem  in  some  respects  to  have 
departed  from  normal  Bantu  customs,  and  it  would  be  rash  to  dogmatize  ;  though  I 
could  not  help  suspecting  that  much  of  the  information  supplied  to  me  by  members 
of  this  mission  was  unconsciously  coloured  by  strong  prepossessions.  Herr  Becker's 
account  has  been  somewhat  condemned  in  places. 

"Ceremonies  on  the  death  of  a  Pokomo  belonging  to  the  orders  of  Ngadzi 
(Wakijo)  and  Ganga  (Muyangana\  at  Munyuni.  (The  Mwina  tribe,  in  whose 
district  the  village  of  Munyuni  is  situated,  occupy  a  position  midway  between  the 
tribes  of  the  Upper  and  the  Lower  Tana,  their  dialect  approximating  more  to  that 
of  the  former,  while  they  also  share  with  them  the  custom  of  circumcision,  and 
belong  to  the  same  Ngadzi  society  ;  from  Benderani  downwards  the  '  lodge '  is  that 
of  the  Lower  Tana.) 

"When  I  arrived  at  Munyuni  on  November  29  (1912),  I  heard  that  a  man,  the 
father  of  one  of  our  Christian  youths,  had  been  suddenly  taken  ill,  so  that  he  could 
neither  walk,  speak,  nor  hear.  By  Pokomo  customs,  in  such  cases,  all  friends  and 
relatives  of  the  patient  come  and  seat  themselves  in,  or  in  front  of,  his  hut. 
Conversation  goes  on  and  no  special  emotion  is  shown;  even  when  it  is  known  for 
certain  that  death  is  approaching,  no  one  sheds  a  tear.  As  soon,  however,  as  the 
last  breath  is  drawn,  everyone,  as  if  at  a  word  of  command,  begins  to  shriek  and 
wail  in  the  most  dreadful  fashion.  This  is  a  universal  Pokomo  custom.  On  the 
present  occasion,  when  the  wailing  had  lasted  20  minutes  or  half  an  hour,  prepara- 
tions were  made  for  burial.  One  man  bought  a  cloth,  in  which  the  corpse  was  to 
be  wrapped,  others  began  to  dig  the  grave,  and  others  made  ready  two  boards,  from 
a  worn-out  canoe,  one  being  laid  in  the  bottom  of  the  grave,  which  is  made  so 
narrow  as  only  ju^t  to  admit  the  corpse.  Above  the  level  of  the  corpse,  the  sides 

[     66     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  38. 

of  the  grave  are  cut  away,  so  as  to  leave  a  ledge  on  which  the  second  and  broader 
plank  is  to  rest,  so  that  the  corpse  is  quite  covered  and  the  earth  does  not  touch  it. 
This  practice,  however,  is  of  recent  origin  and  has  been  adopted  from  the  Christians. 
Another  man  sharpens  a  knife,  with  which  the  dead  man's  whole  body  is  shaved,  the 
hair  being  put  into  a  quite  new  earthen  bowl,  half  filled  with  water.  The  bowl  con- 
taining the  hair  and  water  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  grave  ;  the  corpse  was  then 
wrapped  in  the  new  cloth  and  two  Wagangana  (sorcerers)  came  into  the  hut  with 
a  drum  (Ngoma),  which  they  beat,  but  in  a  fashion  different  from  that  followed 
on  other  occasions.  It  was  a  deep,  eerie  sound  that  was  produced,  reminding  one  of 
a  funeral  march  ;  the  women  sang  and  wailed  at  the  same  time.  After  the  drum 
had  been  beaten  inside  the  hut  fcr  about  ten  minutes,  they  came  out  and  stood 
behind  the  hut,  turning  one  end  of  the  drum  towards  the  spot  where  the  dead  man 
lay.  While  they  went  on  drumming  in  this  position,  two  other  men  came  and  made 
an  opening  in  the  back  of  the  hut.  (The  corpse  of  a  man  must  not  be  carried  out 
at  the  door,  though  this  is  done  in  the  case  of  women  and  boys.)  The  body  was 
now  brought  out,  wrapped  in  the  new  cloth,  a  fine  ostrich  feather,  the  badge  of  a 
mukijo  (elder),  projecting  from  the  cloth  at  the  head  end. 

"  The  corpse  was  now  placed  in  a  canoe  exactly  in  the  middle.  (This  does  not 
necessarily  imply  that  the  grave  was  at  a  great  distance.  The  Pokomo  transport  any 
loads,  even  for  short  distances,  by  canoe,  though  if  not  loaded  they  usually  prefer  to 
cross  the  numerous  bends  of  the  river  on  foot.)  The  women  followed,  still  singing  and 
wailing,  and  got  into  the  canoe,  half  of  them  sitting  on  each  side  facing  the  corpse. 
A  second  large  canoe  (waho)  was  placed  alongside  the  first,  and  in  this  the  men 
embarked  carrying  the  drum.  Two  poles  were  now  laid  across  both  canoes,  and  a 
man  sat  on  each,  his  weight  keeping  the  poles  firm  so  that  the  canoes  remained  side 
by  side  without  being  lashed  together,  as  is  done  in  the  so-called  Sangale  (two  canoes 
placed  parallel  with  a  platform  lashed  between  and  across  them  ;  used  sometimes  for 
the  transport  of  European  invalids,  and  in  all  cases  where  a  wider  craft  is  required 
than  the  usual  dug-out).  The  paddling  was  done  by  one  man  in  the  stern  of  each 
canoe.  .  .  .  As  soon  as  the  funeral  party  had  left  all  was  quiet  in  the  village, 
but  directly  they  returned  there  was  another  outburst  of  wailing,  which  continued 
all  night  in  the  house  of  the  deceased,  but  stopped  by  day,  to  begin  again  at  ten  p.m. 
on  the  following  night.  At  seven  a.m.  on  the  day  after  the  funeral  all  the  dead 
man's  friends  and  relatives  had  their  heads  shaved.  Large  quantities  of  honey  wine 
are  always  consumed  on  this  occasion.  When  any  relative  arrived  from  a  distance 
the  death  wail  was  raised  again  by  all  present.  The  widows  are  expected  to  remain 
in  seclusion  and  only  speak  in  whispers  till  the  great  nyambura  (funeral  feast)  has  taken 
place.  .  .  .  The  customs  followed  on  the  Lower  Tana  differ  in  some  respects, 
but  the  main  points  are  the  same  as  those  detailed  above." 

One  of  the  native  Christians  at  Ngao  informed  me — quite  independently  of  the 
above  ;  in  fact,  some  weeks  previous  to  the  funeral  described  by  Herr  Becker — that 
"  long  ago  "  (kae}  they  made  the  grave  much  shallower  than  they  now  do,  and  laid 
no  plank  over  the  body,  but,  he  added,  they  used  to  heat  sand  (mbika  =  "  to  cook," 
was  the  word  he  used)  in  an  earthen  pot  and  pour  it  over  the  grave  (after  it  was  filled 
in).  If  this  was  not  done  they  believed  that  the  deceased  would  "  cause  them  to 
dream."  This  man  was  somewhat  shocked  Avhen  told  of  the  Gikuyu  and  Masai  custom 
of  throwing  out  the  dead,  of  which,  evidently,  he  had  never  heard. 

Another  native  Christian  wrote  out  for  me  an  account  of  some  funeral  ceremonies, 
which  is  headed,  "  Miiko  ya  Kufwa,"  i.e.,  "  prohibitions  connected  with  death."  After 
mentioning  the  shaving  and  putting  the  hair  into  a  bowl  of  water,  he  adds  that  the 
corpse  is  anointed  with  oil,  and,  in  the  case  of  a  mukijo  or  a  mugangana,  marked  on 
the  forehead  and  breast  in  white,  black,  and  red,  the  pigments  employed  being  ashes, 

[  67  ] 


Nos.  38-40.]  MAN.  [1913. 

soot,  and  znzi  (red  ochre).  According  to  this  account  the  widow  is  not  allowed  to 
leave  her  house  for  six  months  after  the  death.  Though  not  explicitly  so  stated, 
this  seems  to  be  the  time  when  the  funeral  feast  (called  by  this  writer  nyambnrn) 
is  held.  I  translate  his  account  of  the  latter. 

"Then,  if  his  (i.e.,  the  dead  man's)  son  or  his  brother  gets  money,  he  buys  much 
honey  and  puts  all  things  ready  ;  then  he  fetches  all  his  brothers  and  sisters,  and  they 
assemble  together  a  second  time  and  wail.  Then  they  take  rice  and  begin  to  grind  it, 
and  then  they  call  the  wakijo,  and  when  everything  is  prepared  for  the  ngadzi  they 
assemble  again,  many  people,  and  brew  much  honey  wine  (mochi).  The  nyambura 
is  beaten  and  the  ngadzi  sounded,  and  many  people  and  youths  (orani  or  worani)  dance 
for  two  days,  and  then  they  all  drink  mochi  and  get  very  drunk  during  three  days, 
and  then  all  the  men  and  women  go  home  ;  so  the  nyambura  is  ended,  and  the 
ngadzi  is  returned  to  its  (hiding  place)  in  the  bush  (badani)." 

I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain  what  particular  kind  of  drum  is  called 
nyambura.  The  ngadzi,  from  which  the  order  takes  its  name,  is  a  friction-drum.  A 
specimen  of  this  has  been  presented  to  the  British  Museum  by  Mr.  Hollis. 

A.  WERNER. 

Archaeology :  Prehistoric.  Grist. 

What  is  a  Natural  Eolith?  By  C.  J.  Grist,  M.A.  QQ 

Mr.  Hazzledine  Warren,  in  "Problems  of  Flint  Fracture  "  (MAX,  1913,20),  UU 
makes  reference  to  the  production  of  natural  eoliths  by  stream  action.  It  so  happens 
the  increasing  demand  for  ferro-concrete  makes  it  now  possible,  in  some  gravel-pits, 
to  examine  with  ease  stream-fractured  flints  by  the  million,  all  washed  clean  and 
graded  to  size.  A  search  among  these  products  of  Nature  leaves  the  impression 
that  either  streams  do  not  make  eoliths,  or  Mr.  Warren  has  not  made  clear  what  he 
wishes  to  be  understood  by  his  word  eolith. 

As  he  reminds  us,  he  has  been  a  practical  student  of.  flint  fracture  since  1889 
and  has  given  much  thought  and  experiment  to  the  eolithic  problem,  may  I  venture 
to  suggest  that  he  should  explain  how  he  distinguishes  his  natural  eolith  from  a 
primitive  human  implement  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  from  a  mere  shapeless 
fractured  flint. 

With  Mr.  Warren's  experience  of  over  twenty  years  in  applying  experimental 
results  to  natural  conditions,  and  from  the  careful  and  mature  consideration  which  he 
tells  us  such  work  requires,  a  lucid  statement  from  him  on  these  points  should  do 
much  to  remove  difficulties — difficulties  of  the  pressure-made  as  well  as  of  the  stream- 
made  eolith.  Tt  should,  for  example,  make  clear  why  his  own  experimentally  fractured 
Hints  were  called  eoliths  which  were  exhibited  on  the  lantern  screen  by  Professor 
Boyd  Dawkins  at  the  lecture — "  The  arrival  of  Man  in  Britain  in  the  Pleistocene 
Age."  Lack  of  information  tended  to  render  that  exhibit  as  useless  as  a  show  of 
broken  tea-cups.  C.  J.  GRIST. 

Archaeology :  Prehistoric.  Bell. 

Subcrag  Flints.     By  Alfred  Bell.  JO 

Will  Mr.  Warren  kindly  point  out  any  stream  in  a  "  flint "  country  where  T  U 
such  a  "  rain  of  blows  "  is  to  be  seen  "  steadily  delivered  against  other  stones  wedged 
"  in  its  bed  ?"  (Such  a  violent  action  would  be  more  likely  to  tear  the  bed  of  the 
stream  up.)  Very  little  has  been  done  in  ascertaining  the  constituents  of  the 
"  subcrag  stone  bed  "  or  tracing  out  the  provenance  of  the  varied  mixture  that  goes 
to  its  making.  As  to  whether  it  is  entirely  a  marine  deposit  is  quite  a  matter  of 
opinion.  After  fifty  years  of  crag  work,  I  take  the  line  that  much  of  it  was  accumu- 
lated long  before  the  crag  waters  came  into  our  area,  on  an  open  land  surface  of 
London  Clay,  including  the  bulk  of  phosphatic  nodules  or  coprolites,  plutonic  and 

[     68    ] 


1513,]  MAX  [Nos.  40-41. 

Jurassic  rocks  and    fossils,  mammalian   teeth    and    bones  and  the  rich  flora  exhibited 
in  the  well-preserved  wood. 

If  Mr.  Warren  had,  as  I  have  had,  the  opportunity  of  seeing  and  handling  a 
large  number  of  Mr.  Moir's  finds,  and  seen  them  exhumed  as  I  have  done,  he  would, 
I  imagine,  never  have  written  in  such  a  supercilious  fashion  of  a  worker  quite  as  careful 
and  painstaking  to  get  at  the  truth  as  he  is  himself.  Be  this  as  it  may,  can  he 
find  any  of  ^Nature's  chipping  so  consistent  in  application  as  to  produce  a  constant 
repetition  of  one  design,  the  rostro-carinates,  for  instance,  at  any  other  than  subcrag 
times,  or  are  Ave  to  suppose  that,  having  flaked  one  side  of  the  flint,  it  turned  it 
over  in  order  to  repeat  the  process,  and  then  forsaken  the  subcrag  type  of  worked 
flint  for  some  other  pattern  ?  ALFRED  BELL. 


China:  Hong-  Kong-.  Jones. 

A  Chinese  Phallic  Stone.        By  Staff-Surgeon  Kenneth  H.  Jones,  M.B.,     1 4 

F.Z.S.,  R.N.  lll 

Looking  down  on  one  of  the  most  popular  walks  of  the  people  of  Hong  Kong 
from  the  western  slopes  above  the  notorious  Wong  nai  Cheong,  or  Happy  Valley, 
stands  a  huge  mass  of  weathered  granite  with  a  nearly  vertical  face  almost  a  hundred 
feet  in  height. 

The  face  of  the  cliff  looks  to  the  north,  and  behind  the  mass  of  granite  is 
gradually  absorbed  into  the  shoulder  of  the  hill,  from  which  it  stands  out  as  an 
enormous  buttress. 

Perched  on  the  top  of  this  gigantic  buttress  is  a  great  quadrangular  granite 
boulder  some  20  feet  high  in  an  almost  vertical  position  and  having  sides  at  the 
base  between  5  and  6  feet  in  length.  The  upper  part  of  the  boulder  or  column  is, 
from  erosion,  somewhat  less  laterally  than  the  lower  but  continuous  with  the  latter, 
the  whole  forming  one  piece  of  stone. 

The  whole  structure,  the  huge  buttress  and  the  column  borne  upon  it,  is  the 
result  of  erosion  on  the  softer  parts  of  the  granite  and  has  left  the  harder  in  this 
most  curious  position. 

This  peculiarly-shaped  boulder  the  Chinese  call  Yah  yuen  saak,  or  Huh-po- 
sick  ;  the  names  are  spelt  phonetically.  These  names  both  mean  the  Harlot's  or 
the  Bad  Woman's  Stone. 

The  better  class  Chinese  are  very  reticent  about  this  stone  and  the  properties 
which  are  supposed  to  belong  to  it. 

On  ascending  to  the  column  itself  by  a  long  steep  flight  of  stone  steps  let  into 
the  side  of  the  hill  and  through  a  thick  wood  of  young  fir  trees,  it  is  found  that  a 
well-built  palm  leaf  hut  is  placed  against  the  base,  in  which  lives  an  old  Chinese 
who  keeps  several  savage  dogs  and  who  makes  a  living  by  selling  joss  sticks  and 
red  paper  to  the  suppliants  who  come  to  the  shrine,  if  such  it  can  be  called. 

A  small  altar  of  the  meanest  description,  plastered  with  "  lucky  "  red  papers 
and  bearing  a  few  smouldering  joss  sticks,  is  the  only  thing  about  the  place  which 
suggests  any  sort  of  ritual,  and  the  Chinese  are  all  agreed  that  nothing  sacerdotal 
appertains  to  the  old  man  who  sells  the  joss  sticks.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this 
stone  is  visited  at  all  times  of  the  year  by  large  numbers  of  Chinese  females,  and 
that  in  spite  of  the  assertion  that  only  harlots  apply  to  it  for  success  in  their  trade, 
plenty  of  respectable  married  women  resort  to  it  in  the  hope  of  becoming  pregnant. 

I  doubt  very  much  any  indecent  rites  occurring  at  this  place,  because  for  one 
thing  the  Chinese  women  are  exceedingly  modest,  and  for  another  they  are  excessively 
conventional,  and  therefore  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  burning  of  joss  sticks  and 
the  "  Kow  tow  "  are  all  that  happen  here.  I  know  of  several  other  stones  which 
are  not  unlike  this  in  position  and  in  their  suggestive  shape,  but  none  of  them  are 

[    69    ] 


Nos.  41-42.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


used  in  a  similar  manner.  It  is  quite  possible  that  this  particular  stone  may  carry 
its  supposed  powers  from  pre-Chinese  times — that  is  to  say,  from  before  the  second 
or  third  century  before  our  era. 

There  is  excellent  European  authority  for  believing  that  at  a  place  named 
Chek  Wan  (Stone  Valley),  on  the  way  to  Canton,  and  some  40  miles  from  Hong 
Kong,  there  is  another  famous  phallic  stone.  At  Chek  Wan  there  is  a  very  fine 
temple,  and  possibly  the  stone  is  inside  it,  but  this  is  uncertain. 

In  any  case  it  appears  that  on  a  certain  day,  or  on  a  few  days,  at  the  end  of 
April  in  each  year,  large  numbers  of  prostitutes  from  Hong  Kong  and  Canton  resort 
to  this  phallic  stone  and  rub  their  breasts  upon  it  with  a  view  to  prosperity  in 
their  business. 

Great  license  obtains  at  Chek  Wan  at  such  times,  as  might  be  expected. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  respectable  Chinese  women  also  visit  this  stone  at  other 
times  of  the  year. 

It  is  of  interest  to  observe  that  these  stones,  which  no  doubt  originally  were 
associated  with  the  idea  of  fecundity,  have,  like  so  many  other  things  Chinese, 
become  degraded  to  their  present  status  in  the  popular  imagination  by  the  wretched 
conventionality  which  ruins  so  many  Celestial  ideals  and  causes  them  to  lose  their 
earlier  simpler  meanings.  KENNETH  H.  JONES. 


Africa,  East :  Linguistics.  Beech. 

Endo  Vocabulary.  By  Mervyn  W.  H.  Beech,  M.A.  1A 

When  in  the  Baringo  district  a  few  years  ago  I  commenced  a  small  com-  •£ 
parative  vocabulary  of  the  dialects  of  the  hill  tribes  neighbouring  the  Suk. 

Unfortunately,  I  was  unable  to  do  little  more  than  begin  the  work,  but  the 
following  words  collected  by  me  from  the  Endo  Chief  Loseron  may  be  of  interest. 

The  Endo,  who  are  a  link  between  Suk  and  Nandi,  are  an  agricultural  tribe 
residing  on  the  slopes  of  the  Elgeyo  Escarpment,  and  are  briefly  described  on  page  3 
of  my  book  on  the  Suk  Language  and  Folklore. 

The  scheme  of  spelling  is  the  same  adopted  in  my  work  on  the  Suk  referred 
to  above. 


English. 

Endo. 

Suk. 

Remarks. 

Yes 

6-        -        -        - 

Id. 

No- 

Erwos    - 

Id. 

Not 

Me 

Id. 

1  - 

Okoiigo 

Id.    - 

-^ 

2  - 

Orin,  oden 

Oglrieng    - 

3  - 

Somok  - 

Id.   - 

4  - 

Angwan 

Id.   - 

5  - 

Mut 

Id.   - 

6  - 

L6* 

M  ut-ngo-okongo 

7  - 
8  - 
9  - 
10  - 
11  - 

Sisit 
Ti-op     - 
Sakor     - 
Taman  ... 
Taman-ngo-okongo 

Mut-ngo-oghieng 
Mut-ngo-somok 
Mut-ngo-afigwan 
Id.   - 
Id.   - 

The   most  noteworthy  difference 
,        tween  the  two  dialects  is  that 
'       Suk   system  of  numeration  is 
more  primitive. 

be- 
the 
the 

12  - 

Taman  ngo-'den     - 

T;iman-ngo-oghiefig  - 

13  - 

T;imau-ng6  -  somok 

Id.   - 

14  - 

Taman-ng6-mut     - 

Id.   - 

15  - 

Taman-ngo-lo9 

Taman-ngo-mut-ngo- 

okongo 

20  - 

Tiptem  - 

Id.   - 

J 

Man 

Chi 

Id. 

Woman  - 

Kukun  --. 

Korko*. 

Child      - 

Mondo  -         -        - 

Mumvfig    -        -        - 

Of.    Suk,     "my     child,"    monde-nyan. 

Probably  mondo  =  "  my  child." 

I     70 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  42. 


English. 

Endo. 

Suk. 

Remarks. 

Father    - 

Baba     ... 

Bapu. 

Mother  - 

lyu        ... 

Id. 

Brother  (my)  - 

Werinja 

Id.  =  "  my  brother." 

Sister  (my)     - 

Cheptenja 

Id.  =  "  my  sister." 

Son 

Masowon 

Milnung   - 

Suk,  maso-won  =  herdsman.     This  work 

Daughter 

Ngeremnyon 

Chepto. 

is  generally  done  by  children. 

Friend    - 

Thelia5  - 

Id. 

Enemy  - 

Tham    - 

Piiun. 

Chief      - 

Kiruwokin     - 

Id. 

King 

Nil 

Nil. 

Sorcerer 

Werkoi-yon  - 

Id. 

Head       - 

Met 

Id. 

Donkey  - 

Nyetome 

Sigir-ios    - 

Nyetome  is  said  also  to  be  a  Turkana 

word  for  "  elephant." 

Hair 

Asulsul  - 

Put. 

Eye 

Kong     ... 

Id. 

Nose 

Ser 

Id. 

Mouth    - 

Kot 

Id. 

Tooth      - 

Kelat    - 

Id. 

Tongue  - 

Ngaliep 

Id. 

Ear 

Ylt        -        -        - 

Id. 

Neck 

Kat 

Id. 

Body      - 

Pur 

Id. 

Arm 

Hegh     - 

Id. 

Hand      - 

Hegh     -        -        - 

Id. 

Leg 

Kel 

Id. 

Foot  (sole  of)  - 

Tapesa  - 

Kel. 

Shoulder 

Poh       -        -        - 

Leiy-os. 

Back 

Korot    - 

Korot. 

Skin 

Undo*    - 

Ser-a. 

Heart     - 

Mugulo 

Mughulo. 

Liver 

Nuak     -        -        - 

Ngasat 

Nuak   is    Suk  for  spleen.     Probably   I 

have  made  an  error  here. 

Bone 

K6wos   - 

Id. 

Blood     - 

Koroti  - 

Kisen. 

Wai- 

Luk 

Id, 

Spear 

Tenga    - 

Ngot. 

Club       - 

Kisambara     - 

Rungu. 

Bow 

Kuang  - 

Kwoang. 

Arrow     - 

Supit     -         -         - 

Kotat        -         -         - 

Supit  in  Suk  is  the  \vooden  head  of  an 

arrow. 

Shield     - 

Kap-takTyu    - 

Long-6. 

House     - 

K6 

Id. 

Boat 

— 

Kadich 

Cf.  1-kadich  (hjemusi). 

Food 

Pande   - 

Om-isio5    - 

Cf.  Suk,  "  meat,"  pendo,  panye,  piny. 

Beast      - 

Tiony    - 

Id. 

Bird 

Tarit     - 

Id. 

Fish 

Korowo5 

Kb'ogh-wa. 

Fire 

Mas,  mat 

Id. 

Water     - 

Perr 

Pogh. 

River 

Lalua    --- 

Id, 

Lake 

Noroi-yon 

Weiwei. 

Earth      - 

Puris 

Nyungwin 

Cf.  Suk,  pures  =  dung. 

Mountain 

Kokwa  - 

Kutung     - 

Kdkwa    in   Suk  =  assemblage.      It     is 

literally  a  kind  of  tree  under  which 

assemblies  are  held.      Cf.  the  Kikuya 

custom,  where  "  Hngumu,"  a  fig-tree, 

comes    to    mean    "  place    of     sacred 

• 

assembly." 

Stone 

Kogh     - 

Id. 

Tree  .      - 

Ket 

Id. 

Forest     - 

Kerti     - 

Wu. 

Sky 

Him       - 

Tcrorut     - 

Cf.  Suk,  "  yim  "  =  "  above." 

Sun 

Ngolai  -        -        - 

Asis. 

Moon 

Arawa*  -        -        - 

Id. 

Star 

Kab-char 

Kokel. 

Clouds    - 

Kapuret 

Pult-oi      - 

Kapuret  in  Suk  =  mist. 

Wind      - 

Karundu 

Yamat. 

Nos.  42-43  ] 


MAN. 


[1913, 


English. 

Kudo. 

Suk. 

Kemarks. 

Rain 

Hat 

Id. 

Thunder 

Hat 

Kerial       - 

The  Suk  separate  divinities  of  rain  and 

thunder,  become  here  merged  in  one. 

Day 

Asis       - 

Ifl. 

Night      - 

Katorit  -        -        - 

Ogha*. 

Shadow  - 

Kitomlo 

Id. 

Breath    - 

Kimuny 

Ki-muny. 

Soul 

Mugulo 

Mughulo  ... 

i.e.,  "  heart  "  or  "  seat  of  life." 

Spirit      - 

Oinyet  - 

Onyet 

It  is  this  part  of  a  man  which  passes  into 

a  snake  at  death. 

God 

Tororut 

Id     - 

Or  "  sky.'' 

I     ... 

Ani        - 

Itl. 

Thou 

Nyi        - 

Id. 

He,  she,  it 

Nyende 

Id. 

We 

Acha 

Id. 

You 

Akwa     - 

Id. 

They 

Chane   - 

Id. 

Who,  which    - 

Ngo 

Id. 

This 

Nyi        -         -         - 

Id. 

That       - 

Nyi  no    - 

Iff. 

Large 

Nya-wci 

Ifl. 

Small     - 

Nya-mencng 

Id. 

Many 

Cha-chang     - 

Id. 

Few 

Cha-ngeri 

Id. 

All 

Lopai     ... 

Id. 

Long 

Kogh     - 

Id. 

Short      - 

Nuak     - 

Taiigogh. 

MERVYN  W.  II.  BEECH,  M.A. 


Religion.  Wright. 

Spirits  of  the  Corn  and  of  the  Wild  ("Man,"  1913,  15).       By  T.  F. 

Wright. 

With  reference  to  the  extract  from  the  Gentleman'1  s  Magazine,  1779,  as  to  a 
Shrove  Tuesday  observance  in  Kent  "Holly  Boy"  and  "Ivy  Girl,"  I  find  in  the 
Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature,  Vol.  II,  p.  379,  the  following: — 

"  Charming  also  are  the  songs  of  ivy  and  holly  which  were  sung  in  connection 
with  some  little  ceremony  of  the  season.  In  all  the  songs  ivy  and  holly  appear  as 
rivals,  and.  whatever  the  ceremony  may  have  been,  it  certainly  was  a  survival  of 
those  festival  games  in  connection  with  the  worship  of  the  spirit  of  fertility,  in 
which  lads  invariably  championed  the  cause  of  holly,  and  lasses  that  of  ivy. 
(Cf.  Chambers,  The  Mediceval  Stage,  I,  251,  and  Chapter  III  ;  Ellis  and  Brand, 
Popular  Antiquities,  I,  68,  519  if.)  We  can  fancy  young  men  entering  the  hall 
with  branches  of  holly  (Cf.  Bodleian  MS.  Eng.  Poet,  E  1,  f.  53b — Percy  Society, 
LXXIII,  84). 

"  Here  commys  holly,  that  is  so  gent, 
To  pleasse  all  men  is  his  eutent,"  etc. 

singing  the  praises  of  the  shrub,  and  warning  their  hearers  not  to  speak  lightly  of 
it  (ibid.,  ff.  30a,  53b — Percy  Society,  LXXIII,  44;  84),  while  young  women  enter 
from  an  opposite  direction  and  go  through  a  similar  performance  wifh  the  ivy. 
Thereupon  both  young  men  and  young  women  enter  upon  some  kind  of  a  dance, 
which  resolves  itself  into  a  contest  in  which  the  boys  drive  the  girls  from  the  hall. 

"  Holy  with  his  mery  men  they  can  daunce  in  hall, 
Ivy  and  her  ientyl  women  can  not  daunce  at  all, 
But  lyke  a  meyny  of  bullokes  in  a  waterfall, 
Or  on  a  whot  somer's  day  when  they  be  mad  all. 

[     72     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  43-44. 

Nay,  nay,  ive,  it  may  not  be  iwis  ; 

For  holy  must  liaue  the  mastry,  as  the  raaner  is. 

Holy  and  his  mery  men  sytt  in  cheyres  of  gold  ; 

Ivy  and  her  ientyll  women  sytt  withowt  in  ffold, 

With  a  pay  re  of  kybid  helis  cawght  with  cold. 

So  wold  I  that  every  man  had,  that  with  yvy  will  hold. 

Xay,  nay,  ive,  it  may  not  be  iwis  ; 

For  holy  must  haue  the  mastry,  as  the   maner  is. 
(MS.  Balliol,  354,  f.  229  b-Anglia,  XXVI,  279.) 

"  This  debat  of  holly  and  ivy,  like  other  songs  of  winter  and  summer,  looks  back 
to  that  communal  period  when  dialogue  was  just  beginning  to  emerge  from  the 
tribal  chorus." 

Mr.  Andrew  Lang  made  some  remarks  on  this  in  his  page  of  the  Illustrated 
London  News,  1908,  which  put  me  on  the  track,  but  I  think  his  remarks  contained 
nothing  more  than  a  reference  to  the  above.  I  feel  sure  I  preserved  Mr.  Lang's 
note,  but  I  am  away  from  my  papers  and  fear  I  cannot  refer.  T.  F.  WRIGHT. 


Africa,  East.  Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu  Fairy  Tales  (Rogano).      By  Captain   W.  E.  H.  Barrett.  J  1 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  KAMAU  AND  NJEROGE. 

One  day  a  party  of  warriors  went  forth  to  attack  an  enemy,  when  one  of  them, 
by  name  Kamau,  fell  down  in  a  fit.  His  companions,  thinking  he  must  shortly  die, 
left  him  lying  insensible  by  the  roadside  and  continued  their  journey.  Towards  the 
cool  of  the  evening  Kamau  recovered  consciousness,  and  raising  his  head  looked  about 
him  and  saw  that  he  had  been  deserted.  He  was  too  weak  to  stand,  but  with  a  great 
effort  raised  himself  on  his  hands  and  knees  and  started  crawling  in  the  direction  of 
liis  village.  After  proceeding  for  a  short  distance  he  suddenly  came  upon,  the  carcase 
of  an  elephant  which  had  b6en  partly  eaten  by  hyaenas.  Getting  together  a  few 
sticks  he  lit  a  fire,  and  cutting  off  a  portion  of  the  elephant's  head  he  cooked  and  ate 
it.  When  he  had  satisfied  his  hunger  he  recovered  his  strength  and  was  able  to 
stand  up.  Just  as  he  was  leaving  to  continue  his  journey  homewards  he  heard  a 
flapping  of  wings  and  saw  a  huge  vulture  swooping  down  towards  him.  Terrified  at 
its  appearance  he  ran  and  hid  himself  inside  the  dead  elephant.  The  huge  bird 
alighted  on  the  carcase  and,  eating  a  little,  seized  the  remainder  of  the  carcase  in  its 
talons  and  flew  off.  After  some  time  the  bird  alighted  on  a  tree,  and  Kamau,  who 
looked  out  from  his  hiding  place,  found  himself  on  an  immense  tree  growing  in  the 
centre  of  a  large  lake,  and  the  tree  was  so  large  that  its  boughs  stretched  over  the  water 
for  many  miles.  Presently  he  heard  a  voice  calling  him  by  name,  and,  looking  down, 
he  saw  a  water  spirit  swimming  round  below  him.  The  spirit  then  asked  him  who 
he  was  and  where  he  had  come  from.  Kamau  told  him  the  whole  story  of  his  adven- 
tures from  the  time  he  had  left  his  village.  After  he  had  finished  the  spirit  said  to 
him,  "  I  am  sorry  for  you  and  would  like  to  help  you,  as  I  was  once  a  man  like  you 
*'  are  ;  perhaps  if  you  walk  along  one  of  the  boughs  of  the  tree  you  will  find  that  it 
"  stretches  to  some  land,  and  so  you  will  be  able  to  drop  down  and  go  home."  Kamaii 
thanked  him  for  his  advice  and  started  to  walk  along  one  of  the  boughs,  but  after 
walking  for  many  hours  he  came  to  the  end  of  it  and  saw  only  water  beneath  him. 
He  returned  very  downhearted  and  told  the  spirit  that  he  had  done  as  he  had  directed 
but  found  only  water  beneath  him.  The  spirit  thought  for  a  few  minutes  and  then 
said  :  "I  only  told  you  to  walk  along  the  bough  to  test  your  courage.  I  now  see 
"  that  you  are  brave,  and  will  tell  you  the  only  way  to  escape  from  your  prc-rn: 
"  plight.  When  the  vulture  sleeps  to-night  creep  up  behind  it  and  seize  hold  of 

[    73     ] 


No.  44.]  MAN.  [1913. 

"  one  of  its  tail  feathers,  and  do  not  let  go  until  you  reach  land."  Once  more 
Kamau  thanked  the  spirit,  which  then  disappeared  under  the  water.  That  night 
Kamau  crept  up  to  the  vulture  while  it  slept,  and  caught  hold  of  one  of  its  tail 
feathers.  (He  did  not  sleep  at  all  for  fear  he  might  let  the  feather  go.)  Early  the 
next  morning  the  vulture  woke  up,  and  having  stretched  itself,  spread  out  its  wings 
and  flew  off,  with  Kamau  still  holding  on  to  its  tail.  After  flying  rapidly  for  some 
time  the  vulture  alighted  not  far  from  Kamau's  village,  and  no  sooner  had  it  reached 
the  ground  than  it  flew  up  again,  leaving  Kamau  behind  with  one  of  its  tail  feathers 
still  in  his  hand.  Kamau  was  delighted  at  finding  himself  near  his  home  again,  and 
at  once  set  off  towards  his  village,  taking  the  feather  with  him,  hiding  it  in  his 
hut,  and  telling  no  one  of  his  adventure. 

A  few  days  after  his  return  Njeroge,  a  warrior  from  a  neighbouring  village 
climbed  up  into  a  large  hollow  tree  to  search  for  honey.  When  he  reached  the  top 
he  lost  his  balance  and  fell  into  the  hollow  trunk,  alighting  on  the  back  of  a  large 
python,  which  was  asleep  at  the  bottom  of  the  cavity  The  python  was  at  first 
very  angry  at  being  awakened  so  abruptly  by  a  stranger,  but  on  Njerogeh  explaining 
that  he  had  fallen  into  the  tree  by  accident  the  python  was  pacified,  and  said, 
"  If  you  had  come  here  intentionally  I  should  kill  you,  but  as  you  came  accidentally 
"  I  will  help  you  to  get  out  ;  catch  hold  of  my  tail  and  I  will  drag  you  to  the 
"  top  of  the  tree."  Njerogeh  did  as  he  was  told  and  the  python  climbed  slowly  up 
the  trunk  of  the  tree,  until  it  dragged  him  to  the  place  from  where  he  fell.  Njerogeh 
thanked  the  python  for  its  kindness,  and,  climbing  down  to  the  ground,  ran  home. 

The  next  day  he  prepared  a  feast,  and,  calling  all  the  warriors  from  the  sur- 
rounding villages,  told  them  that  a  great  adventure  had  befallen  him,  and  that  the 
man  who  had  passed  through  one  greater  than  his  should  eat  at  the  feast  with  him. 
All  told  their  adventures,  but  at  each  one  Njerogeh  laughed  and  said,  "  That  is 
"  nothing."  Kamau  happened  to  be  passing  at  that  time,  and  Njerogeh  called  out 
to  him  to  come  and  relate  any  dangers  he  had  been  through,  as  he  might  be  able 
to  eat  the  feast  with  him.  Kamau  related  his  adventure  with  the  vulture,  but  it 
was  so  marvellous  that  none  would  believe  him.  until  he  went  to  his  hut  and  pro- 
duced the  feather.  Njerogeh  then  told  of  his  meeting  with  the  python,  but  all  those 
assembled  agreed  that  Kamau's  adventure  was  greater  than  his  ;  so  the  two  of  them 
sat  down  and  ate  the  excellent  feast  that  Njerogeh  had  prepared,  and  for  ever 
afterwards  they  were  looked  upon  as  the  greatest  heroes  of  their  tribe. 

THE  WARRIOR  AND  THE  IRIMO. 

In  a  fight  near  the  plains  between  some  Masai  and  A'Kikuyu  Avarriors  all  the 
latter  were  killed  except  one  man,  who  fled  in  the  direction  of  his  own  country.  On 
the  way  he  met  an  Irimo  (an  evil  spirit),  who  asked  him  where  he  was  going.  The 
warrior  related  to  him  the  story  of  the  defeat  of  his  party  by  the  Masai,  and  informed 
him  that  he  was  on  his  way  home.  The  Irimo  said  he  would  accompany  him  part 
of  the  journey,  and  they  travelled  together  for  some  distance.  On  the  way  they  met 
a  large  number  of  Irimo,  who  being  very  hungry  were  delighted  to  see  the  warrior,  as 
they  intended  to  eat  him.  Leaving  some  of  their  number  to  guard  him,  the  rest 
hopped  about  and  collected  sticks  for  a  fire.  While  the  fire  was  being  made  the 
warrior  said,  "  I  am  tired  of  life  as  all  my  companions  have  been  killed,  so  am  quite 
"  willing  to  die.  Before  you  kill  me,  however,  I  should  like  to  teach  you  the  dance 
"  of  my  people."  The  Irimo  were  very  pleased,  as  they  were  fond  of  learning  new 
dances,  and  agreed  that  he  should  dance  to  them.  In  order  that  he  should  not 
escape,  however,  they  placed  a  belt  of  leather  round  his  waist,  and  to  this  tied  a  hide 
rope  many  miles  long.  The  warrior  started  dancing  vigorously  and  gradually  placed 
a  distance  between  himself  and  the  Irimo.  These  latter  every  now  and  then  gave  a 

[    74    ] 


1913,]  MAK.  [No.  44. 

pull  at  the  rope  to  see  that  he  had  not  loosened  himself.  Seeing  the  log  of  a  tree 
lying  near  a  wood  the  warrior  ran  to  it,  slipped  off  the  leather  belt,  and  tied  it  on  to 
the  log ;  he  then  ran  as  hard  as  he  could  in  the  direction  of  his  village.  The  Irimo  not 
seeing  him  pulled  at  the  rope,  and  finding  a  weight  at  the  end  of  it  thought  he  had 
got  tired  and  gone  to  sleep.  So  when  they  had  made  a  sufficiently  large  fire  they 
all  raced  to  the  place  where  they  thought  the  warrior  was  lying.  To  their  rage  they 
found  only  a  log.  All  of  them  followed  the  footprints  of  the  warrior  for  many  miles, 
but  eventually  gave  up  the  pursuit  as  useless  and  returned  to  their  homes  very 
hungry  and  very  angry,  as  their  dinner  had  escaped  them. 

THE  BOY,  THE  BULL,  AND  THE  MASAI  RAIDERS.* 

In  a  certain  A'Kikuyu  village  there  lived  a  boy  about  six  years  old  and  an 
immense  bull  named  Nyangeh  ;  both  had  been  born  on  the  same  day  and  they  were 
great  friends.  When  the  boy  went  to  herd  his  father's  cattle  he  would  ride  on  the  back 
of  Nyangeh  and  talk  to  him  the  whole  time.  Towards  evening  the  boy  would  say  to 
the  bull,  »'  Nyangeh,  come  let  us  take  back  the  cattle  ;  night  draws  nigh  and  an  enemy 
*'  may  come  upon  us  unawares."  The  two  friends  would  then  drive  the  herd  home. 

One  day  a  Masai  warrior  who  was  passing  by  caught  sight  of  a  fine  herd  of 
cattle,  guarded  only  by  a  small  boy,  who  rode  on  the  back  of  a  bull.  Hastening 
back  to  his  home,  he  told  his  friends,  and  arranged  with  them  to  go  and  capture 
this  herd.  Fifty  warriors  set  out  fully  armed,  and  after  travelling  a  long  distance 
saw  everything  as  their  informant  had  said.  They  rushed  forward  to  seize  the 
cattle,  but  the  small  A'Kikuyu  boy  ordered  Nyangeh  to  kill  them.  The  huge  beast 
pierced  some  with  his  horns  and  others  he  trampled  under  foot  until  all  were  killed 
except  one.  This  man  being  fleet  of  foot  escaped,  and  running  to  his  village  told 
what  had  befallen  his  companions.  Everyone  thought  he  was  lying,  and  another 
war  party,  100  strong,  was  despatched  by  the  Masai  chief. 

This  party  was  annihilated  in  the  same  way  as  the  first  had  been  ;  only  one 
warrior  escaping.  This  man  fled  and  returned  to  his  home.  He  told  his  story  to 
his  chief,  who,  thinking  there  must  be  some  truth  this  time  in  what  was  reported  to 
him,  sent  500  warriors  to  capture  the  cattle  and  avenge  the  defeat  of  their  friends. 

Seeing  this  large  party  of  Masai  approaching,  the  boy,  who  had  eaten  nothing 
that  day  and  was  faint  from  hunger,  jumped  off  the  back  of  Nyangeh  and  ran 
towards  his  mother's  hut.  On  the  way  he  passed  several  villages,  and  at  each  he 
asked  for  food,  saying  that  he  intended  when  he  had  eaten  to  follow  up  the  Masai 
raiders  and  get  his  father's  cattle  back  from  them.  However,  no  one  would  give 
him  anything,  and  all  laughed  at  him,  saying  he  must  be  mad  to  think  of  following 
up  the  Masai,  who  by  this  time  must  be  well  on  their  way  towards  their  own 
country.  The  boy,  on  reaching  his  mother's  hut,  ate  some  food  and  some  he  placed 
in  a  bag  and  tied  on  his  shoulders  ;  he  then  said  good-bye  to  his  mother  and 
followed  on  the  tracks  the  stolen  cattle  had  made.  After  many  days  he  came  to 
a  hill  which  looked  down  on  to  a  large  plain.  Not  far  from  the  foot  of  the  hill 
he  saw  a  Masai  village  with  a  big  herd  of  cattle  grazing  near  it.  Among  this  herd 
he  recognised  his  father's  cattle  and  Nyangeh  among  them.  In  the  evening  he 
watched  the  Masai  drive  all  the  cattle  into  their  village  and  place  them  in  enclo- 
sures made  of  thorn  bushes.  That  night  the  boy  went  close  up  to  the  village 
and  sang : — 

"  Nyangeh,  Nyangeh,  I  am  the  boy  who  was  born  on  the  same  day  as  you  were 

born. 

You  helped  me  twice  to  defeat  the  fierce  Masai  ; 
Why  have  you  now  forgotten  me  and  gone  with  these  savages  ?  " 

*   Cf  A   story  in  Calla way's  Zulu   Tales. 
[    75    ] 


Nos,  44-45.]  MAN.  [1913. 

As  soon  as  Nyangeh  heard  his  voice  he  charged  through  the  thorn  bushes,  and 
escaping  went  to  his  young  friend,  followed  by  all  the  cattle  belonging  to  his  herd, 
and  also  by  all  the  others  which  belonged  to  the  Masai. 

The  boy  at  once  jumped  on  his  back  and  directed  him  to  drive  away  the 
warriors  who  were  pursuing  them.  Nyangeh  charged  down  upon  their  pursuers  and 
in  a  short  time  killed  so  many  that  the  rest  took  to  flight.  When  they  had  been 
thoroughly  routed,  the  boy  rode  home  on  the  bull,  driving  the  immense  herd  of  cattle 
in  front  of  him.  On  reaching  his  own  country  he  met  the  same  people  who  had 
refused  him  food,  and  laughed  at  him  when  he  told  them  that  he  intended  to  follow 
the  Masai.  They  were  all  very  much  astonished  to  see  him  back  safe  and  sound, 
and  seeing  the  herd  of  cattle  he  had  captured  they  tried  to  make  friends  with  him, 
hoping  that  they  might  get  some  from  him.  He,  however,  declined  to  give  them  a 
single  head,  saying,  "  No,  I  will  give  you  nothing.  On  the  day  when  I  asked  you 
"  for  food  you  gave  me  nothing,  but  laughed  at  me,  instead  of  offering  to  help  me 
"  to  recover  my  father's  cattle.  You  are  all  a  lot  of  cowards,  and  1  wish  to  have 
"  nothing  to  say  to  any  of  you." 

He  then  proceeded  to  his  mother,  who  welcomed  him  with  great  joy.  After  this 
adventure  the  boy  was  looked  upon  with  great  respect  by  the  rest  of  the  tribe,  and 
when  he  was  old  enough  was  made  chief  over  them.  W.  E.  H.  BARRETT. 


REVIEWS. 
India  and  Persia.  Fryer. 

Fryer's  East  India  and  Persia.       Edited  by   W.  Crooke,  B.A.,  I.C.S.,   Ret. 
Vol.  I.  (Hakluyt  Society). 

Fryer's  Travels  ranks  as  one  of  the  most  able  and  interesting  among  those  of 
the  early  English  works  dealing  with  the  East.  The  author  was  a  man  of  science, 
a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  acquainted  with  the  best  botanical,  zoological, 
and  geological  knowledge  of  the  seventeenth  century.  He  was,  moreover,  an  excel- 
lent observer  and  took  a  great  interest  in  the  customs  of  the  races  with  which  he 
was  brought  in  contact,  and  of  their  religion  and  learning.  Although  his  acquaint- 
ance with  India  was  confined  to  the  western  sea-board  he  observed  whatever  he  had 
the  opportunity  of  seeing.  Among  others  may  be  noticed  his  observations  on  the 
poll-tax  imposed  on  Hindus  by  Auraugzeb  (p.  275),  the  dependence  of  Musalmans 
on  Banyans  (p.  282)  in  mercantile  matters,  the  Embassy  to  Sivaji  (p.  198),  the  journey 
to  Junnar,  and  descriptions  such  as  that  of  the  Fakir  and  the  image  of  Hanumfm 
on  p.  313. 

The  second  volume  (just  issued)  contains  the  interesting  "  Relation  of  the 
Canatick  Country,"  including  a  visit  to  Goa  with  accounts  of  the  Portuguese 
Government  and  the  religious  communities.  With  regard  to  Mr.  Crooke's  note  on 
p.  12  on  the  exposition  of  the  body  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  in  which  he  says  that  it 
was  last  exposed  to  view  in  1859,  it  may  be  noted  that  it  was  again  shown  to  the 
public  amid  great  enthusiasm  in  1890  (as  described  in  a  newspaper  of  December  28th, 
1890).  The  right  arm  was  found  to  be  missing  and  was  said  to  have  been  sent  to 
Rome  long  before.  The  Jesuits,  it  appears,  were  known  as  Paulistas  (not  Paulistins 
as  Fryer  puts  it).  The  misquoted  Portuguese  couplet  on  p.  13  does  not  appear  to 
be  quite  correctly  given  in  the  note.  Probably  it  should  read 

0  Francisco  guarde  minha  mulher ; 
O  Paulista  guarde  meu  dinheiro. 

?'.e.,  "  Let  the  Franciscan  look  after  my  wife  and  the  Jesuit  after  my  money." 

Another  bit  of  Fryer's  Portuguese  (on  p.  12),  "  For  Amor  de  Frisco,""  should, 
no  doubt,  read  "  Pelo  amor  de  frescura"  "  for  the  love  of  coolness." 

[    76     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  45-46. 

Fryer's  account  of  the  conflict  between  his  ship  and  a  Malabar  pirate  is 
excellent  reading.  The  name  Canorein  (p.  27)  which  Fryer  states  is  the  name  of 
the  "mass  of  the  people"  is  the  word  still  used  in  Portugal  (Canarim)  much  as  we 
use  Eurasian.  I  have  heard  the  saying  in  Portugal,  ;'  There  never  yet  was  a 
"  Canarim  who  was  not  a  descendant  of  Albuquerque  !  "  It  seems  very  probable 
that  the  Anglo-Indian  word  Karani  (vulgo  Cranny}  is  an  inversion  of  Kaniiri.  This 
provides  a  more  likely  origin  than  that  from  Sanskrit  "  karana "  quoted  by  Yule 
(s.v.  Cranny)  from  Wilson. 

Among  the  more  purely  native  observations  of  Fryer  may  be  mentioned  his 
account  of  the  Lingayats  (p.  77)  and  of  the  Holi  (p.  79). 

Fryer's  general  knowledge  of  India  as  far  as  it  went  is  summed  up  in  his 
Special  Chorography  and  History  of  East  India. 

The  remainder  of  the  second  volume  which  concludes  Fryer's  work  is  taken  up 
with  his  journey  in  Persia  from  Gombroon  to  Ispahan  aud  back,  an  interesting 
narrative  although  the  route  had  been  traversed  by  many  European  travellers. 

Mr.  Crooke  brings  an  unrivalled  knowledge  of  the  races  and  beliefs  of  India  to 
bear  on  the  elucidation  of  the  numerous  difficulties  in  explanation  and  identification 
which  arise  in  such  a  work,  and  has  produced  an  admirable  edition,  worthy  of  the 
Hakluyt  Society.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 


New  Guinea.  Murray. 

Papua  or  British  New  Guinea.  By  J.  H.  P.  Murray,  Lieut. -Governor  of  1  O 
Papua.  London  and  Leipsic  :  T.  Fisher  Unwin.  Pp.  379.  15s.  net.  •  U 

A  volume  concerning  one  of  our  distant  possessions,  written  by  its  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  is  invested  with  the  authority  which  his  official  position  and  knowledge 
gives  to  it,  and  can  hardly  fail  to  be  interesting  and  instructive. 

The  book  now  under  review  is  a  general  one,  dealing,  among  other  things,  with 
the  geography  and  history  of  Papua,  the  administration  of  justice  there,  and  the 
development  of  the  country  ;  but,  notwithstanding  the  author's  modest  statement  that 
he  does  not  "know  anything  of  ethnology,"  the  portions  which  describe  the  native 
inhabitants  and  their  customs  are  most  interesting  to  the  ethnologist. 

This  description  is  worked  out  on  a  geographical  system.  Mr.  Murray  commences 
at  the  German  boundary  on  the  north-eastern  coast,  from  which  he  travels  along  the 
coast  to  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  New  Guinea  ;  he  then  goes  to  the  islands, 
after  which  he  returns  along  the  south-western  coast  until  he  reaches  the  Dutch 
boundary.  As  the  whole  of  this  distance  is  covered  in  104  pages,  the  author's  progress 
is  necessarily  rapid,  and  the  information  given  is  only  of  a  fragmentary  character. 
Very  many  of  the  fragments  are,  however,  extremely  interesting.  We  are  told,  for 
instance,  that  the  Trobriand  islanders  believe  that  they  are  descended  from  three  women 
who  came  out  of  the  ground,  being  assisted,  one  by  a  dog,  one  by  a  pig,  and  one  by 
an  iguana,  and  that  these  are  the  animal  totems  of  the  three  tribes  who  claim  these 
women  as  their  ancestors  ;  also  of  a  social  custom  in  the  island  of  Sim  (one  of  the 
Trobriands),  under  which  only  the  married  people  and  children  live  in  the  island 
itself,  the  young  men  and  girls  living  together  on  a  neighbouring  island  :  and  numerous 
other  examples  of  interest  might  be  quoted. 

When  Mr.  Murray  comes  to  the  central  division  on  the  south-west  coast,  his 
chapters  become  less  fragmentary,  dealing  with  the  different  tribes  more  from  a  general 
and  comparative  point  of  view,  and  this  is  perhaps  still  more  so  when  he  reaches 
the  Gulf  district. 

His  statement  that  the  customs  of  the  Melanesian-speaking  Kuni  people  "  are 
"  quite  different  from  those  of  the  mountaineers,  and  approximate  to  those  of  the 

[  77  ] 


Nos.  46-47.]  MAN.  [1913. 

"  Melanesians  of  the  coastal  plain "  is  open  to  question,  as  also  is  his  suggestion 
that  these  Kuni  people  "  are  Melanesian  .  .  ,  and  not  part  of  the  aboriginal 

"  population."  It  is  not  disputed  that  these  people  have  Melanesian  blood  in  their 
veins,  and  that  they  have  Melauesian  customs  ;  but  both  physically  and  culturally 
they  approximate  much  more  closely  to  the  Mafulu  people  of  the  mountains  behind 
them.  Indeed,  in  physique  the  two  tribes  are  almost  indistinguishable,  and,  if  the 
Mafulu  have  the  partial  negrito  ancestry  which  is  now  suspected,  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  the  Kuni  people  have  it  also. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  natives  to  the  north  and  south  of  the  main  range 
in  the  central  district  of  Papua  are  more  or  less  in  touch  with  one  another  ;  some 
detailed  confirmation  of  this  is  given  by  Mr.  Murray,  and  the  fact,  if  recognised, 
must  be  borne  in  mind  in  dealing  with  the  many  complex  ethnological  problems  which 
are  met  with  in  this  area. 

As  regards  the  Gulf  district,  it  is  interesting  to  note  Mr.  Murray's  reference  to  the 
statement  of  Mr.  Beaver  (the  leader  of  the  party  who  went  in  search  of  Mr.  Scaniforth 
Smith  in  his  perilous  expedition  in  search  of  the  Strickland  river  in  1910-11)  that 
the  people  whom  he  found  in  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Kikori  river  are  lighter  skinned 
than  those  of  the  coast,  and  Mr.  Murray's  statement  that  the  Kukukuku  people  of 
the  interior  behind  the  coastal  district  of  Motumotu  are  also  lighter  skinned. than 
those  of  the  coast.  The  existence  of  lighter  skinned  people  in  the  interior  of  the 
Gulf  district  (the  reverse  of  what  is  found  in  the  central  district)  has  been  reported 
before ;  but  at  present  we  do  not  know  how  widely  these  lighter  people  are 
distributed. 

Mr.  Murray  criticises  the  use  by  ethnologists  of  the  term  "  Papuan  "  as  a  general 
one  for  the  earlier  inhabitants  of  New  Guinea,  in  contradistinction  to  the  term 
*'  Papuo-Melanesian,"  applied  to  the  mixed  tribes  arising  from  the  subsequent  super- 
impositions  of  Melanesians  from  more  easterly  islands  of  the  Pacific ;  and  in  this 
connection  he  draws  attention  to  the  wide  differences  existing  between  the  various 
Papuan  languages.  His  objection  is  based  on  the  fact  that  the  term  "Papua"  has 
been  adopted  as  the  official  name  of  British  New  Guinea.  It  may  be  pointed  out, 
however,  that  the  word  "  Papuan "  had  been  used  by  ethnologists  long  before  it  was 
adopted  by  the  Australian  Government  with  an  official  meaning,  and,  as  used,  it  is  a 
convenient  name  for  the  earlier  inhabitants  of  the  island,  who,  notwithstanding  their 
differences  of  language,  are  in  many  respects  similar,  and  may  well  be  classed  together, 
and  are  clearly  distinguishable  from  the  Melanesians. 

The  whole  book  provides  extremely  interesting  reading,  and  is  rendered  even 
more  enjoyable  by  the  free  and  pleasant  style  in  which  it  is  written,  and  the  happy 
way  in  which  Mr.  Murray  introduces  here  and  there  humorous  narratives  of  the 
experiences  which  he  and  other  officials  have  had  in  their  many  journey  ings  through 
the  country.  ROBERT  W.  WILLIAMSON. 


Africa,  Central.  Kitching;. 

On  the  Backwaters  of  the  Nile ;  Studies  of  some  Child  Races  of  Central 
Africa.  By  the  Rev.  A.  L.  Kitchiug,  M.A.  T.  Fisher  Unwin,  1912.  Price 
12s.  6d.  net. 

This  is  a  most  interesting  book,  and  the  anthropologist  will  find  it  valuable, 
though  he  might  wish  that  the  author  had  been  a  little  more  definite  in  some 
places  as  to  the  particular  people  with  which  he  is  dealing. 

Mr.  Kitching  commenced  the  study  of  his  subject  in  the  proper  manner. 
"  Doubtless  it  seems  hard  to  the  novice,  but  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  important 
"  that  he  should  derive  his  first  impressions  of  language  and  thought  direct  from 

[     78     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  47-48. 

"  the  people  he  is  to  try  to  win."  He  recognises  that  there  is  an  African  etiquette 
that  "  the  black  man  has  his  '  don't '  as  well  as  the  white  man,  though  the  points 
"  emphasised  are  so  totally  different.  A  universal  'don't'  is  to  avoid  stepping 
"  across  the  food  when  it  is  laid  out  on  the  mat  or  leaves  ready  for  a  meal.  .  .  . 
"  Before  a  meal  don't  wash  your  hands  only  up  to  the  wrist,  but  go  as  far  as  the 
"  elbow."  Some  "  don'ts  "  are  more  serious  ;  for  instance,  a  Teso  woman  "  must  never 
"  appear  in  public  without  her  belt  of  iron  rings,  or  she  may  be  accused  of  dabbling 
"  in  witchcraft, '  and  "  when  preceding  your  chief  along  a  path  do  not  forget  to  call 
"  his  attention  to  every  root,  stone,  or  hole  in  the  way,  lest  he  stumble  and  people 
"  remark  that  you  hate  or  despise  him."  Dangerous  reputations  to  possess  in  an 
African  state  ! 

The  means  taken  for  the  preservation  of  children  often  kill  them  instead. 
Young  married  women,  about  to  become  mothers,  are  initiated  into  the  cares  and 
trials  to  come,  "  the  idea  being  to  harden  the  yet  unborn  infant  that  it  may  be  able 
"  to  face  life  with  a  good  constitution.  The  shrieks  and  yells  were  from  the 
"  unfortunate  mother-to-be,  who  was  being  driven  round  the  village  by  her  male 
"  relatives  with  blows  of  sticks  and  plentiful  sousing  with  cold  water.  The  blows 
"  and  water  are  supposed  to  expel  from  the  child  the  demons  of  sickness  and 
"  cowardice  and  weakness  of  every  description,  but  it  is  hardly  surprising  after 
"  such  treatment  if  many  of  the  infants  fail  to  live  beyond  a  few  hours  or  days." 
If  it  does  manage  to  live,  it  and  the  mother  are  exposed  to  the  weather  and  the 
insects  for  some  days. 

"  Among  the  Banyoro  the  names  of  the  various  bacwezi,  or  familiar  spirits, 
"  are  very  commonly  borne  by  both  boys  and  girls,  such  as  Dwakaikara  (the  local 
"  '  Smith '),  Wamara,  Kaguju."  Infants  may  be  named  after  special  events,  such 
as  a  journey  by  the  father,  or  the  drinking  of  medicine  by  the  mother.  "  The 
"  prevalence  of  infant  mortality  is  emphasised  by  the  frequency  with  which  some 
"  names  recur.  When  a  boy  is  named  Wempisi  it  is  usually  because  several 
"  children  have  been  born  before  and  all  died,  and  had  been  exposed  to  be  eaten  by 
"  the  hyrenas.  mpisi  being  the  name  of  the  hyaena  in  Lunyoro." 

Then  come  remarks  on  the  treatment  of  the  umbilical  cord  and  twins,  and 
space  forbids  to  go  further  into  these  matters,  but  the  above  will  give  some  idea 
of  the  thorough  way  in  which  Mr.  Kitching  has  done  his  work — and  this  is  only 
one  branch  of  the  material  which  he  has  collected.  In  addition  to  being  valuable, 
the  book  is  readable,  a  sketch-map  and  many  excellent  photographs  adding  to  its 
attractiveness.  A.  J.  N.  T. 


Heroic  Age.  Chadwick. 

The  Heroic  Age.  By  H.  Munro  Chadwick.  Cambridge  University  Press,  JA 
1912.  Price  12s.  net.  TU 

Mr.  Chadwick  considers  the  Heroic  Age  to  be  the  period  of  adolescence,  with  its 
characteristic  virtues  and  shortcomings,  in  the  history  of  nations.  This  somewhat 
obvious  conclusion  he  reaches  by  analysis  of  the  religious,  political  and  social 
phenomena  of  the  heroic  ages  of  the  Teutonic,  the  Greek,  the  Servian,  the  Cambrian, 
and  other  nationalities.  His  evidence  is  script  in  the  form  of  sagas,  lays,  epic  and 
other  narrative  poetry. 

The  field,  therefore,  over  which  he  travels  is  one  in  which  the  material  lends  itself, 
within  certain  limits,  to  much  individual  speculation.  And  perhaps  what  strikes  an 
admirer  of  Mr.  Chadwick's  erudition  and  scholarship  is  that  he  has  not  always 
sufficiently  borne  in  mind  that  characteristic  of  poetry  which  Aristotle  pointed  out,  and 
upon  which  he  himself  remarks.  Poetry  as  distinguished  from  history  tells  of  what 
ou»ht  to  be,  not  necessarily  of  what  is.  Mr.  Chadwick  assumes  throughout  that 

[  79  ] 


Nos.  48-49.]  MAN.  [1913. 

because  a  thing  was  stated  in  poetry,  therefore  it  must  at  some  time  have  been. 
Excluding,  of  course,  the  supernatural,  there  is  no  religious  or  political  or  social 
happening  mentioned  in  poetry  for  which  he  does  not  claim  a  definite  historical  counter- 
part. This  is  specially  noticeable  in  his  treatment  of  the  Homeric  poems.  Because 
they  are,  on  the  whole,  court  poems  of  the  life  of  kings',  therefore  there  must  have 
been  kings  with  courts  such  as  they  describe.  Such  reasoning  is,  of  course,  wholly 
fallacious,  and  leaves  out  of  account  the  instinctive  magnifying  power  of  the  creative 
imagination. 

Therefore  Mr.  Chadwick's  division  of  Teutonic  heroic  poetry  into  four  historical 
stages  is  not  particularly  impressive.  Nor  is  it  particularly  useful  to  Mr.  Chadwick, 
for  he  implicitly  gives  up  the  attempt  to  apply  his  division  in  other  fields  of  poetry. 

He  suggests  that  the  essential  conditions  for  a  Heroic  Age  need  not  involve 
more  than  may  be  summed  up  in  the  phrase  "Mars  and  the  Muses."  But,  as  he 
himself  points  out  elsewhere,  the  truth  lies  deeper.  The  essence  of  heroic  societies 
is  personality.  Personal  achievement  and  the  praise  of  personal  achievement,  each 
acting  upon  and  advancing  the  other,  are  their  springs  of  thought  and  action.  Each 
finds  its  consummation  in  the  prince,  who  is  always  the  bravest  man,  never  the  best 
ruler. 

Mr.  Chadwick  has  much  to  say  about  Homer  (one  sometimes  wonders  how  long 
the  use  of  that  name  will  be  permissible).  He  rejects,  probably  rightly,  the  modern 
theory  thai;  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  grew  up  in  the  Greek  settlements  of  Asia  Minor  on 
a  basis  of  ballads.  They  refer  to  a  sub-Mycenean  age.  "  When,"  to  quote  his  words, 
"  the  storms  broke  upon  Greece,  crowds  of  refugees  fled  to  the  new  TEolic  settlements 
"  across  the  JEgean.  Among  them  were  many  court  minstrels,  who  brought  with 
"  them  not  only  a  poetic  technique  matured  by  long  experience  but  also  a  number 
"  of  poems," 

The  merits  of  the  book  have  been  indicated.  They  are  somewhat  impaired  by  a 
lack  of  method — (why  does  a  chapter  on  the  Causes  of  the  Heroic  Age  come  last  in 
the  book) — by  a  tendency  to  repetition,  probably  reminiscent  of  academical  necessities, 
and  a  certain  diffuseness  of  style.  By  the  way,  Mr.  Chadwick  .should  remember  that 
if  he  must  use  the  first  person  singular  (in  itself  somewhat  to  be  deprecated  in  a  study 
of  this  kind)  he  must  never  also  use  the  first  person  plural.  H.  A.  A.  C. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

THE  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  University  Education  in  London,  over  1  Q 
which  Lord  Haldane  of  Cloan  presided,  contains  an  interesting  declaration  of  «U 
official  policy  towards  anthropology  in  the  following  words  : — "  There  is  no  doubt  in 
"  our  opinion  that  a  well-equipped  department  of  ethnology  is  a  necessary  adjunct 
"  in  the  School  of  Oriental  Studies -about  to  be  established  in  the  City.  It  is  almost 
"  as  important  that  officials  and  others  intending  to  spend  their  lives  in  the  East  or 
"  in  parts  of  the  Empire  inhabited  by  non-European  races  should  have  a  knowledge 
"  of  their  racial  characteristics  as  that  they  should  be  acquainted  with  their  speech, 
"  and  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  Colonial  Office  shares  this  view  "  (p.  66). 
The  Council  of  the  Institute  is  fully  aware  of  the  importance  of  the  great  and  far- 
reaching  measures  which  are  likely  to  be  devised  at  no  distant  date  for  the  organi- 
sation of  the  intellectual  resources  of  the  Empire,  and  have  submitted  representations 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India  in  Council  as  to  the  necessity  for  including 
anthropology  among  the  subjects  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  Oriental  Institutes  which 
are.  likely  to  be  founded  in  London  and  in  India. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C- 


PLATE  F. 


MAX,  1913. 


. 


FIG.  i. 


Vs* 


FIG.  2. 
THE    PLEASING    OF    THE    GOD    THANGJING. 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  50. 


50 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
India :  Manipur.  With  Plate  F.  Shakespear. 

The  Pleasing  of  the  God  Thangjing.        By  Lieut.-CoL  J.  Shakespear, 
C.I.E.,  D.S.O. 

The  inhabitants  of  Moirang  are  divided  into  fifteen  families,  each  of  which  has 
its  particular  god  or  goddess,  but  over  all  is  the  god  Thangjing,  therefore  all  the 
lesser  divinities  join  in  his  Harauba,  or  "  Pleasing."  About  four  o'clock  little  pro- 
cessions emerge  from  the  different  Leikais  or  quarters  inhabited  by  the  different 
families.  Each  consists  of  a  gaudy  litter  surmounted  by  a  canopy  in  which  are 
some  of  the  sacred  clothes  of  the  god  or  goddess,  for  except  in  the  case  of  Nong- 
shaba1, the  divinities  do  not  come  in  person  ;  with  each  litter  is  a  drummer,  one  or 
two  umbrella  bearers,  and  a  few  followers.  Nongshaba  and  his  wife  Sarunglaima 
come  in  person,  two  by  no  means  beautiful  figures.  The  reason  of  this  is  that  they 
are  the  parents  of  Thangjing. 
Nongshaba  is  the  greatest  of 
the  Umang  lai  or  forest  gods, 
but  he  made  his  only  son, 
Thangjing  the  chief  god  of 
Moirang.  These  processions  all 
converge  on  the  Lai-sang  of 
Thangjing  and  the  gods  and 
goddesses  or  their  emblems  are 
taken  from  the  litters  and  carried 
inside  the  Lai-sang  (god's  house) 
and  placed  beside  Thangjing. 
Previous  to  the  arrival  of  the 
gods  the  Moirang  Ningthou 
{King  of  Moirang)  and  his  wife 
the  Moirang  Leima  have  taken 
their  seats  in  specially  prepared 
sheds  on  the  right  and  left  of 
the  Lai-sang2.  As  soon  as  the 
last  of  the  gods  has  been  in- 
stalled some  five  or  six  men 
take  up  their  position  before 
the  Lai-sang  and  commence  a 
chorus  of  "  0  ho  !  O  ho  !  Oha  ! 
He!  He!  Hi!  .Hi!"  repeated 
over  and  over  again,  reminding 
one  of  the  shouts  of  Nagas. 
Then  a  procession  is  formed. 
Thangj  ing's  sacred  Dahs  carried  by  two  men  lead  the  way,  followed  by  women 
bearing  his  vessels,  men  with  his  umbrellas,  then  a  drummer  and  some  Penna3 
players,  followed  by  the  litter  of  the  Moiraug  Leima,  behind  which  comes  that  of 
her  spouse.  The  Ningthou  and  the  Leima  each  wear  a  silken  sling  round 
the  neck  which  reaches  to  the  waist,  and  in  which  reposes  a  small  earthen  pot 
containing  twenty  sel,  a  betel  nut,  and  a  pan  leaf.  The  top  of  each  pot  is  covered 
with  green  leaves,  which  are  tied  round  the  neck,  and  from  the  centre  of  which 
projects  some  six  or  eight  inches  a  bunch  of  leaves  surmounted  by  a  white  flower. 
Beside  this  is  a  bobbin  round  which  a  cotton  thread  is  wound.  The  procession  halts 
beside  a  stream  which  passes  through  the  village  ;  the  litters  are  placed  side  by  side 

[     81     ] 


FIG.  1. 


No.  50.]  MAN.  [1913. 

a  few  feet  from  the  water's  edge.  The  Maibis,  z'.e.,  priestesses,  one  of  whom  is  a 
man  dressed  in  a  woman's  clothes,  sprinkle  the  water  with  flour  and  roasted  dhan 
called  "  Puk  yu,  wai  yu,"  out  of  which  a  mildly  intoxicating  drink  is  made.  Seven 
short  lengths  of  bamboo  are  stuck  in  the  mud  beside  the  water  and  these  are 
sprinkled  with  the  rice,  &c.,  and  with  water.  This  is  done  to  appease  the  seven 
evil  spirits,  Saroi  and  Naroi4,  who  are  ever  on  the  look-out  to  injure  mankind. 

The  female  Maibi  then  comes  forward  and  enters  the  water  a  short  way,  carrying 
a  parcel  made  of  leaves,  which  contains  some  rice,  a  duck's  egg,  a  little  gold  and  silver, 
and  a  lime.  She  first  flips5  the  surface  of  the  water  three  times,  then  immerses  the 
parcel  in  the  water,  and  after  withdrawing  it  she  throws  it  into  the  stream  and  ugain 
flips  the  surface.  This  operation  is  repeated  with  a  second  parcel  and  then  with 
two  parcels  at  the  same  time.  The  first  two  parcels  are  said  to  be  an  offering  to  the 
Lam-lai6  (country  god)  of  the  water  ;  the  two  which  are  thrown  in  together  are  for 
Thangjing.  The  male  Maibi  now  takes  the  earthen  pots  from  the  Ningthou  and  the 
Leima7,  and  dances  a  measure  on  the  bank  accompanied  by  the  female  Maibi,  who 
holds  a  bunch  of  green  leaves  called  Langterei  in  one  hand  while  she  tinkles  a  little 
bell  with  the  other.  The  Pennas  or  fiddles  play  the  while.  Then  the  female  Maibi 
takes  the  earthen  pots,  and  entering  the  water,  moves  them  gently  about  in  the  water, 
taking  care  that  no  water  goes  inside.  She  then  sprinkles  a  little  water  on  the 
upright  leaves.  The  pots  are  then  returned  to  the  Ningthou  and  Leima,  who  stand 
beside  the  water  with  the  pots  in  their  slings.  The  bobbins  are  removed  and  the 
threads  unwound  ;  the  female  Maibi  holds  the  bobbins  in  her  hand,  while  the  other 
ends  of  the  threads  are  tied  inside  the  pots.  The  female  Maibi,  holding  the  bunch 
of  Langterei  leaves  and  the  bobbins  in  her  right  hand,  and  tinkling  a  small  bell  with 
her  left,  stoops  down  and  moves  the  Langterei  leaves  about  in  the  water.  The  male 
Maibi  holds  up  the  middle  of  the  threads  to  keep  them  out  of  the  water.  The 
female  Maibi  intones  a  long  incantation  interspersed  with  extempore  prayers  to 
Thangjing  to  manifest  himself  and  Wess  the  country.  She  gets  more  and  more  excited 
and  sings  quicker  and  quicker  and  then  suddenly  stops  ;  Thangjing  has  come.  Rising 
up  she  passes  her  left  hand  up  the  threads,  moistening  them  up  to  the  earthen  pots. 
The  strings  are  then  disentangled  and  the  Ningthou  and  Leima  resume  their  seats  in 
their  litters,  holding  the  pots  in  their  laps,  while  the  Maibis  hold  the  ends  of  the  threads 
and  walk  on  ahead,  several  women  walking  behind  them  supporting  the  threads. 

The  procession  returns  to  the  Lai-sang.  It  passes  round  the  end  of  the  shed8 
on  the  left  of  the  Lai-sang  and  advances  up  the  centre  of  the  court  yard,  passing  over 
some  rice  placed  on  a  leaf  and  some  burning  reeds9,  and  halts  before  the  god's  house. 
The  earthen  pots  are  taken  into  the  house  and  placed  before  Thangjing.  The 
Ningthou  and  Leima  get  out  of  their  litters,  and  having  prostrated  themselves  before 
Thangjing,  they  go  to  their  proper  seats.  A  Maiba  now  comes  forward  and  stands 
facing  the  Lai-sang,  holding  up  in  front  of  his  chest  a  small  log  of  Hei-it10  wood, 
and  makes  a  lengthy  address  to  Thangjing  invoking  his  aid.  This  concluded,  several 
assistants  come  to  his  aid,  and  fire  is  made  by  drawing  a  piece  of  cane  quickly 
backwards  and  forwards  under  the  log,  which  is  pressed  down  on  to  it  with  the  foot, 
the  hot  dust  being  caught  on  some  tinder.  With  the  "  clean  "  fire  thus  obtained 
some  reeds  are  ignited  and  over  this  some  fish11  is  cooked.  While  the  fire  is  being 
made  the  Maibi  dances  before  the  god  accompanied  by  two  Penna  players.  The  dance 
is  slow,  the  feet  being  lifted  high  in  turn  and  the  hands  waved  about,  much  play 
being  made  with  the  fingers  ;  at  every  third  or  fourth  step  the  dancer  turns  round. 
After  the  Maibi  has  withdrawn,  three  Maibas  advance  and  perform  a  dance  three 
times  before  the  Lai-sang.  Their  dance  is  like  that  of  the  Maibi,  but  a  little  more 
lively,  and  the  hands  are  thrown  over  each  shoulder  in  turn  with  a  smart  jerk.  At 
the  end  of  each  dance  the  hands  are  clasped  before  the  face  and  an  obeisance  made. 

[  82  1 


1913,] 


MAN. 


[No.  50. 


This  dance  is  followed  by  one  by  three  married  women,  who  also  dance  three 
times,  the  steps  being  the  same  as  those  of  the  Maibi  ;  they  also  dance  to  the  music 
of  the  Pennas,  whereas  the  Maibas  had  a  drum  and  a  cymbal  as  orchestra.  In  these 
two  dances  the  performers  must  be  three  in  number  and  they  must  dance  three  times, 
not  more  or  less.  By  this  time  the  fish  is  ready  and  pieces  are  distributed  to  every- 
one present.  The  eating  of  this  fish  is  supposed  to  bring  good  luck.  A  white  cloth 
is  now  spread  on  the  steps  of  the  Lai-sang  and  the  women  who  are  going  to  join 
in  to-morrow's  dance  come  forward  and  lay  on  it  the  clothes  they  intend  to  wear  and 
then  reverently  sit  down  in  two  rows  at  right  angles  to  the  steps,  while  Maiba 
wrapped  in  a  large  white  sheet  stands  between  the  rows  facing  the  Lai-sang  and 
invokes  the  blessing  of  Thangjing  on  the  clothes  and  all  concerned  in  the  festival. 
The  invocation  finished,  all  bow  to  the  ground,  and  the  women  then  remove  their 
clothes  from  the  steps  and  the  ceremonies  are  over  for  the  day. 

Second  Day,  8th  May. — The  Moirang  Ningthou  proceed  to  the  Lai-sang  mounted 
on  an  elephant,  and  preceded  by  the  Moirang  Leima,  on  another  elephant,  they  are 
escorted  by  Penna  players  and  the  official  Bard  who  sings  of  the  doings  of  Thangjing. 
The  Phamnai- 
bas,  i.e.,  title 
holders,  are 
already  dancing 
before  the  Lai- 
sang.  As  the 
Ningthon  dis- 
mounts they  all 
prostrate  them- 
selves.  The 
Ningthou  and 
Leima  prostrate 
themselves  be- 
fore the  Lai  and 
then  take  their 
places. 

1.  Some 
twenty  married 
women  dance 
before  the  Lai- 

sang,  in  four  lines  ;  the  step  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  dance  which  took  place 
yesterday.  The  dress  is  the  ordinary  dancing  dress  of  married  women.  In  addition 
to  her  own  hair  each  wears  a  long  tress,  which  reaches  below  her  waist,  of  false 
hair.  These  tresses  are  generally  imported  from  Burma.  The  orchestra  consists  of 
three  Penna  players  and  a  fluter. 

2.  The   next  dance  is  performed  by  men  most  of  whom    are  title   holders.     The 
step  is  the  same  as  yesterday,  the  party  dances  in  lines,  and  in  addition  to  the  drum 
and  the  cymbal  a  band  of  men  and  boys  stand  near  and  clap  hands. 

3.  A  dance  of  women  most  of  whom  are  wives  of  the  title  holders,  but  as  some 
are  too  old  to  dance,  recruits  from  the  commons  are  welcome. 

4.  The   men   dance    again.      The    hand    clappers    are   more    numerous   and   emit 
discordant  shrieks,  which  I  am  told  are  the  song  that  was  sung  when  Mahadev  took 
Parvati  to  Brindabun.     This  introduction  of  Hinduism  into  a  purely  animistic  festival 
is  interesting. 

5.  The  married  women  dance  again  in  greater  numbers  ;   after  a  short  time  they 
themselves  to  the  left  of  the  Lai-sang,  and  the  Moirang  Leima,  accompanied  bv 

[    83    ] 


No.  50.]  MAN.  [1913. 

the  wife  of  the  Khadarakpa,  take  up  their  position  opposite  to  them,  and  after  bowing 
proceed  to  dance  before  the  god.  In  this  dance  the  Moirang  2s  ingthou  should  really 
join,  but  he  is  too  old  for  such  things.  The  Moirang  Leiina  wears  over  her  ordinary 
skirt  a  highly  ornamented  over-skirt,  looking  glasses  about  two  inches  square  alternate" 
with  squares  of  embroidery  of  the  same  size.  The  Penna  players  are  assisted  by  the 
drummer  who  plays  in  honour  of  the  absent  Ningthou. 

6.  The  men  dance  again. 

7.  The  three  Maibis  dance  (one  of  them  being  a  man  in  woman's  clothes12).     The 
Maibis  gradually  get    excited  and  end    their    dance    by  skipping  about  most  friskily. 
They  thereby  invite  Thangjing    to    take    possession  of    them,  but    to-day  he  did  not 
respond. 

8.  A    procession    is    now    formed  ;    first    come    two    men    carrying    Thangj  ing's 
sacred  Dahs  ;  next  two  maidens  in  dancing  costume  carrying  fans  and  vessels  ;  then 
two  married  women  with  similar  utensils  ;  these  are  followed  by  ten13  married  women 
in  single  rank,  each  wearing  round  her  head    a  red  sash  which  has  been  laid  before 
one  of  the  goddesses.     Two  umbrella  bearers  walk  one  on  each  side  of  the  first  woman. 
After  the  cloth  bearers  come  a  nvimber  of  women  followers,  behind  whom  comes  an 
umbrella  bearer  followed  by  nine  men,  each  wearing  on  his    head  a  red  cloth  which 
has  been  placed  before  one  of   the  nine  gods  ;    these  are  followed  by  male  followers 
in  dancing  costume.     The  procession  is  formed  up  with  its  head  opposite  the  Lai-sang. 
A  few  feet  away  on    the    inner    side    a  Maiba,  in    dancing    costume,  with  a  Penna- 
player  on  each  side  of  him  and  drummer  behind,  takes  his  place.     The  Maiba  reads 
a  long  invocation  from   an   ancient  writing,  and  then  the  procession  moves  off  round 
the  courtyard,  going  the  opposite  way  to  the  hands  of  a  clock.     The  Maiba  continues 
reading  while  a  master  of  the  ceremonies  instructs  the  performers  as  to  their  actions 
from  an    ancient  writing  which    he    carries.      It  is    most    important  that    no  mistake 
should  be  made,  hence  the  reference    to    the  manuscripts.      The  actions  refer  to  the 
story  read  by  the  Maiba,  which  tells  of  how  Thangjing  created  mankind,  commencing 
from  the  feet.     Having  gone  round  several  times  in  single  rank,  double  rank  is  formed, 
the  pairs  holding  hands  ;  after  two  or  three  rounds  in  this  formation  the  lines  separate 
and  form  up  opposite  each  other,  one  facing,  and  one  with  its  back  to  the  Lai-sang  ; 
they  then  advance  and  pass  through  each    others  ranks,  turn    round,  return,  passing 
through  again  ;    this  is    repeated  several  times,  and    then    the  double  rank  formation 
is  resumed  and    several    more    circumambulations    are    completed,  and    again    the  two 
ranks  separate,  this  time  forming  up  on  opposite  sides  of   the  ground  and  advancing 
across  the  front  of    the  Lai-sang,  passing  through  each  others  ranks    backwards  and 
forwards  several  times  ;    finally  they  form  up  four  abreast  and  march  round    once  or 
twice  and  then  down  the  centre  and  halt  before  the  Lai-sang,  and  the  day's  perform- 
ance is  over.      During   the   latter  part    of    the    marching  the    Maibis    got    somewhat 
frisky,  pirouetting  and  exchanging  banter,    but  the   ribald  jocularity  which  was  con- 
spicuous at  Kakching  was  absent.     It  is  noticeable  that  the  maidens  and  young  men 
take  but  little  part    in  Thangjing's  Lai-harauba.      The  marching   hither   and  thither 
was  said    to    demonstrate   the    search  for  Thangjing,  who    having  finished    the  work 
of  creation,  hid  himself.      The  gathering  in  front  of  the  Lai-sang  signified   that  the 
god  had  been  found. 

Third  Day,  9th  May. — This  day's  performance  was  practically  the  same  as 
yesterday's,  except  that  several  low  comedy  interludes  were  inserted,  but  I  was 
assured  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  "  Pleasing  of  the  God,"  but  were 
simply  put  in  to  make  people  laugh.  I  therefore  omit  them. 

The  Moirang  Ningthou  showed  me  to-day  an  ancient  cloth  which  he  asserts  was 
made  by  Thoibi  for  the  wife  of  Thangjing.  In  the  troublous  times  of  the  Burmese 
invasions  this  cloth  was  lost,  but  last  year  it  was  brought  to  him  by  the  people  of 

[  84  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No,  50, 

Marring  Khuobi,  who  said  that  since  the  Lai-harauba  of  Thfmgjing  had  been  resumed 
and  celebrated  with  their  former  pomp  the  god  had  troubled  them  much  with  sickness 
and  therefore  they  now  gave  up  this  cloth.  This  is  interesting  as  supporting  the  theory 
that  these  ceremonies  are  necessary  for  the  renewal  of  the  vitality  of  the  Lai.  The 
cloth,  to  my  incredulous  gaze,  looked  suspiciously  modern.  It  was  plain  khaki  colour 
save  for  a  border  some  eight  inches  wide  on  which  were  worked  in  black  a  row  of 
strange  birds. 

I  was  unable  to  stay  to  witness  the  end  of  the  Harauba,  but  I  am  informed 
that  on  the  fourth  day  Thangjing  and  all  the  other  Lais  are  carried  in  their  litters 
to  a  place  about  two  miles  distant  near  the  foot  of  the  hills,  and  there  "  clean  "  fire 
is  made  as  on  the  first  day,  fish  cooked,  and  the  usual  dances  follow,  the  party 
returning  before  dark.  The  fifth  and  sixth  days  are  similar  to  the  second  and  third. 
On  the  last  day  the  contents  of  the  earthen  pots  which  figured  so  prominently  on 
the  first  day  are  divided  among  the  Maibas  and  Maibis. 

Divination  is  practised  thus  :  the  enquirer  takes  a  very  small  piece  of  gold  and 
silver  and  gives  them  to  the  Maiba,  who  saying  the  appropriate  charm  places  them 
in  the  palm  of  his  hand  and  then  inverts  it  over  a  circular  piece  of  plantain  leaf. 
If  the  two  pieces  rest  between  the  two  middle  ribs  of  the  leaf  the  decision  is 
favourable  to  the  enquirer,  and  if  the  silver  is  behind  the  gold  it  is  extremely 
favourable.  Should  the  pieces  rest  elsewhere  on  the  leaf  misfortune  may  be 
expected. 

The  Maibis  may  be  consulted  as  to  who  has  committed  a  crime,  but  they  will 
not  commit  themselves  further  than  a  general  description  of  the  criminal,  such  as 
that  he  is  a  dark  man  who  comes  from  Wangu,  or  a  thin  woman  who  deals  in  fish. 

NOTES. 

1  Nongshaba. — The    head   Maiba   of   Moirang   informed   me   that  when  the  universe  was  in  the 
making  and  all  was  dark  this   powerful  "  Lai "  produced   light.      Nongshaba   may  mean   maker   of 
the  sun. 

2  Lai-sang. — This  is  a  prosaic  looking  building  with  a  corrugated  iron  roof.      It  consists   of   au 
open  room  in  front  and  an  inner  holy  of  holies,  with  a  passage  round    it.      On  the  exterior  of  the 
walls  of  this  inner  chamber  are  frescoes  illustrating  the  story  of  Khamba  and  Thoibi,  which  can  be 
seen  through  the  windows  in  the  outer  wall. 

3  The  Penna   is   a   fiddle,  the   head  of  which  is   a  cocoanut  covered  with  thin  leather,  and  the 
strings  are  horse  hair  stretched  over  a  little  wooden  bridge  resting  on  the  leather.     The  bow  has  a 
wooden  handle  and  a  curved  iron  head  ornamented  with  little  bells  ;  the  string  is  horse  hair. 

4  Saroi  and  Naroi. — These   spirits  are    said   to   have   no  special  names,  and  I  have  so  far  been 
unable  to  find  out  much  about  them,  but  they  are  said  to  be  very  michievous.     Sa  =  wild  animals  ; 
nga  =  fish  ;  roi  =  loi  =  along  with,  accompanying.      1  have  not  found  out  much  about  these  spirits. 
They  are  much  dreaded.     On  the  two  Saturdays  preceeding  the  Holi  festival  they  are  appeased  by 
offerings  of  every  sort  of  food   and   some   cotton   collected  from  every  house  in  each  village.     Old 
women    place   these   offerings  across   every  road  where  it  crosses  the  village   boundary.     A  portion 
containing  a  little  of   each  article  and  some  Puk-yu  Wai-yu  is  placed  for  each  of  the  seven  spirits. 
The  old  women  then  call  on  the  spirit  of  the  last  person  who  has  died  in  the  village  to  keep  the 
Saroi    Ngaroi   from    entering   the   village,  as   these   offerings   have   been    placed  for  them.     On  the 
Saturday  next  but  one  before    the   Holi   all    sorts  of   food   are   offered  to  Senamahi,  the  household 
god,  and  then  cooked  and  eaten  by  the  household  and  friends.     The   householder   places  a  little  of 
each  article  at  every  entrance  to  his  homestead/ 

5  This  flipping  of  the  water  with  the  finger  is  said  to  disperse  evil   influences  which   may  lurk 
beneath  it. 

6  The  gods  of  all  the  waters  of  Manipur  are  I'ke  Ningthou  and  I-rai  Leima.    When  the  Maibi 
throws    them    her   offering   she  whispers,   "  We  give   you  this  to  eat.     We  know  you  as  Muba  and 
"  Mubi  (black  ones).''     Every  Manipuri   has  a   nickname  or  a  pet  name,  and  the   Maibi   calls  the 
gods  by  these  nicknames  as  a  sign  of  affection. 

7  This  is  the  important  part  of  the  ceremony.     It  was  explained  to  me  that  all  the  Umang  Lai 
came  from  the  water,  and  the  ceremony  is  intended  to  renew  the  vitality  of  the  Lai  and  to  bring 
him  into   action.     The   threads  are   roads   by  which   he   can   proceed  to  the  pots.     The  Langterei 
leaves  are  placed  in  the  Ningthou's  pot  and  are  kept  in  the  Lai-sang  till  the  next  Lai-harauba.    I 

[    85     1 


Nos,  50-51,]  MAN.  [1913, 

was  told  that  if  the  Harauba  were   not   celebrated   sickness   and  scarcity    would  prevail,  partly  on 
account  of  the  god's  anger  and  partly  because  of  his  failing  strength. 

8  In  front  of  the  Lai-sang  is  a  wide  open  space,  down  each  side  of  which  runs  a  long  shed  ;  in 
that  on  the  right  sit  the  notabilities  of  Moirang,  the  Ningthou  nearest  the  Lai-sang,  the  others  in 
due  gradation.  Opposite  them  sit  their  spouses  also  in  proper  order. 

10  The  wood  is  selected  because  it  is  soft  and  ignites  easily.     This  method  of  making  fire  is  still 
used  by  Nagas  in  out-of-the-way  parts  of  the  hills. 

11  The   fish   takes   the   place   of   the   bull   which  was   sacrificed  in  pre-Hindu  days.     ( Vide   The 
Meit/urig,  by  T.  C.  Hodson,  p.  144.) 

12 1  am  told  that  the  Lais  prefer  women  to  dance  before  them,  and  therefore  when  a  man 
becomes  "  possessed "  he  assumes  women's  clothes.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  Maiba,  priests  of  these 
Umang  Lai,  do  not  take  part  in  the  dances  at  the  Lai-harauba,  though  everything  is  regulated  by 
them.  The  men  who  work  themselves  up  into  a  frenzy  and  say  they  are  possessed  don  women's 
clothes  and  dance,  but  are  not  enrolled  among  the  Maibas.  The  real  Maibis  are  people  of  import- 
ance. It  is  usual  for  a  Manipuri  husband  to  sleep  on  the  right,  but  if  his  wife  is  a  Maibi  he 
yields  her  the  place  of  honour. 

13 1  enquired  why  there  were  ten  representatives  of  the  goddesses,  as  there  are  only  seven 
goddesses  of  the  families.  I  was  told  that  the  other  three  were  the  wives  of  Thangjing  and 
Nongshaba,  but  on  the  next  day  only  nine  representatives  of  the  goddesses  appeared,  and  [  was  told 
that  by  mistake  one  in  excess  had  been  decorated  the  first  day.  Seeing  how  much  importance  is 
said  to  attach  to  the  verbal  accuracy  of  the  chant,  it  seems  curious  that  such  a  mistake!'  was  not 
considered  likely  to  have  any  bad  effects. 

J.  SHAKESPEAR. 
DESCRIPTION  OF     PLATE    F. 

Fig.  1.  THE  TITLE  HOLDERS  OP  MOIRANG. — The  Ningthou  is  seated.  In  front  of  him,  each  on  a 
piece  of  plantain  leaf,  are  his  betel-nut  box  and  other  brass  utensils,  a  little  to  one  side  is  his  looking- 
glass.  On  all  ceremonial  occasions  these  utensils  and  looking-glass  are  carried  with  every  person  of 
importance.  There  are  twenty-nine  title  holders,  but  only  fourteen  appear  in  the  group.  The  title 
holders  receive  no  pay  and  have  no  specific  duties.  There  is  a  strict  order  of  precedence  among  the 
title  holders,  and  persons  will  pay  considerable  sums  for  a  title. 

Fig.  2.  THE  SECOND  DANCE  OF  THE  SECOND  DAY. — The  performers  are  male  titleholders  of  the 
village. 

DESCRIPTION   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT. 

Fig.  1.  NONGSHABA  AND  HIS  WIFE  SARUNGLAIMA  BEING  CARRIED  TO  THE  LAI-SANG.— The 
two  girls  are  carrying  the  god's  fans  and  utensils  in  their  hands,  and  each  has  a  red  blanket  for  the 
god's  use  o^er  her  left  shoulder. 

Fig.  2.  THE  ENTICING  OF  THANGJING. — The  Moirang  Ningthou  is  sitting  in  the  centre  under  the 
two  umbrellas.  The  Leima,  his  wife,  is  hidden  by  one  of  the  Maibis,  who  is  supporting  the  thread 
leading  to  the  langterei  leaves  in  the  hand  of  the  chief  Maibi,  who  is  moving  them  about  in  the  water. 
On  the  right,  at  the  water's  edge,  are  seen  the  seven  bamboo  tubes  for  the  Saroi  Naroi.  These 
tubes  are  identical  with  the  three  tlieibial  used  in  a  similar  manner  in  the  Tui-leh-ram  sacrifice 
performed  by  the  Luthais  and  other  cognate  classes  to  appease  the  spirits  of  the  land  and  water. 


Africa,  East.  Beech. 

A  Ceremony  at  a  Mugumu  or  Sacred  Fig-tree  of  the  A-Kikuyu  of 
East  Africa.     By  M.   W.  H.  Beech,  M.A. 

At  Nyakumu,  in  the  Kikuyn  Native  Reserve,  there  is  being  built  a  large  dam. 
This  is  to  catch  rain-water  for  the  flocks  of  the  A-Kikuyu  to  drink  in  the  dry 
season. 

The  dam  is  500  yards  in  circumference  and  is  nearly  completed.  Towards  the 
end  of  February  there  was  a  heavy  thunder  shower,  and  a  large  quantity  of  water 
found  its  way  into  the  enclosure.  What  should  be  noticed  is  that  this  is  a  new 
water  supply  ;  no  domestic  animals  had  as  yet  drunk  from  it. 

Now,  however,  they  will  do  so,  for  Ngai  (God),  through  the  medium  of  a 
sacred  mugumu  (or  fig-tree)  such  as  was  described  by  me  in  MAN,  1913,  3,  has 
received  his  due,  and  has  exercised  or  appeased  the  spirits  of  the  rain,  for  it  is  rain- 
water in  the  dam.  The  ceremony,  which  took  some  time,  I  myself  witnessed,  and 
it  is  worth  describing  in  detail. 

The    Government    "chief"    Kinyanjui    wa    Gotheriniu — an    officer    of    our    own 

[    86    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  51. 

creating — produced  a  he-goat  and  an  ewe.     The  ewe  was  entirely  red  and  was  barren. 
The  he-goat  was  entirely  black,  and  had  been  castrated  as  a  kid. 

Two  young  men  of  the  ghika  or  age  Kamande  first  secured  and  then,  having 
seized  their  heads,  bestrode  the  victims.  They  next  started  conducting  them  in 
opposite  directions  round  the  whole  circumference  of  the  dam,  meeting  about  half-way 
round.  Care  was  taken  that  the  he-goat  passed  on  the  inside.  Before  they  started 
two  A-Kikuyu  and  the  European  foreman,  who  were  at  work  inside  the  circle,  were 
called  outside.  To  have  stayed  would  have  caused  them  to  be  infected  with  thahu 
(tabu).  After  thuswise  encircling  the  dam  twice  the  victims  were  led  to  a  sacred 
muguinu  which  was  conveniently  growing  hard  by.  A  large  calabash  of  honey 
wine  was  produced,  and  two  horns  were  filled  with  the  liquid.  One  of  these  was  in 
silence  poured  over  the  tree-trunk  on  the  side  exactly  facing  the  sunrise ;  the 
second  was  poured  on  to  the  tree  in  a  similar  manner  on  the  side  facing  the  sunset. 
The  exact  spots  on  which  to  pour  the  libation  were  deliberately  calculated,  not 
chosen  at  random.  Care  was  taken  that  some  of  the  liquid  trickled  into  a  crevice 
formed  by  knotty  excrescences  of  the  tree.  The  Elders  then  returned  to  the  east 
the  way  they  had  come  ;  they  might  not  go  round  the  tree. 

I  followed  them  back  to  the  east,  where  the  two  victims  were  lying  side  by 
side  on  the  ground.  Both  were  being  held  on  their  backs  with  their  feet  in  the  air, 
their  tails  pointing  east  and  and  their  heads  facing  the  mugumu  on  the  west.  The 
female,  as  before,  was  on  the  outside.  In  this  position  they  were  slowly  strangled  ; 
not  a  sound  was  heard  ;  not  a  bone  was  broken ;  not  a  drop  of  blood  was  spilt. 
Their  throats  were  squeezed  by  the  knees  and  their  mouths  and  nostrils  tightly  closed 
by  the  hands  of  two  men,  and  whilst  their  lives  were  ebbing  away,  a  horn  of  wine  was 
poured  out  on  to  the  ground  near  the  head  of  each. 

Perhaps  two  minutes  elapsed,  and  both  were  lying  with  outstretched  heads  and 
glassy  eyes,  quite  dead.  The  Athuri  (Elders)  at  this  juncture  each  drank  a  little  wine. 

Others  then  began  to  skin  the  black  goat.  A  small  incision  was  made  in  the 
skin  of  the  throat,  which  was  then  slit  downwards  to  the  navel.  When,  however, 
the  breast  bone  was  reached  the  operators  cut  to  either  side,  leaving  on  the  project- 
ing bone  a  small  oval  island,  as  it  were,  of  skin.  The  skin  of  the  legs  was  also 
slit  half  way  to  the  feet.  The  same  operation  was  then  performed  on  the  red  ewe. 
The  skin  on  the  neck  and  front  of  each  animal  was  then  carefully  parted  aside  so 
as  to  expose  the  breast,  and  the  dead  animals  brought  to  a  standing  position  with 
heads  outstretched  facing  the  mugumu. 

Under  their  legs  were  placed  a  few  twigs  and  leaves  of  the  same  tree.  Each 
victim  in  turn  was  then  pierced  to  the  heart  by  a  knife,  and  its  blood  gushed  forth 
into  the  two  horns  held  beneath  to  receive  it.  What  was  over  fell  on  the  mugumu 
leaves.  The  "  chief  "  proceeded  to  do  with  the  horns  of  blood  exactly  as  he  had  done 
with  the  honey  wine,  viz.,  to  pour  them  carefully  over  the  east  and  west  faces  of  the 
mugumu.  All  in  silence. 

The  wounds  where  the  animals  had  been  pierced  were  then  fastened  up  with  a 
stick. 

After  this  another  kind  of  native  wine,  this  time  made  of  sugar  cane,  was 
poured  east  and  west  on  the  mugumu  exactly  as  before,  and,  as  before,  in  silence. 

The  fat  of  the  breasts  of  both  animals,  together  with  the  oval  of  skin  before 
mentioned,  were  then  carefully  cut  off.  Half  of  this  skin  was  separated  from  the  fat 
and  a  small  hole  made. 

The  breast  bones  were  then  cut  out  entire,  the  hearts  and  lungs  taken  out 
together,  and,  lastly,  the  stomachs. 

The  stomachs  with  the  dung  in  them  were  then  carried  round  the  dam  by  two 
youths,  walking  as  before,  in  opposite  directions. 

[    87    ] 


No.  51,]  MAN.  [1913. 

There  were  a  number  of  women  and  children  inside  the  darn.  These  had  all  to 
be  removed  outside  the  circle  before  the  procession  could  proceed.  A  crowd  of  women 
fled  away  shrieking,  then  watched  the  scene  from  a  distance.  None,  however^ 
witnessed  the  ceremonies  at  the  tree. 

The  stomachs  were  then  taken  from  the  youths  by  two  old  men,  who  slit  them 
and  mixed  the  contents  with  leaves  of  kingeria,  which  is  a  kind  of  everlasting  plant 
said  to  be  indestructible  except  by  fire,  and  called,  I  believe,  in  Scotland,  "  Wandering 
Willie." 

This  mixture  was  scattered  all  over  the  water  which  had  already  collected  in 
the  dam  amid  prayers  to  Ngai  to  send  no  more  sickness.  Each  handful  thrown  was 
accompanied  by  a  shout  from  each  individual,  " Ndahoya  Ngai,  Ndahuya  Ngai" 
"  O  God  I  pray,  0  God  I  pray." 

This,  I  was  told,  ended  the  first  part  of  the  proceedings  ;  I  should  be  called  to 
witness  the  final  in  about  an  hour's  time.  Meantime  the  Elders  retired  to  feast  on 
the  victims'  flesh.  It  was,  in  fact,  an  interval  for  refreshments. 

An  hour  later  I  returned  to  the  mugumu  and  found  the  elders  had  dined  (and 
wined)  exceedingly  well.  They  were  sitting  in  a  circle  ;  in  front  of  them  was  a 
rough  table  made  of  mugumu  and  muthigio  leaves.  On  this  I  saw  the  remnants  of 
the  feast — gnawed  bones,  scraped  heads,  feet,  &c.  All  that  remained  intact  was  the 
breast  and  that  piece  of  fat  with  the  oval-shaped  island  or  skin  upon  it. 

The  ceremony  then  proceeded.  Firstly,  the  breast  and  this  piece  of  fat  and  skin 
of  the  male  victim  was,  with  much  reverence,  affixed  to  the  tree  on  the  eastern  side. 
Prayers  for  prosperity,  for  cattle,  sheep,  women,  and  children  accompanied  the 
ceremony.  The  awful  name  of  Ngai  was  solemnly  chanted  at  the  end  of  each 
separate  request.  Exactly  the  same  ceremony  was  performed  on  the  western  side  of 
the  tree  with  the  pieces  of  the  female  victim.  Again  the  same  prayers.  Requests 
were  made  that  Ngai  would  eat  the  meat  prepared  for  him. 

Then  at  the  foot  of  the  tree  on  either  side  were  deposited  half  a  victim's  head 
and  five  or  six  pieces  of  half  burnt  firewood.  With  these  Ngai  was  requested  to 
cook  his  food.  Next  a  perfect  torrent  of  wine  (made  from  sugar  cane  this  time)  was 
poured  on  the  eastern  and  western  sides  of  the  tree.  Ngai  was  besought  to  drink. 
Then  the  skin  of  the  male  victim  was  placed  at  the  foot  of  the  tree  on  the  east. 
Ngai  was  requested  to  clothe  himself.  The  skin  of  the  ewe  was,  however,  left  on 
the  leaf  table.  This  over,  the  Elders — again  taking  care  not  to  go  round  the  tree — 
came  back  the  way  they  had  gone  and  sat  round  the  leaf  table,  on  which  the  wretched 
remains  of  the  unfortunate  animals  were  left.  A  man  was  for  putting  some 
smouldering  sticks  on  this  table,  but  was  hastily  prevented  ;  it  is  forbidden. 

The  drink  went  around  again  and  the  following  prayer  was  uttered  : — 

"  Tuanyua  tuikare  wega  na  utuhe  indu  na  mburi  na  ngombe  na  ciana  na 
mundu-muka  na  kiama  kigwate  ivega" 

"  We  drink  that  we  may  live  happily  and  may  you  (0  God)  give  us  possessions, 
and  sheep,  and  cattle,  and  Avomen,  and  that  the  Kiama  (council  of  elders)  obtain 
blessings." 

Two  or  three  of  the  elders  in  turn  took  a  branch  of  mugumu  in  their  hands, 
stood  up  and  prayed  in  turn.  Their  sentences  were  punctuated  with  Amens  and 
groans,  not  unlike  what  I  have  heard  at  Bible  meetings  in  my  youth.  The  jumble 
of  bones  and  meat,  also  the  skin  of  the  female  victim,  were  left  on  the  table.  On 
this,  too,  were  replaced  a  mugumu  branch  which  had  been  held  in  turn  by  the  orators. 
The  whole  was  left  for  Ngai. 

This  concluded  the  ceremony,  which  the  chief  summed  up  in  the  following 
words  : — 

"Now  the  water  is  good.  The  flocks  that  drink  of  it  will  thrive  and  increase. 

[  88  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  51-52. 

The  men  and  women  who  drink  of  it  will  have  no  pains  in  their  bellies.  Ngai  will 
send  much  rain  and  fill  the  dam." 

The  Athuris'  voices  were  hoarse,  their  gait  beginr.ing  to  be  unsteady.  They 
retired  to  driuk  beer.  "A  whole  jug  each,  a  whole  jug  each,"  muttered  one  thickly. 
I  did  not  follow  them. 

Native  explanations  of  the  above  customs  were,  as  might  be  expected,  for  the 
most  part  unsatisfactory. 

Why  must  the  he-goat  pass  on  the  inside,  i.e.,  next  the  dam  wall  ?  Why  were 
the  victims  barren  ?  No  explanation  at  all  could  be  given,  but  I  imagine  that  the 
original  reasons  are  connected  with  fear  of  impurity.  The  female  sheep  must  not 
go  near  the  water  for  fear  of — on  the  analogy  of  a  possibly  menstruous  woman — 
infecting  it  with  thahu.  Similarly,  if  the  victims  are  barren  there  is  less  fear  of 
impurity.  Or,  seeing  that  the  whole  ceremony  is  planned  to  make  sure  the  water 
causes  women  and  flocks  to  be  fertile,  might  it  be  considered  bad  magic  to  kill  what 
was  already  fertile  ? 

On  a  subsequent  occasion,  when  I  put  these  two  questions  to  another  elder,  I 
could  get  no  reply  to  the  second,  while  as  to  the  first  he  said  :  "  The  elders  per- 
"  formed  that  part  of  the  ceremony  wrong — they  must  have  forgotten — it  will  now 
"  have  to  be  done  all  over  again.  The  female  should  have  passed  on  the  inside 
"  near  the  dam  wall — just  as  is  the  case  with  man  and  wife  in  a  hut — the  wife 
"  must  sleep  next  to  the  wall  and  the  husband  outside.  Again,  they  should  not 
"  have  completed  the  circle.  The  best  way,  however,  is  for  both  male  and  female 
"  to  go  the  same  way — the  male  in  front  of  the  female.  After  reaching  half  way 
"  they  should  turn  round  and  go  back  the  way  they  came  and  then  go  round  the 
"  other  way  to  the  spot  at  which  they  first  turned  round,  and  then  back  again  the 
"  same  way  to  the  starting  place." 

Whichever  party  is  right  as  to  the  position  of  the  male  and  female,  I  am  inclined 
to  think  that  my  late  informant  is  correct  as  to  not  completing  the  circle,  for  it  will 
be  remembered  that  it  was  not  permissible  to  complete  a  circle  round  the  mugumu. 

The  reason  given  for  this  is  that  the  sun  is  the  child  of  Ngai  (God),  and  as  he 
journeys  from  east  to  west  a  path  must  be  left  for  him.  If  the  path  be  not  left  the 
man  who  closed  it  by  walking  round  the  tree  will  become  infected  with  thahu  and 
Ngai  will  refuse  the  sacrifices. 

This  again  is  why  the  sacrifices  are  deliberately  placed  on  the  east  and  west 
faces  of  the  mugumu.  "  The  sun  can  see  them  all  along  his  course." 

As  to  the  reason  of  the  victims  being  all  black  and  all  red,  I  was  told  that  if 
a  third  victim  was  sacrificed  it  would  have  to  be  all  white.  "  It  is  not  permissible 
"  for  the  victims  to  be  dappled,  they  must  be  entirely  of  one  colour."  It  is  true 
that  one  Elder  informed  me  that  the  reason  of  the  he-goat  being  all  black  was  because 
the  rain  clouds  are  black,  and  it  was  subsequently  confirmed  by  the  others.  The  last 
statement,  however,  should  be  accepted  with  extreme  caution,  as  I  regret  to  say  that 
I  obtained  it  as  the  result  of  a  leading  question  which  was  out  of  my  mouth  before 
I  had  realised  the  enormity  of  my  offence.  M.  W.  H.  BEECH. 


Ethnology :  Method.  Hamilton. 

Necessity  for  Accuracy  in  Treating  of  Ethnological    Subjects.     CO 

By  A.  Hamilton.  Wfc 

It  is  a  deplorable  fact  that  some  writers  on  Maori  customs,  pursuits,  beliefs,  &c., 

have  an  unfortunate  habit  of  writing    of    certain    local  or  sporadic    items    as    though 

they  were  common  or  widespread  usages,  thus  in  many  cases  leaving  the  reader  with 

the  impression  that  some  such  item  (in  reality  confined  to  a  small  section  of  the  race 

in  a  small    part    of    the    country)  was    universally  practised    or    believed  throughout 

[     89     ] 


Nos.  52-53.]  MA.N.  [1913. 

Maoriland.  This  practice  is  due  to  carlessness.  want  of  proper  enquiry  and  attention 
to  detail,  and,  apparently,  to  a  desire  to  include  all  possible  matter  of  interest  in  the 
paper  being  written.  The  careful  analytical  mind  is  wanting  in  such  writers. 

Ethnographical  and  technological  notes  collected  from  a  single  tribe  of  natives 
are  put  on  record  in  some  journal  ;  these  are  copied  by  writers  and  go  forth  as 
universal  customs,  pursuits,  or  beliefs  in  New  Zealand,  whereas  in  many  cases  such 
items  are  merely  local  usages,  or  at  least  have  not  been  recorded  from  other  districts. 

But  few  persons  collect  original  matter  concerning  the  customs,  &c.,  of  native 
races  and  record  it ;  but  there  are  many  writers  who  copy  such  items  in  a  careless 
manner,  or  even  distort  them  sometimes  by  suppressing  the  fact  that  they  are  only 
known  to  obtain  within  a  small  area,  or  by  the  introduction  of  baseless  theories.  In 
like  manner  persons  utterly  ignorant  of  the  Maori  tongue  have  written  papers  on  its 
construction,  word  meanings,  &c.  We  have  even  known  English  words  to  be  treated 
as  Maori,  and  remarks  made  on  the  amazing  resemblance  they  bear  to  English  forms. 
This  is  largely  owing  to  the  reprehensible  practice  of  inserting  the  native  pronuncia- 
tion of  English  words  in  Maori  dictionaries,  as  noted  in  Williams'  Maori  Dictionary, 
hence  such  dreadful  words  as  Temara-thimble  and  Temepara-temple,  both  appear  in 
that  otherwise  useful  work. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  Maori  has  been  credited  with  many  customs, 
beliefs,  &c.,  that  he  as  a  race  knows  nothing  about.  As  an  instance  of  this,  in 
one  solitary  case  skeletons  have  been  discovered  at  the  bases  of  the  larger  posts  of 
a  Maori  pa  or  fortified  hamlet.  This  item  has  been  seized  upon  by  stay-at-home 
"  authorities "  and  magnified  into  an  universal  custom  among  the  Maori,  whereas 
tradition  is  silent  on  the  subject,  and  on  the  east  coast,  from  the  East  Cape  south- 
wards, it  is  known  that  the  whalu  buried  at  the  base  of  the  first  erected  post  was 
merely  a  stone. 

A  large  number  of  instances  might  be  given  in  which  local  customs,  habits, 
beliefs  have  been  credited  to  the  Maori  people  at  large. 

Although  Mr.  Best  in  his  articles  on  customs  and  beliefs  in  the  small  isolated 
portion  of  the  dominion  known  as  the  Urewera  district  (about  the  size  of  an  average 
English  county)  has  carefully  stated  that  many  of  these  customs  are  only  known  to 
this  handful  of  people,  these  particular  customs  have  been  credited  to  the  whole  of 
the  Maori  people,  not  only  in  the  North  Island  but  in  the  practically  unknown 
tribes  formerly  inhabiting  the  Southern  Island.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  ethnographical 
matters  names  of  things  differed  in  the  north  and  south,  east  and  west  of  the  North 
Island.  A  reason  for  such  differences  was  that  the  education  in  what  was  considered 
sacred  things  was  confined  to  quite  limited  numbers,  and  jealously  guarded  by  those 
initiated,  and  not  communicated  to  others  of  different  lineage.  There  was  practically 
little  uniformity  of  knowledge,  and  the  same  name  or  term  might  occasionally  be 
used  with  quite  a  different  meaning.  A.  HAMILTON 


Africa,  East.  "Werner. 

Two  Galla  Legends.     By  Miss  A.  Werner.  CO 

So  little,  comparatively,  has  been  published  with  regard  to  the  Galla  that  UU 
the  two  stories  here  following  may  be  of  interest.  They  were  obtained  from  Abarea 
Worede,  of  the  Karar  Dulo  clan,  chief  of  the  (Barareta)  Galla  at  Kurawa,  two  or 
three  days'  journey  north  of  Malindi.  Unfortunately,  I  could  not  get  him  to  dictate 
the  Galla  text,  or  even  take  down  his  Swahili  verbatim,  but  I  think  I  have  omitted 
no  essential  point  of  what  he  told  me.  The  first  story  is  an  interesting  variant  of 
the  one  told  by  all  Bantu  tribes  of  the  chameleon.  (The  chameleon  does  not  appear 
to  enjoy  any  special  importance  though  considered  somewhat  unlucky.  "  It  is  feared 
a  little  but  not  much.")  The  bird  Holawaka  ("  the  sheep  of  God " — from  its  cry, 

[     90      ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  53-54. 

which  resembles  the  bleating  of  a  sheep)  is  called  by  the  Wagiryama  Kwalala  ;  it  is 
said  to  be  black  (or  dark  blue  ?)  with  a  white  patch  on  each  wing  and  a  crest  on  its 
head.  It  is  usually  seen  alone,  sitting  on  the  tops  of  trees  and  uttering  its  wailing 
cry. 

God  sent  the  bird  Holawaka  to  tell  men  that  they  would  not  die  :  when  they 
found  themselves  growing  old  and  weak,  they  would  slip  off  their  skins  and  become 
young  again.  He  gave  the  bird  a  crest  (kama  bendera,  "  like  a  flag ")  as  a  badge 
of  office,  to  mark  it  as  His  messenger.  It  set  out,  and  had  not  gone  very  far  before 
it  found  a  snake  in  the  path  eating  a  dead  animal.  ("  The  snake  was  already  an 
enemy,"  Abarea  explained — implying  that  this  was  an  aggravation  of  Holawaka's 
offence.  The  story  does  not  profess  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  enmity  between 
snakes  and  men.)  Holawaka  said,  "  Give  me  some  of  the  meat  and  the  blood  and 
"  I  will  tell  you  God's  message."  The  snake  said  he  did  not  want  to  hear  it,  but 
Holawaka  insisted  that  it  concerned  him  very  nearly  and  pressed  him  till  he  gave 
way.  The  bird  then  said,  "  The  message  is  this — men  when  they  grow  old  will  die, 
"  but  you,  when  you  find  yourself  becoming  infirm,  all  you  have  to  do  is  to  crawl 
"  out  of  your  skin  and  you  will  renew  your  youth." 

This  is  why  people  grow  old  and  die,  but  snakes  change  their  skins  and  grow 
young  again.  God  laid  a  curse  on  the  bird,  which  is  now  afflicted  with  chronic 
constipation  (Hanyi  Mavi  Kabisd),  and  in  its  never-ceasing  pain  and  distress  sits  in 
the  tree-tops  moaning  and  wailing  "  Wakati-a-a  !  "  ("  My  God  !  ").  Abarea  paraphrases 
its  cry  as  "  Mwenyiezi  Muumgu  wangu  ! — nipomfeshe,  nimeharibu — save  me,  I  am 
destroyed  !  "  An  interesting  point,  but  one  which  I  could  not  get  him  to  state 
very  clearly,  was  the  identity  of  "  Wak  "  with  the  sky.  He  remarked  quite  spon- 
taneously that  the  bird  was  black  and  white  because  "  Mwenyiezi  Muungu "  (the 
expression  he  always  used  in  Swahili  as  an  equivalent  to  "  Wak  ")  is  partly  white 
and  partly  black.  When  I  tried  to  get  this  statement  explained,  he  pointed  to  the 
sky  and  said,  "  Mwmyiezi  Muungu  ni  mweusi halisi " — "is  black  truly"  (or  "  entirely  "). 
I  thought  he  must  be  referring  to  the  stormy  sky,  but  do  not  now  feel  sure  of  this 
as  eusi  is  frequently  used  to  mean  blue,  and  further  questioning  left  it  somewhat 
doubtful  which  he  meant. 

The  other  story  accounts  for  the  fact  that  lions,  leopards,  and  hyenas  hunt  at 
night.  Originally  it  was  always  day,  but  "  Wak "  called  men  and  all  the  animals 
together  and  explained  to  them  that  he  was  about  to  make  a  time  for  sleeping,  and 
commanded  them  all  to  cover  their  faces  with  their  hands  (the  usual  anthropomor- 
phism of  their  primitive  tales)  while  he  did  so.  All  obeyed  ;  'but  the  lion,  leopard, 
and  hyena  peeped  between  their  fingers  and  saw  night  being  created.  It  is  not 
stated  what  they  saw,  but  the  result  is  that  they  can  see  in  the  dark,  while  men 
and  other  creatures  are  unable  to  do  so  and  put  the  night  to  its  legitimate  use. 

A.  WERNER. 


REVIEW. 
Australia :  T9temism.  Durkheim. 

Les  Formes  EUmentaires  de   la   Vie  Religieuse :    Le    Systeme    Totemique  en     C 1 
Australia.     Par  Emile  Durkheim.     Paris:  Felix  Alcan,  1912.     Pp.  647.  UT 

Some  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  ago  M.  Durkheim,  then  Professor  at  the  University 
of  Bordeaux,  commenced  the  publication  of  L1  Annee  Sociologique  in  collaboration 
with  members  of  the  sociological  school  which  had  arisen  under  his  inspiration  ;  but 
hitherto  in  the  department  of  anthropological  study  dedicated  to  religion,  though  single 
monographs  of  great  value  had  appeared,  no  general  synthesis  had  been  attempted  of 
principles  and  of  the  results  to  which  they  lead.  M.  Durkheim  himself  was  obviously 
the  proper  authority  to  undertake  this  work,  without  which  the  sociological  school 

[    91     ] 


No.  54.]  MAJSL  [1913. 

could  not  hope  to  exercise  any  permanent  influence  on  the  direction  of  anthropological 
study.  In  this  brilliant  volume  recently  issued,  not  merely  has  he  produced  an  example 
of  the  sociological  method  of  investigation  of  savage  phenomena,  but  he  has  formulated 
a  philosophy.  Whether  the  method  and  the  philosophy  will  ultimately  be  accepted 
by  anthropologists  remains  to  be  seen  ;  but  there  can  be  no  difference  of  opinion  on 
the  importance  of  the  volume.  It  opens  a  new  chapter  in  the  discussion  of  the  origin 
of  religion,  and  must  for  many  a  day  be  the  starting  point  of  controversy. 

A  religion,  according  to  M.  Durkheim,  is  a  system  of  beliefs  and  practices 
inseparably  bound  up  together  (solidaire)  relative  to  sacred — that  is  to  say,  separated, 
forbidden — things,  beliefs  and  practices  Avhich  unite  into  one  moral  community,  called 
a  Church,  all  those  who  adhere  to  them.  The  idea  of  Religion  is  thus  inseparable 
from  the  idea  of  Church,  for  Religion  is  eminently  and  essentially  a  collective  affair. 
It  is  distinguished  from  magic,  which  makes  use  of  similar  machinery,  even  including 
a  cult,  because  magic  is  not  collective  but  individualist  in  its  aims  and  practices  : 
there  is  no  magical  Church.  A  cult  is  a  system  of  rites,  solemn  seasons  (Jetes),  and 
ceremonies,  all  presenting  one  invariable  characteristic  that  they  recur  periodically. 
This  definition,  perhaps,  hardly  takes  account  of  the  fact  that  many  rites  are  not 
periodical,  but  only  performed  on  special  occasions  and  at  rare  intervals  ;  still  they  are 
part  of  the  system. 

Having  thus  defined  a  religion,  the  author  proceeds  to  the  examination  of  previous 
theories.  He  has  turned  an  awkward  corner  by  limiting  magic  to  an  individualist 
application  of  religious  conceptions  and  practice.  It  enables  him  to  dispose  without 
difficulty  of  the  theories  of  Professor  Frazer  and  Dr.  Preuss  ;  for  the  practices  which 
they  call  magical,  though  found  in  all  religions  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  are 
performed  for  the  general  good.  The  refutation  of  animism  as  the  source  of  Religion 
is  the  next  step.  He  shows  that  in  Australian  society,  the  lowest  hitherto  investi- 
gated, there  is  no  cult  of  the  dead.  This  has  always  been  the  crux  of  Spencer's 
Euhemerism.  But  the  theory  of  animism  does  not  stand  or  fall  with  Spencer's  hypo- 
thesis. It  is  necessary  therefore  to  attack  Sir  Edward  Tylor's  famous  chapters.  He 
repudiates  the  origin  of  the  belief  in  the  soul  or  "  double "  from  the  phenomena  of 
dreams  and  other  hallucinations,  or  of  syncope,  apoplexy,  catalepsy,  ecstasy,  and  other 
cases  of  temporary  insensibility.  The  idea  of  the  soul,  having  been  once  formed, 
may  have  been  applied  to  these  phenomena;  but  that  is  a  very  different  matter.  As 
to  dreams,  he  thinks  it  probable  that  the  savage  always  draws  a  distinction  between 
various  kinds  of  dreams  and  does  not  interpret  them  all  in  the  same  way  ;  and  he 
shows  that  this  is  actually  the  case  with  the  Melanesians,  as  described  by  Codrington, 
and  the  Dieri,  as  described  by  Howitt.  Even  admitting  this,  I  doubt  whether  he 
gives  enough  weight  to  the  vividness  of  many  savage  dreams  arising  from  the  con- 
dition of  repletion,  or  of  hunger,  in  which  the  savage,  who  is  dependent  on  the 
uncertain  products  of  the  chase,  so  often  finds  himself,  or  from  the  sense  of  constant 
danger  from  foes,  human  or  brute,  that  surround  him.  Moreover,  he  seems  to  think 
that  on  the  animistic  theory  the  interpretation  of  dreams  as  the  adventures  of  the 
soul  is  due  to  speculation  on  his  dreams,  whereas  the  savage  is  not  speculative,  but 
practical.  The  savage,  however,  does  not  necessarily  speculate  on  his  dreams  ;  he 
believes  that  he  has  actually  seen  the  objects  and  undergone  the  adventures  presented 
to  him  in  dreams.  The  Arawak  headman  who  awakened  Sir  Everard  im  Thurn  in  the 
middle  of  the  night  to  insist,  "  George  speak  me  very  bad,  boss  ;  you  cut  his  bits," 
had  been  dreaming  of  insolence  by  one  of  his  underlings,  and  was  fully  convinced 
that  the  unpleasant  interview  had  really  taken  place  and  that  he  had  a  substantial 
grievance  for  his  master  to  redress.  Moreover,  M.  Durkheim  passes  lightly  over  the 
sense  of  mystery  and  bewilderment  imposed  by  death.  The  savage  is  not  a  philo- 
sophical materialist  who  holds  that  there  is  nothing  after  death,  and  it  may  very  well 

[  92  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  54. 

puzzle  him  to  find  that  his  fellow,  especially  if  a  bold  and  trusted  leader,  is  suddenly 
no  more  than  a  senseless  and  speedily  decaying  clod.  The  event  would  be  apt  to 
arouse  all  his  terror  and  a  train  of  the  liveliest  emotions,  such  as  the  author  else- 
where well  points  out  are  intensified  to  an  extravagant  degree  by  being  shared  with 
the  other  members  of  his  band.  The  very  atmosphere  would  be  created  in  which 
speculation  would  be  generated,  and  disbelief  that  all  was  over  with  him  who  was 
lately  so  full  of  life  and  energy  and  the  stores  of  manifold  experience.  And  the 
speculation  and  disbelief  would  be  greatly  stimulated  if  in  his  dreams  he  saw  the 
dead  man  living,  heard  his  voice,  and  talked  with  him. 

M.  Durkheim,  however,  will  have  none  of  this.  Nor  will  he  allow  that  anthropo- 
morphism is  primitive.  Man  did  not,  he  says,  project  his  image  upon  the  external 
world  ;  for  if  so  the  earliest  sacred  beings  would  have  borne  his  likeness.  Put,  in 
fact,  the  sacred  beings  of  the  lowest  society  known  to  us  are  conceived  in  '.n  animal 
or  vegetable  form.  What  man  did  was  to  confound  the  kingdoms  of  nature — not  by 
any  means  the  same  thing.  It  is  only  long  experience,  fortified  by  sc;<mtific  culture, 
that  has  taught  us  the  barriers  between  them.  But  surely  if,  as  thr  author  says,  the 
rocks  in  primitive  thought  have  a  sex  and  are  capable  of  reproducing  their  species  ; 
if  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  are  men  or  women  who  experience  and  express  human 
sentiments,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  men  are  conceived  «*s  plants  or  animals  ;  this 
means  that  consciousness  and  personality  were  attribute'1  to  them  all,  no  matter  under 
what  form  they  appeared.  This  indistinctiou,  wlnv«i  he  admits  to  be  at  the  base  of 
all  mythologies,  is  hard  to  differentiate  fro-  what  is  by  other  thinkers  called 
anthropomorphism. 

His  final  argument  against  aninr  ^  is  that,  if  i4  be  true,  religious  beliefs  are  an 
hallucination  without  any  objective  icundation  ;  a  sort  of  constitutional  aberration  has 
caused  man  to  take  his  dreams  or  perceptions,  death  for  a  prolonged  sleep,  and  rude, 
shapeless  bodies  for  living  am1  thinking  beings.  In  that  case  there  could  be  no  science 
of  religion-  for  there  won'  De  no  reality  behind  the  hallucination,  and  what  sort  of 
a  science  can  it  be  the  r>"ncipal  discovery  of  which  would  dispel  the  very  object  of 
which  it  treats  ?  Bu'  ~ven  if  we  admit,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that  religious  beliefs 
are  an  hallucination  *n(^  that  there  is  no  object  behind  them  (on  which  here  I  express 
no  opinion")  the  h'  Aucinations  themselves  are  at  least  an  objective  fact,  and  the  aim 
of  science  is  to  tU^y  these  hallucinations  as  such,  and  to  trace  their  conditions  and 
evolution  with^*1  Concerning  itself  what  philosophical  basis  they  may  have.  They  are 
products  of  J'e  mental  constitution  of  humanity.  If  we  listen  to  some  philosophers, 
matter  its^  *s  no  more  than  this.  Yet  scientific  students  have  investigated  its 
constitut1'  J  anc^  evolution,  and  have  achieved  most  valuable  results,  serenely  ignoring 
the  pb''s°pliers'  Nor  is  it  beside  the  question  to  observe  that,  as  we  shall  see, 
-jyj  p.rkheim's  own  solution  of  the  problem  makes  the  soul  and  spiritual  existences 
as  ,  ireal — in  other  words,  as  much  hallucinations — as  does  the  animistic  theory  which 
Dejects. 

We  need  not  linger  over  his  refutation  of  the  sun-myth,  or  naturalistic  theory, 
he  calls  it.  It  is  slaying  again  the  already  slain,  though  the  theory  yet  maintains 
AJghostly  existence  in  certain  quarters.  We  will  come  to  the  exposition  of  totemism, 
ie  main  subject  of  his  book.  As  here  expounded,  it  is  not  a  system  of  magic,  it 
\i  not  zoolatry,  it  is  not  derived  from  ancestor- worship,  nor  a  case  of  nature-worship, 
>r  a  contrivance  to  put  the  soul  in  safety  ;  it  is  not  to  be  explained  as  the  con- 
jquence  of  the  mere  adoption  of  a  name  by  a  group.  It  is  a  genuine  religion,  the 
lost  elementary  hitherto  discovered  ;  and  it  is  bound  up  with  the  most  elementary 
form  of  social  organisation.  For  religion  is  not  simply  a  social  phenomenon,  it  is 
/society  seeking  to  realise  itself.  Society  cannot  exist  apart  from  religion,  and  men 
fare  not  men  apart  from  society.  The  objective,  universal  and  eternal  cause  of  the 

[    93     ] 


No.  54.]  MAN.  [1913. 

sensations  which  go  to  make  up  religious  experience  is  society.  This  it  is  that 
develops  the  moral  forces  and  awakens  the  feeling  of  support,  safeguard  and  tutelary 
dependence  which  attaches  the  faithful  to  his  cult.  It  raises  him  above  himself  ;  it 
makes  him.  For  what  makes  man  man  is  the  totality  of  intellectual  gains  which 
constitute  civilisation,  and  civilisation  is  the  work  of  society.  In  totemism  we  see 
the  beginning  of  the  process,  or  at  least  the  earliest  form  with  which  we  are 
acquainted.  Although  the  author  hedges  by  declaring  that  the  question  whether 
totemism  was  once  more  or  less  widely  distributed  is  of  secondary  importance,  the 
argument  seems  to  assume  that  it  must  have  been  universal.  The  totem  is  the 
emblem  of  the  clan,  that  by  which  it  recognised  its  unity,  itself.  This  accounts  for 
the '  fact  that  the  representation  of  the  totem  on  churinga,  nurtunja,  waninga,  and 
elsewiiNe,  is  even  more  sacred  than  the  totemic  species.  But  alike  the  totemic  species, 
the  representation  of  the  totem,  all  things  associated  in  the  categories  with  the  totem, 
and  the  very  members  of  the  clan  themselves  are  sacred,  though  not  in  the  same 
measure.  They  are  all  filled  with  supernatural  force,  physical  and  moral,  with  wakan, 
orenda,  mana,  or  Vhatever  it  may  be  called.  This  force  is  impersonal.  It  permeates 
all  things.  It  is  atr  the  root  of  all  religions  and  magic.  It  is  analogous  to  the 
scientific  concept  of  foi^e.  It  is  of  religious  origin,  and  was  indeed  borrowed  from 
religion,  first  by  philosophy,  and  then  by  science.  Every  society  exercises  power  over 
its  members — physical  and  above  all  moral  power.  It  keeps  them  in  a  sensation  of 
perpetual  dependence.  It  is  distinct  from  the  individuals  who  constitute  it,  and 
consequently  its  interests  are  distinct  from  theirs.  But  as  it  cannot  attain  its  end 
save  by  means  of  the  individual,  it  makes  an  imperious  claim  to  his  assistance, 
exacting  it  even  to  the  sacrifice  of  his  inclinations  and  interests.  Thus  at  every 
moment  we  are  obliged  to  submit  to  rules  of  conduct  and  of  thought  which  we  have 
neither  made  nor  wished  to  make,  and  which  may  even  be  contrary  to  our  most 
fundamental  instincts.  The  result  is  to  impress  on  each  individual  member  the  idea 
that  the  force  thus  exercised  is  external  to  him. 

But  in  order  to  make  its  influence  felt  society  must  be  "  in  act "  ;  and  it  is  only  in 
act  if  the  individuals  are  assembled  and  act  in  common.  So  only  it  becomes  conscious 
of  itself.  Australian  society  passes  alternately  from  the  ordinary  individual,  economic 
phase  to  the  social  phase,  and  back  again.  The  former  is  dull  and  more  or  less 
monotonous  ;  the  latter  causes  excitement  and  vehement  exaltation,  translated  into 
the  wildest  and  most  extravagant  actions.  The  religious  activity  is  confined  to  these 
occasions.  Since  they  are  centred  round  the  totem,  the  totem  arouses  religious  forces 
which  dominate  and  exalt  the  individual,  and  which  are  figured  (for  we  can  only 
represent  an  abstract  and  complex  idea  under  a  simple  concrete  form)  as  an  animal 
or  plant,  or  whatever  other  object  it  may  be  that  gives  its  name  to  the  clan  and 
serves  as  its  emblem.  The  totem  is  then  nothing  else  than  the  clan  under  a  material 
and  emblematic  form.  The  soul  is  the  totemic  principle  incarnated  and  individualised 
in  each  member  of  the  clan.  The  idea  of  the  soul  cannot  be  understood  excep*  ]  by 
relation  to  the  idea  of  force,  of  mana,  which  has  its  genesis  in  the  impersonal  a-  r'n 
of  society  on  the  individual.  Dreams  may  have  contributed  certain  secondary  cha-sr 
teristics,  but  they  are  not  the  source  of  the  idea  of  the  soul.  The  exclusively  indi 
and  indivisible  idea  of  the  soul  is  late,  and  the  result  of  philosophical  reflectic 

The  origin  of  religion,  therefore,  is  not  in  fear,  nor  is  it  caused  by  the  sen; 
awakened  in  us  by  the  external  world.     Neither  is  it  due  to  hallucination.     It  is 
an  error  for  the  Australian  blackfellow  to  attribute  to  an  external  power  in  th 
of  an  animal  or  plant  the  exaltation,  the  increase  of  vitality,  he  experiences 
engaged  in  the  performance  of  the  totemic  rites.     But  the  error  merely  extends 
symbol,  not  to  the  reality.     The  reality  is  the  society,  the  clan,  which  reall\ 
thus  inspire  him.     The  function  of  the  rites  is  in  fact  to  strengthen  the   bonds  « 

[    94     ] 


1913,]  MAN.  [No.  54, 

individual  to  the  society.  By  this  means  religious  excitement  adds  to  the  forces  of 
life.  Religious  force  is  only  the  sentiment  inspired  by  the  collectivity  in  its  members, 
projected  from  the  consciousness  and  objectivated,  it  matters  not  on  what.  The  object 
to  be  sure  is  nothing  but  a  symbol.  But  a  symbol  is  necessary  to  the  consciousness 
of  belonging  to  a  certain  society.  It  is  not  an  artifice  ;  it  is  spontaneous.  It  must, 
however,  be  capable  of  being  figured,  and  must  be  familiar.  Animals  particularly,  but 
also  plants  (and  animals  and  plants  are  the  most  usual  totems)  fulfil  this  condition. 
Probably  the  totem  was  suggested  by  the  animal  that  haunted  the  centre  frequented 
by  the  clan  ;  and  in  that  event  the  spot  became  a  totemic  centre,  such  as  we  find  in 
Central  Australia.  But  the  various  clans  of  a  tribe  must  have  come  to  some  under- 
standing with  one  another  to  secure  variety  of  choice.  It  thus  appears  that  the  choice 
of  a  totem  was  not  spontaneous,  but  a  deliberate  act. 

We  may,  perhaps,  draw  the  inference  that  in  M.  Durkheim's  view  the  origin 
of  religion  was  in  a  conscious  and  deliberate  act.  There  must,  therefore,  have  been 
a  period  when  religion  did  not  exist.  If  so,  society  was  still  in  an  inchoate  state  ;  it 
had  not  yet  made  an  effort  to  realise  itself.  But  then  we  are  driven  back  upon  the 
question,  What  caused  it  to  make  the  effort  ?  What  awoke  the  consciousness  of 
the  need  of  organisation  ?  It  could  not  have  been  the  pressure  of  hostile  groups, 
because  ex  hyputhesi  the  adjacent  groups  were  friendly  :  they  came  to  an  agreement 
as  to  the  choice  of  totems.  "  The  totemic  organisation,  such  as  we  have  just  de- 
"  scribed  it,  must  manifestly  have  been  the  result  of  a  sort  of  understanding  between 
"  all  the  members  of  a  tribe  without  distinction.  It  is  impossible  that  each  clan 
"  should  have  made  for  itself  its  beliefs  in  an  absolutely  independent  manner.  The 
"  cults  of  the  different  totems  must  of  necessity  have  been  in  some  way  adjusted 
"  to  one  another,  for  they  exactly  complete  one  another  "  (p.  221).  These  words 
are  emphatic.  And  although  it  would  be  hypercritical  to  press  the  meaning  of  the 
word  tribe  beyond  a  vague  inclusive  term  for  the  surrounding  and  larger  body  of  men, 
still  the  use  of  the  word  does  after  all  suggest  some  sort  of  organisation.  However 
rudimentary  this  organisation,  or  whatever  form  it  took,  it  was  pro  lanto  an  attempt 
of  the  society  to  realise  itself.  But  that  is  religion.  What,  then,  was  the  religion 
that  preceded  the  higher  organisation  we  call  totemism  ? 

I  have  pointed  out  that  the  argument  seems  to  assume  the  universality  of 
totemism  as  the  earliest  form  of  religion.  In  addition  to  what  has  appeared  in  the 
course  of  the  very  imperfect  analysis  I  have  been  able  to  give  of  M.  Durkheim's 
theory,  and  of  the  reasoning  that  supports  it,  the  explanation  of  the  soul  as  the 
totemic  principle  incarnated  and  individualised  in  each  member  of  the  clan  accounts 
for  the  conception  of  the  soul  under  the  form  of  an  animal.  This  conception  is 
common,  not  merely  in  totemic  areas,  but  far  outside  them,  even  in  Europe  itself. 
If  the  cause  assigned  be  correct  it  affords  a  presumption  of  the  universality  of 
totemism.  But  this  is  not  all  ;  for  from  conceiving  the  soul  under  the  form  of  an 
animal  to  the  doctrine  of  transmigration  is  not  a  very  long  step.  Thus  the  wide 
belief  in  metempsychosis  is  a  new  proof  that  the  constituent  elements  of  the  idea  of 
the  soul  have  been  chiefly  borrowed  from  the  animal  kingdom  in  the  manner  supposed. 
In  other  words,  totemism  is  at  the  base  of  it,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been  universal. 

The  space  already  occupied  precludes  the  possibility  of  discussing  the  author's 
very  lucid  and  elaborate  exposition  of  the  totemic  rites  and  beliefs.  They  are  best 
known  to  us  as  practised  and  believed  in  Central  Australia,  because  there  they  have 
been  most  thoroughly  investigated.  M.  Durkheim  is  under  no  illusion  as  to  the 
totemism  of  the  Arunta  being  primitive  in  its  present  form.  But  he  holds  it  to  be 
a  less  developed  form  than  that  of  the  south-eastern  tribes,  where  it  has  evolved 
High  Gods,  Daramulun  and  the  rest,  who  are  the  personification  of  the  initiation 
rites  performed  by  the  whole  tribe  collectively  assembled,  and  are  a  symbol  of  the 

[  93  ] 


Nos.  54-55.]  MAN.  [1913. 

unity  of  the  tribe.  Totems  and  gods  alike,  and  indeed  all  other  objects  of  a  cult, 
are  thus  not  hallucinations,  but  symbols.  Inasmuch,  however,  as  they  are  taken  for 
objective  realities,  the  distinction  seems  somewhat  fine.  The  clan-totem,  he  holds, 
was  the  starting  point ;  the  soul  was  derived  from  it ;  and  he  argues  very  ably  that 
the  individual  totem  and  the  sex-totem  were  subsequent  developments.  His  exposition 
is  primarily  concerned  with  Australian  totemism  ;  but  he  vindicates  the  essential 
identity  of  American  totemism,  while  pointing  out  its  differences,  and  claims  the  right 
to  illustrate  his  points  from  the  North  American  tribes.  To  this  extent  his  work 
may  be  considered  an  answer  to  recent  objections  to  the  very  existence  of  totemism 
as  a  system,  and  is  all  the  more  effective  because  it  is  founded  primarily  on  what  is 
called  in  the  scientific  jargon  of  the  objectors  an  "intensive"  study  of  a  single  area. 

Nor  can  I  follow  him  in  detail  through  the  philosophical  argument  with  which 
he  brings  the  exposition  to  a  close.  He  finds  in  the  collectivity  much  more  than 
the  source  of  religion.  Without  it  even  thought  would  be  impossible.  Logic  is  a 
product  of  social  life.  We  could  not  form  a  concept  apart  from  social  life.  Concepts 
express  the  manner  in  which  society  represents  things.  And  inasmuch  as  man  would 
not  be  man  apart  from  social  life,  conceptual  thought  is  coeval  with  humanity. 
Without  it  man  Avould  be  on  a  level  with  the  lower  animals.  The  conflict  between 
sense  and  reason,  between  morality  and  will,  is  not  due  to  the  Fall.  It  is  due  to  the 
contention  between  the  personal  and  the  impersonal  in  every  one.  There  is  something 
impersonal  in  us,  because  there  is  something  social ;  and  as  social  life  includes  both 
representations  and  practices,  this  impersonality  naturally  extends  alike  to  ideas  and 
to  acts.  A  new  path  is  thus  opened  to  the  Science  of  Man.  It  is  no  longer  necessary 
to  explain  man's  superior  and  specific  faculties  on  the  one  hand  by  referring  them  to 
inferior  forms  of  being,  or  on  the  other  hand  by  ascribing  them  to  a  supra-experimental 
reality,  postulated  but  never  established  by  observation.  When  it  is  recognised  that 
above  man  there  is  society,  and  that  society  is  not  a  mere  name,  a  creation  of  reason, 
but  a  system  of  active  forces,  a  new  manner  of  explaining  man  becomes  possible. 

This  sketch  represents  very  feebly  and  imperfectly  the  contents  of  a  book  that 
is  bound  to  leave  a  mark  upon  anthropological  thought.  We  in  England  have  perhaps 
hitherto  made  too  little  of  the  influence  of  society  in  the  genesis  of  religion.  We 
have  attributed  it  too  exclusively  to  the  influence  of  external  nature  and  the  experiences 
of  individual  life  upon  what  is  assumed,  rightly  or  wrongly,  to  be  the  constitution  of 
the  human  mind.  Whether  the  French  sociological  school,  led  by  M.  Durkheim,  may 
not  go  to  the  opposite  extreme,  may  not  attach  too  little  weight  to  this  influence  and 
these  experiences,  and  in  effect  ignore  the  part  actually  played  by  the  individual,  is 
a  question  that  the  discussion  inevitably  awakened  by  a  presentation  so  powerful  of 
the  claims  of  society  to  be  the  fountain  of  religion  must  decide.  I  should  add,  to  avoid 
misapprehension,  that  the  social,  so  far  as  they  may  be  distinguished  from  the  religious, 
institutions  of  the  Australian  blackfellow,  have  been  left  over  to  form  the  subject 
of  another  study.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. 

AT  the  ordinary  meeting  of  the  Institute  held  on  Tuesday  April  22nd  1913,  CC 
Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce,  who  retired  from  the  honorary  secretaryship  of  the  Institute  UU 
at  the  last  general  meeting,  was  presented  by  the  President  on  behalf  of  past  and 
present  officers  and  members  of  the  Council  with  an  illuminated  address  and  a 
cheque.  Only  those  who  have  sat  at  the  Council  Board  of  the  Institute  can  have 
any  idea  of  the  patient  and  devoted  labour  which  Mr.  Joyce  gave  for  so  many 
years  and  so  unstintedly  to  the  Institute,  which  owes  much  more  than  words, 
however  eloquent  and  complimentary,  can  convey,  to  his  indomitable  energy,  his  tact, 
and  above  all  his  unfailing  good  humour. 
Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 

<*><> 


PLATE  G. 


MAX,  1913. 


LORD    AVEBURY. 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  56. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Obituary  :  Lord  Avebury.    With  Plate  G.  Read. 

Lord    Avebury,    P.C.,    D.C.L.,    L.L.D.,    F.R.S.      Born    April    3O,    1834;       CO 
Died,   May   28,  1913.      By   »SVr   C.  Hercules   Read.  UU 

One  of  the  commonest  phrases  in  the  obituary  notices  of  distinguished  men  is 
that  the  gaps  caused  by  their  death  will  be  hard  to  fill.  No  doubt  this  is  often 
true  of  many  of  our  public  characters,  and  the  man  spoken  of  is  generally  accepted 
as  the  exponent  or  the  apostle  of  a  particular  national  service.  He  has  performed 
it  with  such  fulness  and  adequacy  that  it  seems  impossible  for  any  other  mind  ever 
to  succeed  in  holding  all  the  threads  which  had  been  so  deftly  managed  in  the  past. 

When  one  has  to  deal  with  the  character  and  achievements  of  a  man  like  Lord 
Avebury,  none  of  the  ordinary  phrases  entirely  meet  the  conditions  presented  by  such 
a  career.  His  peers  in  the  scientific  world  as  a  rule  differ  widely  from  him  in  the 
circumstances  of  their  life.  Those  who,  like  him,  began  life  in  the  most  favourable 
surroundings,  had  the  unquestionable  advantage  of  a  thorough  training  at  school  and 
university  ;  others  whose  distinction  has  been  gained  in  despite  of  such  preliminary 
advantages,  have  at  least  been  able  or  obliged  to  devote  all  their  energies,  mental 
and  bodily,  to  the  one  pursuit  that  they  have  mapped  out  on  their  life's  work. 
Neither  one  nor  the  other  of  the  positions  will  fit  Lord  Avebury's  life.  A  few  years 
at  Eton  sums  up  all  the  tuition,  as  distinct  from  education,  that  fortune  allowed  him, 
and  at  the  age  of  fifteen  he  entered  his  father's  bank.  At  that  time,  sixty  odd 
years  ago,  it  is  not  likely  that  his  days  spent  in  learning  the  business  of  finance 
were  otherwise  than  filled  with  the  endless  routine  that  would  be  the  lot  of  a  junior 
in  such  a  firm.  Hardly  any  pursuit  would  seem  more  entirely  unpromising  for  the 
production  of  the  prophet  of  science  for  the  people,  and  yet  in  such  an  uncongenial 
environment  young  Lubbock  worked  at  his  natural  history,  and  eventually,  while  yet 
in  the  prime  of  life,  his  name  was  probably  more  widely  known  than  that  of  any  of 
his  contemporaries  as  suggesting  a  combination  of  the  man  of  science  and  the  man 
of  business. 

Lombard  Street,  however,  is  not  the  place  in  which  biology  can  be  readily 
studied,  and  the  problems  of  animal  and  plant  life  that  Lubbock  dealt  with  had 
their  inspiration  in  a  very  different  atmosphere.  His  good  fortune  on  the  side  of 
science  was  summed  up  in  one  fact — that  within  a  stone's  throw  of  his  father's 
house  at  Orpington  lived  Charles  Darwin,  a  circumstance  of  inestimable  value  to 
Lubbock.  Not  only  was  the  restless  and  acute  brain  of  Darwin  persistently  devoted 
to  the  endless  problems  that  nature  presents  to  such  a  mind,  but  the  house  at  Down 
w?\s  a  Mecca  for  the  whole  world  of  science,  and  the  opportunities  of  hearing  the 
most  acute  intellects  of  the  day  engaged  in  friendly  conflict  over  the  mysteries  of 
the  universe  provided  for  the  younger  man  at  once  a  mental  forcing  house  and  a 
wealth  of  suggestion  that  could  not  fail  to  produce  ample  results.  This  was  in 
reality  Lord  Avebury's  education — an  education  of  a  kind  that,  given  a  sympathetic 
base,  could  not  be  matched  in  any  school  or  university  anywhere.  The  use  that 
he  made  of  it  is  known  to  the  world.  Geology,  botany,  the  lives  of  insects,  the 
problem  of  early  or  primitive  man,  all  in  turn  held  his  mind  and  occupied  his  pen, 
and  his  treatment  of  these  subjects  in  a  style  that  suited  itself  to  popular  con- 
sumption has  deservedly  rendered  his  name  a  household  word  among  English- 
speaking  peoples  and  beyond. 

Such  an  achievement  for  a  man  engaged  in  an  important  and  absorbing  business 
career  might  seem  to  be  enough  for  one  life.  It  was  not  so  with  Lord  Avebury. 
His  sympathies  were  widely  engaged  in  social  and  economic  problems  with  fully  as 
much  devotion.  The  holidays  of  the  people,  the  bettering  of  the  condition  of  shop 
assistants,  the  conservation  of  our  ancient  monuments,  the  preservation  of  our  open 

[    97     ] 


Nos.  56-57.]  MAN.  [1913. 

spaces,  all  of  these  and  many  other  subsidiary  interests  in  turn  held  his  attention 
and  occupied  the  energies  of  his  leisure.  Concurrently  with  these  engagements,  and 
perhaps  because  of  them,  he  was  Chairman  of  the  London  County  Council  for  two 
years,  an  office  absorbing  enough  for  an  otherwise  free  man. 

In  our  own  special  field  Lord  Avebury  was  President  of  the  Ethnological  Society 
and  a  Foundation  Fellow  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  occupying  the  chair  from 
1871-73.  His  two  principal  works  are  his  Prehistoric  Times  and  The  Origin  of 
Civilisation.  The  first  of  these  was  admirable  at  the  time  of  its  publication,  but 
the  later  editions  suffered  somewhat  from  a  need  of  remodelling  to  bring  them  up 
to  the  demands  of  the  day. 

As  an  old  friend  of  Lord  Avebury — for  I  had  known  him  since  1874 — I  shall 
long  mourn  his  loss.  The  most  urbane  and  amiable  of  men,  he  was  ever  ready  to 
discuss  any  difficulty  that  presented  itself  in  the  many  affairs  of  a  public  or  semi- 
public  character  in  which  we  were  both  interested.  His  decision  was  invariably  on 
the  side  of  a  soft  answer,  if  that  could  by  any  means  meet  the  case  ;  but  on  certain 
subjects,  where  he  felt  strongly,  he  could  be  as  unyielding  as  any  man.  As  a  public 
character  he  may  be  summed  up  in  the  one  word,  useful  :  with  the  qualities  of  industry 
and  receptivity  very  strongly  developed.  It  was  these  two  which  made  him  the 
man  he  was.  A  strain  of  sentiment  there  undoubtedly  was  also,  and  it  appears  in 
the  fact  that  he  chose  as  his  title  the  name  of  the  most  ancient  of  British  monuments, 
which  changed  the  familiar  Sir  John  Lubbock  into  Baron  Avebury.  C.  H.  READ. 


Maori  Religion.  Best. 

The  Cult  of  lo,  the  Concept  of  a  Supreme  Deity  as  evolved  t>y 
the  Ancestors  of  the  Polynesians.      By  Elsdon  Beat. 

In  his  interesting  work,  entitled  The  Making  of  Religion,  the  late  Andrew  Lang 
has  two  suggestive  chapters,  entitled  "  The  High  Gods  of  Low  Races  "  and  "  More 
Savage  Supreme  Beings."  After  a  perusal  of  these  chapters  the  reader  is  left  with 
the  impression  that  the  purport  of  the  writer  was  to  bring  forward  evidence  in  favour 
of  a  theory  that  truly  primitive  religions  were  not  necessarily  polytheistic,  that  the 
original  cultus  of  a  so-called  inferior  race  may  have  been  of  a  monotheistic  nature, 
to  deteriorate,  in  after  times,  into  polytheism  by  means  of  the  introduction  of  minor 
gods  and  demons,  or  malevolent  spirits. 

This  seems  to  have  been  breaking  out  a  new  trail  of  thought  for  the  student 
of  primitive  religions  and  the  origin  of  existing  systems  of  belief,  but  we  are  not 
aware  that  any  other  writer  has  since  written  in  favour  of  the  above-mentioned  theory. 
For  that  theory  we  hold  no  brief,  for  or  against ;  it  is  for  others — the  others  who 
dwell  in  the  "world  of  light" — to  pursue  such  studies  and  give  us  the  result  theoreof. 
Remains  for  us,  the  dwellers  in  the  dark  places  of  the  earth,  to  collect  what  original 
matter  we  may  from  neolithic  man  and  place  the  same  on  record. 

Many  writers  have  touched  on  the  theme  of  Maori  religion,  and  almost  all  such 
writers  have  remarked  that  the  gods  of  the  Maori  were  truly  malevolent  beings, 
beings  to  be  feared  and  placated,  to  whom  no  true  invocations  were  recited,  but 
merely  crude  charms  or  incantations.  Also  that  the  Maori  had  no  conception  of  a 
Supreme  Being,  creative  or  otherwise,  that  the  Maori  pantheon  was  represented  by 
a  horde  of  inferior  gods  or  demons  and  a  few  so-called  superior  gods  or  tutelary 
deities. 

It  is  now  many  years  since  we  first  gained  a  dim  knowledge  that  the  Maori 
believed  in  the  existence  of  a  Supreme  Being,  and  throughout  those  long  years  have 
we  diligently  sought  "more  light"  on  the  subject.  Some  information  gained  from 
an  old  tattooed  survivor  of  the  neolithic  era  some  ten  years  ago  put  us  on  the  right 
track,  and  since  that  time  we  have  obtained  much  more  light  from  a  remarkably 

[    98    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No,  57. 

intelligent  and  intellectual  native,  now  seventy-three  years  of  age,  who  was  taught 
the  old-time  beliefs  of  his  people  during  'his  youth.  The  knowledge  was  imparted 
by  two  of  the  last  survivors  of  the  Maori  priesthood,  men  who  had  been  trained  and 
taught  in  neolithic  times  under  the  singular  tapu  system  that  obtained  in  Maoridom, 
men  who  jealously  conserved  that  knowledge  and  kept  aloof  from  European  missionaries 
when  they  reached  these  parts. 

The  information  so  gained  we  now  offer  in  the  following  pages,  as  evidence 
that  an  "  inferior  race,"  a  "  savage "  people,  was  quite  capable  of  evolving  the 
concept  of  a  Supreme  Being,  a  creative  and  eternal  god,  a  Deity  that  did  not  punish 
the  souls  of  men  after  the  death  of  the  body.  A  perusal  of  these  notes  will  show 
any  unbiassed  readers  (not  a  numerous  body,  we  opine)  that  the  Supreme  Being  of 
the  Maori  occupied  a  much  higher  plane  than  that  of  certain  old-time  Semites. 

Io,  THE  SUPREME  BEING. 

The  cult  of  Io  was  the  highest  form  of  Maori  religious  belief,  the  purest 
concept  of  a  neolithic  race  that  has,  for  many  centuries,  dwelt  in  far  scattered  isles 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  was  evidently  brought  from  the  original  home  of  the  race, 
wherever  that  may  have  been,  India  or  elsewhere,  and  has  been  carefully  and 
jealously  conserved  throughout  the  changing  centuries  by  the  higher  class  of  Maori 
priesthood.  For  it  was  only  members  of  the  superior  order  of  priests  who  were 
taught  the  highly  curious  beliefs  and  mystical  concepts  that  composed  the  cult  of 
Io,  only  they  who  could  utter  his  name,  repeat  the  thrice  sacred  invocations  to  him, 
or  perform  the  rites  to  which  such  invocations  pertained.  Priests  of  lower  grades 
were  riot  allowed  to  participate  in  such  ceremonies,  while  the  shaman  class  knew 
practically  nothing  of  these  higher  matters. 

The  name  of  Io  was  deemed  so  sacred  that  it  was  never  uttered,  even  by  the 
high-class  priests,  except  when  absolutely  necessary,  as  in  the  reciting,  or  rather 
chanting,  of  invocations  to  that  Deity.  Again,  the  name  was  usually  repeated  only  at 
some  secluded  spot,  as  in  the  forest,  where  nothing  raised  by  the  hand  of  man,  as  a 
house  roof,  came  between  the  repeater  and  the  vault  of  heaven.  Probably  the  only 
occasion  on  which  the  name  was  repeated  within  a  building  was  when  an  invocation 
to  Io  was  uttered  within  the  thrice  sacred  Whare  Wananga,  or  school  of  learning,  in 
which  the  sacred  traditionary  and  religious  lore  was  taught  to  a  select  few  of  the 
young  men  of  the  tribe.  At  all  other  times  Io  was  alluded  to  as  "  The  Beyond,"  or 
"The  High  One,"  or  some  such  term. 

With  the  exception  of  the  invocations  pertaining  to  the  house  of  learning,  the 
invocations  to  Io  were  recited  not  at  the  ordinary  Tuahu  or  sacred  place,  but  at  some 
river,  pond,  or  other  sheet  of  water.  In  these  cases  the  priest  who  uttered  the  invo- 
cation entered  the  water  in  a  state  of  nudity,  and  took  his  stand  at  the  spot  where 
the  water  was  breast  deep  ;  also,  prior  to  commencing  the  recitation,  he  would  stoop 
down  and  immerse  the  upper  part  of  his  body  in  the  water.  These  precautions  were 
taken  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  any  contaminating  or  polluting  influences  affecting 
the  proceedings. 

The  invocations  to  Io  pertained  to  important  matters  only,  such  as  the  sacred 
school  above  mentioned,  calamities  affecting  the  whole  tribe,  and  the  highly  curious  rite 
performed  over  the  newly-born  children  of  the  upper  classes.  .No  invocations  were 
made  to  Io  concerning  any  minor  or  trivial  affairs,  nor  yet  in  connection  with  anything 
evil,  such  as  war. 

It  may  also  be  mentioned  that  the  higher  class  of  the  priesthood,  as  those  who 
upheld  the  Cult  of  Io,  never  designed  to  learn  or  practise  the  arts  of  Black  Magic, 
or  any  other  shamanistic  arts  ;  such  things  were  practised  by  a  much  lower  order  of 
Tohunga  or  priest,  and  were  not  allowed  to  be  taught  in  the  higher  school  of  learning. 

[     99     ] 


No.  57.]  MAN.  [1913. 

lu  many  cases  such  inferior  matters  were  taught  in   the  vicinity  of  the  village  latrine, 
or,  haply,  in  some  remote  spot. 

Names  and  Attributes  of  lo. — Many  different  titles  were  applied    to    lo    by  the 
Maori,  and  it  is  explained  that  such  titles  were  explanatory  of  the  attributes  of  the 
Supreme  Being.     We  give  below  a  list  of  these  titles,  with  translations  : — 
lo. 

Jo-xui. — This  name  signifies  his  greatness.     lo  the  Great,  or  Mighty  lo. 
IO-ROA. — This  title  signifies  his  eternal  nature. 
IO-TE-WANANGA. — This    signifies    that    lo    is    the    source    of    all     sacred    or    occult 

knowledge. 
IO-MATUA. — This    signifies    that    lo    is    the  parent  or  origin  of  all  things  (albeit    he 

begat  no  being). 
IO-TAKETAKE. — This  signifies  that  lo    is    the  truly  permanent,  unchangeable,  eternal 

Deity,  that  all  his  acts  are  permanent. 
TO-TE-WAIOKA. — This  implies  that  To  is  the  life  or  vital  spirit  of  all  things.     His  are 

the  essentials  of  life  ;  life  emanates  from  him. 
TO-MATA-NGARO. — Implies  that  he  cannot  be  looked  upon  ;  he    is    lo    of   the   Hidden 

Face. 
IO-TE-KORE-TE-WHIWHIA. — lo  prevents  man  attaining  all  his  desires  ;    he    is    lo    the 

Withholder. 

IO-TIKITIKI-O-RANGI. — He  is  the  supreme  one  of  all  the  heavens. 
IO-MATAAHO. — lo    can    be    seen    only  as  one  sees  the  radiations  of    light ;    none    can 

actually  see  him. 

IO-MATUA-TE-KORE. — lo  the  Parentless. 
IO-MATAKANA. — lo    the  Vigilant ;    implies    that    not    all    could    gain  his  ear,  not   all 

invocations  to  him  were  heeded. 

Apparently  there  were  other  terms  or  titles  applied  to  lo,  but  the  above  will 
give  the  reader  a  fair  idea  of  the  concept  of  the  Supreme  Being  evolved  by  the 
ancestors  of  the  Maori  in  times  long  passed  away. 

According  to  Maori  myth  or  Maori  religion,  for  the  two  things  are  inseparable, 
as  they  are  in  most  other  cults,  there  are  twelve  heavens,  or  twelve  different  realms 
in  the  heavens,  each  of  which  has  its  own  specific  name.  In  the  uppermost  of  these 
twelve  heavens,  known  as  Tikitiki-o-rangi,  dwells  lo,  the  Supreme  Being,  and  in  that 
realm  also  abide  his  attendants.  These  attendants  compose  two  parties  of  super- 
natural beings,  gods  in  themselves,  one  of  which  is  composed  of  male  beings,  and  the 
other  of  female  beings,  all  of  whom  are  intensely  tapu,  and  have  the  power  to 
enter  all  the  other  heavens,  as  also  the  privilege  of  visiting  the  earth  and  the  spirit 
world  below  the  earth.  Each  of  the  other  heavens  also  has  its  two  companies  of 
supernatural  denizens,  one  male,  the  other  female,  and  each  company  has  its  own 
special  name,  the  general  term  for  all  being  Apa.  Thus  the  male  beings  of  the 
uppermost  heaven  comprise  the  Apa  whatukura,  while  the  female  denizens  are  known 
as  the  Apa  marei-kura. 

The  uppermost  realm  of  the  heavens  is  sacred  to  lo  and  the  two  companies 
above  named,  and  no  being  of  the  other  eleven  heavens  may  enter  therein,  though 
the  latter  may  abide  or  wander  throughout  all  divisions  of  their  own  realms,  may 
visit  the  earth  below,  as  also  the  spirit  world,  where  abide  the  souls  of  the  dead. 
We  will  not  \veary  readers  with  lists  of  the  names  of  the  twelve  heavens  and  the 
twenty-four  companies  of  supernatural  denizens  thereof. 

It  was  explained  by  the  priests  of  the  cult  of  lo  that  that  exalted  being  had  no 
connection  with  evil  and  could  not  be  invoked  in  connection  with  evil  matters,  but 
only  regarding  such  items  as  were  concerned  with  the  welfare — physical,  intellectual, 
and  spiritual — of  the  people.  The  only  occasion  on  which  lo  may  be  said  to  have 

[     100     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  57, 

been  concerned  with  evil  was  when,  after  the  quarrels  arose  among  the  offspring  of 
the  primal  parents,  the  Sky  Father  and  the  Earth  Mother,  Tane  obtained  from  Jo  the 
three  receptacles  or  divisions  of  occult  knowledge,  including  that  pertaining  to  the 
art  of  war.  The  explanation  given  of  this  by  the  priests  was,  that  as  the  numerous 
offspring  of  the  above  twain  had  rebelled  against  their  parents  and  forced  them  apart, 
afterwards  dividing  themselves  into  two  hostile  companies,  under  Tane  and  Whiro, 
it  \vas  necessary  to  endow  man  with  the  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war,  that  is  that 
evil  (force)  must  fight  evil ;  rebellion  and  quarrelling  could  only  be  put  down  by 
force.  Evil  forces  had  entered  the  world,  and  evil  must  contend  against  them. 

The  dwelling  of  lo  is  at  Rangiatea,  situated  in  that  realm  of  the  uppermost 
heaven  known  as  the  Rauroha.  In  addition  to  the  attendants  already  mentioned,  a 
being  named  Ruatau  was  a  sort  of  special  attendant  of  lo,  and  his  duties  were  to 
convey  the  commands  of  lo  to  all  realms,  and  to  carry  out  other  special  services. 
For  instance,  on  one  occasion,  lo  remarked  to  Ruatau,  "  I  hear  a  murmuring  from 
"  below.  Go  thou  and  ascertain  the  cause  thereof,"  whereupon  Ruatau  descended  to 
the  earth,  and  found  that  the  offspring  of  the  heavens  and  earth  were  filled  with 
thoughts  of  rebellion  against  their  parents.  When  lo  heard  of  this,  his  word  was 
"  Evil  will  surely  result." 

The  poutiriao  were  supernatural  beings  appointed  by  lo  as  preservers  of  the 
welfare  of  all  things,  as  guardians  of  each  heaven,  of  each  world,  of  each  realm,  of 
each  division  of  nature,  to  each  of  which  one  such  guardian  was  appointed.  Thus 
there  was  a  special  guardian  for  each  class  of  animal  life,  one  for  fish,  one  for 
birds,  &c.,  as  also  for  plant  life.  By  means  of  these  guardians  was  order  preserved 
throughout  the  departments  of  nature,  and  throughout  the  universe.  Were  it  not  for 
these  beings,  order  could  not  have  been  maintained.  The  realms  and  overlordship 
of  these  guardians  were  periodically  examined  or  inspected  by  the  two  companies 
of  beings,  male  and  female,  who  inhabited  the  uppermost  of  the  heavens,  the 
realm  of  lo. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  Te  Whatahoro,  one  of  the  last  men  taught  the  sacred 
traditions  of  the  Takitumu  tribes,  states  that  at  the  dwelling  place  of  lo,  and  situated 
immediately  in  front  of  him,  was  a  large  stone  that  showed,  in  some  manner,  all  that 
was  occurring  in  all  the  different  realms  or  worlds.  Thus  if  a  member  of  the  marei 
kura  returned  to  report  to  lo  that  certain  things  were  occurring  in,  say  the  realm 
of  Kiwa  (the  ocean)  then  the  Deity,  by  looking  at  the  stone,  could  see,  or  know,  all 
particulars  of  such  events. 

In  regard  to  lo,  the  teaching  was  to  the  effect  that  he  had  always  existed,  he 
still  exists,  and  will  continue  so  to  do  for  all  time.  He  was  never  born,  as  witness 
his  title  of  lo,  the  parentless  ;  he  had  no  wife,  no  offspring,  he  begat  no  being  ;  he 
still  exists  and  shall  not  know  death.  He  created  the  heavens  and  earth,  and  caused 
all  worlds  to  come  into  existence  ;  it  was  he  who  caused  the  offspring  of  heaven  and 
earth  (Rangi  and  Papa)  to  be  brought  forth.  All  life  originally  emanated  from  lo. 
Man  is  not  a  descendant  of  lo,  but  from  lo  were  obtained  the  spirit,  the  soul,  the 
breath  of  life,  that  were  implanted  in  Hine-ahu-one,  the  earth-formed  maid,  from 
whom  man  is  truly  descended. 

No  form  of  punishment,  or  threat  of  such,  ever  emanated  from  lo.  He  con- 
demned none.  In  the  cult  of  lo,  as  in  those  of  lesser  gods  and  of  demons,  nothing 
was  ever  taught  regarding  any  system  of  punishment  of  the  soul  after  the  death  of 
the  body.  The  contest  between  good  and  evil  is  to  be  fought  out  in  this  world,  and, 
on  the  death  of  the  body,  the  spirits  of  all  are  conducted  to  the  spirit  world.  In 
that  realm  no  tortures  or  punishment  await  any  spirit,  and,  in  like  manner,  no  form 
of  reward  comes  to  the  souls  of  the  good. 

"  I  think,"  quaintly  remarked  an  old  native  to  the  writer,  "  that  if  your 

[  101  ] 


No.  57.]  MAN.  [1913. 

"  missionaries  had  sympathised  with  our  people,  and  had  patiently  studied  the  cult 
"  of  lo,  instead  of  despising  and  condemning  our  belief,  that  that  cult  would  have 
"  been  incorporated  with  your  Bible." 

The  title  of  lo-te-kore-te-whiwhia,  as  applied  to  the  Supreme  Being,  means  that 
not  all  who  invoked  him  were  listened  to.  At  first  men  invoked  the  help  of  lo  in 
all  matters,  and,  when  it  was  found  that  many  of  such  prayers  were  not  heeded, 
they  then  evolved  or  instituted  minor  gods  who  would  listen  to  them  in  regard  to  all 
matters. 

All  thiugs  possess  life  in  some  form  ;  all  things  possess  a  wairua  (spirit  or  soul), 
each  after  the  manner  of  its  kind  ;  even  birds,  fish,  trees,  stones,  rivers,  the  ocean, 
&c.  Hence,  because  all  things  possess  life,  all  things  know  death,  nothing  endures 
for  ever,  each  thing  shall  die  at  its  own  time. 

A  few  months  ago  I  visited  an  elderly  native,  one  deeply  versed  in  the  occult 
lore  of  his  race,  and  we  chanced  to  converse  on  the  subject  of  the  origin  of  life, 
and  of  spiritual  life.  I  put  this  question  to  him  :  "  Do  the  lower  animals,  trees,  and 
"  stones  possess  a  wairua  (spirit  or  soul)  ?  "  The  old  man  picked  up  a  stone  from 
the  ground,  and  replied  :  "  All  things  possess  a  wairua  ;  otherwise  they  could  not 
"  exist.  Matter  cannot  exist  without  such  a  principle.  This  is  undeniable.  Were 
"  this  stone  not  possessed  of  a  wairua,  then  it  could  not  be  seen  by  you  ;  it  could 
"  not  exist,  it  would  disintegrate  and  disappear." 

As  the  grey-haired  old  man  ceased  to  speak,  I  looked  up  and  saw  spread  before 
me  a  fair  land,  a  land  tamed  and  cultivated,  teeming  with  the  homesteads  of  an 
alien  and  intrusive  people,  my  own  folk,  who  discourse  glibly  of  aeroplanes  and  race 
over  the  trails  of  neolithic  man  in  flying  motor  cars.  And  yet  I  was  talking  to  a 
man  who  had  evolved  these  views  ere  Zenobia  dwelt  by  the  palm-lined  city  of  the 
Orient,  when  Europe  was  held  by  savage  tribes  of  bushmen,  when  strange  pole  stars 
wheeled  across  the  northern  heavens.  Of  what  use  for  me,  with  the  cramped  mind 
of  the  twentieth  century,  to  try  to  understand  the  mentality  of  this  man.  The  road 
he  treads  is  familiar  to  him,  it  was  deserted  by  us  fifty  centuries  ago  ;  the  trail  is 
faint  and  long  overgrown  with  the  weeds  of  forgetfulness. 

In  studying  the  higher  forms  of  Maori  myth,  you  will  note  that  everything  came 
into  being  by  the  will  of  lo,  albeit  he  begat  no  being.  All  things  were  generated 
by  certain  supernatural  beings  in  the  days  when  the  world  was  young.  Such  was 
the  chain  of  origin,  first  creation,  then  generation,  the  natural  corollary  of  which  is 
the  very  essence  and  kernal  of  the  higher  type  of  Maori  religion,  viz,  that  all  things 
down  to  the  humblest  weed  and  fragment  of  clay  originally  emanated  from  lo,  and 
contain,  as  it  were,  a  portion  of  his  spirit.  There  is  but  one  step  further  to  take  : 
That  fragment  of  clay  is  lo. 

The  following  words  were  spoken  by  an  old  teacher  of  the  sacred  School  cf 
Learning  when  making  his  closing  address  to  the  pupils  :  "  We  have  seen  that  all 
"  things  possess  a  soul,  each  after  the  manner  of  its  kind.  There  is  but  one  parent 
"  of  all  things,  one  origin  of  all  things,  one  god  of  all  things,  one  lord  of  all  things, 
"  one  spirit  of  all  things,  one  soul  of  all  things  :  Therefore,  O  sons,  all  things  are 
"  one  :  All  things  are  one,  and  emanated  from  lo  the  Eternal." 

The  expression  toiora  is  applied  to  the  spark  of  the  divine  in  man,  the  portion 
of  the  wairua  (spirit  or  soul)  of  the  Deity  that  is  in  every  man.  It  represents  the 
spiritual  and  intellectual  welfare  of  the  genus  homo;  while  his  physical  health  or 
welfare  is  described  by  the  common  term  ora. 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  no  image  of  lo  was  ever  made  by  the  Maori,  and 
that  he  had  no  aria  (visible  form,  or  form  of  incarnation),  both  of  which  were 
common  as  in  regard  to  the  lesser  gods.  In  like  manner  no  offerings  were  made  to 
lo,  no  material  offerings  of  any  nature  ;  he  was  viewed  as  being  above  such  things. 

[     102     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  57-58. 

Hence  it  was  that  the  pure  cult  of  lo  was  of  too  elevated  a  character  for  the 
common  people,  and  hence  the  belief  in  numbers  of  lesser  gods  who  could  be 
placated  by  certain  offerings,  who  had  visible  aria  (such  as  a  bird  or  lizard),  and  to 
whom  were  recited  divers  charms  or  incantations  infinitely  inferior  to  the  finely 
worded  invocations  offered  to  the  Supreme  to. 

We  refrain  from  carrying  these  crude  notes  any  further  lest  weariness  afflict  the 
reader.  We  have  sought  to  show  that  the  ancestors  of  the  Maori,  in  times  long 
passed  away  evolved  a  highly  curious  cult  upon  a  very  high  plane  of  thought,  one 
strongly  tinged  with  monotheistic  ideas,  and  replete  with  extremely  fine  conceptions 
of  the  attributes  of  a  supreme  Deity.  However  much  this  cult  may  have  been 
replaced  among  the  people  of  a  lower  tone,  there  still  remains  the  fact  that  the 
superior  one  was  evolved,  and  that  it  was  preserved  through  many  centuries  to  our 
own  time.  If  it  be  not  admitted  into  the  list  of  ethical  religions,  then  assuredly  it 
comes  near  to  that  definition,  and  we  have'  not  by  any  means  given  all  details 
concerning  it. 

The  knowledge  of  the  Cult  of  lo  was  jealously  preserved  by  its  priests  on  the 
arrival  of  the  English  missionaries,  and  carefully  withheld  from  the  latter,  but  it  was 
still  quietly  taught  on  the  east  coast  of  the  North  Island  until  the  sixties  of  last 
century. 

The  following  is  a  portion    of    an  invocation    chanted  to    lo    at   the    opening    of 
the  School  of  Occult  Knowledge,  as  translated  by  Mr.  S.  Percy  Smith: — 
;'  Enter  deeply,  enter  to  the  very  origins, 
Into  the  very  foundations  of  all  knowledge, 
O,  lo  of  the  hidden  face. 
Gather  in,  in  the  inner  recesses  of  the  ears, 

As  also  in  the  desire,  and  perseverance,  of  these  thy  offspring,  thy  sons. 
Descend  on  them  thy  memory,  thy  knowledge. 
Best  within  the  heart,  within  the  roots  of  origin. 
O,  lo  the  Learned, 
O,  lo  the  Determined. 
O,  lo  the  Self  Created."  ELSDON  BEST. 


Scotland  :  Archaeology.  Paterson. 

Pygmy  Flints  in  the  Dee  Valley.  By  H.  M.  Leslie  Paterson.  (Read  CO 
bejore  the  British  Association  at  Dundee,  September,  1912.)  UU 

Up  to  the  year  1905  Scotland — anyway,  north  of  the  Forth — seemed  destitute 
of  pygmy  flints.  As  the  result,  however,  of  the  stimulus  imparted  by  the  Rev.  R. 
A.  Gatty,  who  many  years  ago  discovered  pygmy  flints  in  England  and  so  named 
them,  we  set  to  work,  and  have  now  linked  up  Deeside  with  other  parts  of  the 
world. 

Immediately  below,  or  east  of  the  confluence  of  the  Feugh  with  the  Dee  in  the 
vicinity  of  Banchory,  the  strath  of  the  latter  river  presents  on  its  south  side  a  fine 
series  of  well-defined  terraces.  The  two  youngest  terraces  here  are  low-banked. 
The  newest,  part  of  which  is  an  island,  is  not  yet  beyond  an  abnormal  flood,  so 
we  do  not  expect  to  find  flints  on  it.  The  next  in  sequence  is  a  few  feet  higher, 
and  is  well  covered  with  good  loam,  indicating  a  considerable  rest  from  flood  troubles. 
There  is  no  sign  of  a  flint  man's  site  on  it,  however,  though  one  small  rough  arrow- 
head was  found  on  its  surface.  From  this  we  gather  that  the  terrace  was  unsuitable 
as  a  site  (probably  because  it  was  damp  and  marshy),  but  that  ancient  life  existed 
with  us  when  there  was  a  considerable  alluvial  deposit  at  this  level. 

Three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  meeting  of  the  waters  these  lower  terraces 

[  103  J 


No.  58,] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


terminate  their  existence  by  sharply  curving  riverwards.  At  this  point  there  had 
been  a  considerable  burn  in  ancient  times,  which  had  severed  the  lines  of  terraces. 
Immediately  across  this  cutting  the  bank  of  the  Dee  rises  sharply  to  an  approximate 
height  of  20  ft.  to  25  ft.  and  recommences  a  fresh  set  of  three  terraces  at  that 
elevation.  The  newest  or  last  terrace  is  narrow,  tapering  almost  to  a  point  here, 
well  sheltered,  and  overlaid  with  rich  dark  loam  to  the  depth  of  2  feet.  If  you  dig 
down  you  find  no  flints  in  the  upper  foot  of  loam,  while  in  the  lower  foot  they  are 
fairly  common.  Remember  there  is  no  native  flint  in  the  Dee  Valley  anywhere 
near,  so  the  presence  of  flint  chips  in  the  soil  must  indicate  a  place  where  man 
lived  and  worked. 

In  a  mole-hill    at    the    commencement    of    this  terrace  I  found    my    first  pygmy, 
solitary    in    type    as    it    strangely  happens,  but    perfectly    fashioned,  of    which  I  arn 

extremely  proud. 


ev 


The  upper  end 
of  this  terrace 
contains  flints  in 
considerable 
quantity  of  the 
true  pygmy  type, 
also  rough  neo- 
iiths  and  a  small 
ratio  of  rubbishy 
flakes.  But  just 
across  the  burn 
a  rounded  mound 
on  the  same  ele- 
vation contains 
great  quantities 
of  flakes,  but  as 
yet  has  not  fur- 
nished us  with  a 
made  implement. 
The  higher  and 
older  terraces, 
which  are  of  a 
very  shingly 
nature,  the  result 
of  a  slight  slope 
towards  the  Dee, 
_  I  contain  quite  on 
the  surface  num- 
berless chips, 
some  rough 
knives  and  scra- 

pers, but  a  pygmy  only  on  the  rarest  occasions.  Across  the  river,  on  the  north 
side  of  it,  on  a  narrow  terrace  of  the  same  height  as  No.  1  site,  and  in  many  other 
respects  similar,  genuine  pygmies  are  found  in  conjunction  with  good  neoliths  and 
much  rubbish.  Here  was  found  the  best  small  core  which  I  possess  —  the  core,  in 
fact,  which  I  sent  to  Mr.  Gatty  immediately  after  reading  his  article,  which  he 
suggested  had  had  a  pygmy  tool  struck  from  it,  and  which  he  thought  an  extremely 
hopeful  sign  of  the  presence  of  pygmies  in  our  neigbourhood,  a  prophecy  which 
came  true. 

[     104     ] 


_L 


INCHES 

SCOTTISH   PYGMY   FLINTS    OF   INDIAN   TYPE. 
FIG.  1. 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  58. 


PYGMY   CORE. 
FIG.  2. 


It  is  worth  noting  at  this  stage  that  these  flint  sites  just  mentioned,  as  indeed 
all  our  most  prolific  areas,  are  small  in  extent  and  abut  on  good  salmon  pools. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  go  down  stream  for  a  full  half-mile.  Here  again,  at  the 
south  side,  at  the  narrow  end  of  a  similar  terrace,  but  in  more  open  country,  is  found 
ample  evidence  of  the  flint  man  in  the  shape  of  cores,  rude  knives,  scrapers,  and 
flakes.  It  is  not,  however,  until  we  reach  the  lower  end  of  this  terrace,  fully 
another  half-mile,  that  pygmy  flints  make  their  appearance.  This  portion  of  the 
terrace,  which  has  no  deep  cutting,  but  is  rather  a  deep-topped  hump  on  the  summit 
of  a  long,  slow,  double  slope,  is  rich  in  flints  of  the  rude 
order  as  also  of  the  elaborate.  One  is  always  safe  to  find 
something  of  interest  here  after  the  plough  or  the  harrow  has 
been  over  it.  In  this  site  I  found  my  smallest-shouldered 
pygmy  of  true  Indian  type,  pygmies  of  various  sorts,  rough 
knives,  duck-bill  and  thumb  scrapers,  combined  knives  and 
hollow  scrapers,  hollow  scrapers,  borers,  one  saw,  and  a  few 
unclassified  implements.  It  seems  singular  that  with  all  this 
wealth  of  flint  forms  I  did  not  come  across  an  arrow-head 
here.  All  my  research  has  only  produced  two  small  rough 
specimens.  Is  this  a  sufficient  ratio  to  indicate  their  general 
use  ?  If  not,  what  implements  did  these  people  use  in  place 
of  the  arrow-head  ? 

We  now  ask  ourselves  the  usual  questions :  Who  made 
these  tiny  tools,  and  for  what  were  they  made  ?  I  have  no 
sound  suggestion  to  offer  as  to  their  use.  As  to  who  made  them  ;  the  Bronze 
and  Stone  Age  are  well  represented  in  this  locality.  Bronze  Age  tombs  are  not 
common,  but  plentiful  evidence  of  the  Bronze  Age  man,  in  the  shape  of  pottery, 
was  brought  to  light  at  the  draining  of  the  Loch  of  Leys,  some  two  miles  distant 
from  us  and  the  Dee. 

Several  finely  preserved  stone  circles  also  bring  the  mind  sharply  back  to 
remote  ages.  Are  any  of  them  the  work  of  the  pygmy  flint  manufacturers  ?  Are 
they  one  and  the  same  people  whose  tombs  and  temples  are  on  the  hillsides  and 
whose  camps  are  on  the  river  terraces  ?  Are  we  to  take  it  that  the  presence  of 
pygmies  and  neoliths  on  the  same  site  indicate  a  common  civilisation  and  a  common 
manufacture  ? 

I  take    the  view  that    the    10-foot    terrace    level,  or    thereabouts,  marks,  in    our 
strath,  the  close  of  the  flint  man's  existence.     I  find  plentiful  evidence  of  him  above 
the  20-foot    level.        Taking  24  feet  as  the   level   of    No.   1   site    and    discounting    10 
as  a  flood  barrier,  we  are  left  with  14  feet  of  erosion  to  deal  with. 

As  soon    as    the    flood  was    held    back    definitely,  alluvia    began  to 

FIG  3  —  PYGMY  deposit  on  this  terrace  in  a  certain  ratio  to  the  process  of  erosion. 
FLINT  FOUND  IN  We  find  2  feet  of  alluvia  overlying  a  deep  strata  of  river  sand. 
1906  AT  BIEK-  That  is  equal  to  the  14  feet  of  erosion.  Flints  are  plentiful  1  foot 
WOOD,  BANCHORY  below  the  surface.  That  is  to  say,  prehistoric  existence  on  this 

(TWICE  NATURAL     t  •     measured  and    limited— roughly,  of    course— by  7  feet    of 

m  7  "F  i 

erosion.     The  upper  foot  of  soil  is  barren  of  flints.     That  indicates 

the  close  of  the  flint  man's  era  and  the  span  of  time  that  separates  us.  Here,  at 
a  level  little  above  our  highest  flood  tide,  whether  precipitately  or  as  a  dwindling 
race  we  are  unable  to  estimate,  he  unbent  his  bow  for  the  last  time  and  laid  aside 
the  "  fabricator  "  with  which  he  fashioned  these  mysterious  implements. 

H.  M.  LESLIE    PATEBSON. 


[    105    ] 


Nos,  59-60.]  MAN.  [1913. 

REVIEWS. 
Philippine  Islands :  Physical  Anthropology.  Bean. 

The   Racial    Anatomy    of   the    Philippine    Islanders.      By    Robert    Bennett      CQ 
Bean.     J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Co.,   1910.  UU 

Dr.  Bean  was  for  three  years  Professor  of  Anatomy  in  Manila,  and  contributed 
a  series  of  papers  on  the  physical  anthropology  of  the  native  tribes  to  the  Philippine 
Journal  of  Science.  He  divides  the  individuals  with  a  cephalic  index  greater  than 
87  into  four  groups  :  "  The  tall,  wide-nosed,  wide-headed  people  are  called  Adriatic 
44  because  of  their  similarity  to  the  people  of  that  name  designated  by  Deniker  . 
i4  the  small,  wide-nosed,  wide-headed  [people]  are  called  Primitive  because  their 
"  physical  characteristics  are  infantile,  they  resemble  the  Primitive  types  of  other 
44  countries  .  .  .  the  tall,  narrow-nosed  and  wide-headed  are  designated  B.B.B. 
"  (the  big-cerebellumed,  box-headed  Bavarian)  because  they  resemble  a  European 
"  type  with  similar  characteristics  ;  the  small,  narrow-nosed  and  wide-headed  are 
"  called  Alpine,  because  they  resemble  the  inhabitants  of  Southern  Germany,  Switzer- 
"  land,  and  Central  France.  .  .  .  The  Alpine  and  the  B.B.B.  are  closely  related 
"  types,  and  so  are  the  Primitive  and  Adriatic,  stature  being  the  only  differential 
"  factor.  .  .  .  The  individuals  with  small  stature,  narrow  heads,  and  narrow 
"  noses  are  called  Iberian.  .  .  .  The  tall  narrow-headed,  narrow-nosed  people 
"  would  be  the  Northern  European  (Nordic),  but  A7ery  few  are  found  in  the 
"  Philippines,  and  as  those  found  resemble  the  Mediterranean  race  they  are  included 
"  as  Iberians.  The  tall,  wide-nosed,  narrow-headed  individuals  are  called  Cro- 
44  Magnon.  .  .  .  The  small,  wide-nosed,  narrow-headed  individuals  are  called  Austia- 
44  loid."  The  "  only  difference "  between  the  Cro-Magnon  and  the  Australoid, 
and  between  the  Nordic  and  the  Iberian  is  stature. 

The  ethnology  of  the  Philippines  is  certainly  complicated,  but  though  Dr.  Bean's 
observations  are  of  value  his  classification  does  not  appeal  to  the  present  writer. 
Dr.  Bean  introduces  a  new  index,  the  omphalic  index,  which  refers  to  the  position 
of  the  umbilicus  in  relation  to  the  pubis  and  the  suprasternal  notch  ;  he  thinks  it 
may  prove  valuable.  He  made  a  large  number  of  observations  on  ears,  the  types 
of  which  are  classed  by  him  in  the  above-mentioned  groups  and  others.  The  ear 
certainly  requires  more  extensive  study  than  has  hitherto  been  accorded  this  organ, 
and  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  his  classification,  the  data  accumulated  by  Dr. 
Bean  will  be  useful.  In  an  Appendix  a  "Palaeolithic  Man"  (Homo  Philippinensis) 
is  described  from  a  single  individual  ;  this  is  believed  to  be  the  fundamental  type 
of  the  Philippines  and  to  be  closely  allied  to  the  Australoid  type,  though  the  sagittal 
contour  of  the  head  is  not  at  all  typically  Australian.  "The  sequence  of  events  in 
44  the  Philippines  has  been  something  like  the  following  :  The  Negritos  and  Homo 
'4  Philippinensis  inhabited  the  islands  when  the  Malays  came,  although  Homo 
44  Philippinensis  may  have  come  with  the  Malays  [!].  The  earliest  migrations 
44  into  the  archipelago  brought  the  Hindus,  largely  of  Iberian  type.  Later  came 
44  the  Neo-Malays,  Avho  were  largely  of  the  Primitive  type.  The  Moros  or 
44  Mohammedans,  also  of  the  Iberian  type,  came  afterwards,  and  more  recently  the 
44  Spaniards  (Iberians)  settled."  In  the  Preface  the  author  says,  44  The  book 
44  represents  a  new  departure  in  anthropology  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  contai- 
44  button  from  the  New  World  will  be  received  with  due  consideration  as  a  striving 
44  after  truth."  A.  C.  HADDON. 

Mexico :  Religion.  Preuss. 

Die    Nayarit    Expedition,     Vol.    /,  Die   Religion    der    Cora  Indianer.      By     fjfi 

Dr.  K.  Th.  Preuss.  OU 

This    is    the  first  of    the  volumes   in   which  Dr.  K.   Th.   Preuss   will  record    the 

results  of  his  expedition  to  the  Sierra  del  Nayarit,  in  north-western  Mexico,  where  he 

[     106     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  60. 

spent  nineteen  months  in  unbroken  intercourse  with  the  wild  and  difficult  peoples. 
The  Cora  live  in  the  western  part  of  that  mountainous  region,  and  were  conquered 
by  the  Spaniards  about  1700,  when  Padre  Ortega  wrote  a  history  of  the  expedition, 
but  since  then  they  have  been  left  to  themselves  and  have  preserved  their  religion 
and  language.  We  now  have  from  Dr.  Preuss  300  pages  of  the  texts  of  their  sacred 
songs,  myths,  and  tales,  and  a  long  vocabulary  with  references  to  the  texts. 

As  a  scientific  account  of  a  courageous  and  remarkable  achievement,  the  work 
deserves  the  highest  praise.  The  author  remained  alone  among  the  Cora  for  seven 
months,  he  gained  the  affection  and  confidence  of  the  leading  men,  and  was  able  to 
gather  full  and  exact  information  respecting  their  beliefs  and  ceremonies.  Doubtless 
he  profited  by  the  previous  sojourn  of  Dr.  C.  Luinholtz  among  the  neighbouring 
Huicholes  (considered  at  the  time,  locally,  a  most  hazardous  experiment),  and  the 
Cora  knew  that  a  foreigner  could  be  friendly  and  sympathetic. 

In  December  1905  Dr.  Preuss  reached  the  Cora  village,  Jesus  Maria,  from  Tepic, 
and  began  to  learn  the  language  from  Francisco  Molina,  a  man  of  sixty,  who  had 
served  in  the  army  and  knew  some  Spanish.  At  the  end  of  a  month  he  moved  on 
to  S.  Francisco,  two  hours  away,  and  worked  with  the  singers  of  sacred  songs  of 
both  places,  witnessing  the  festivals  and  experiencing  the  climatic  influences  which 
have  moulded  the  ideas  of  the  people.  Under  the  cloudless  skies  and  intense  heat 
of  May  and  June  he  learned  "  to  see  with  the  eyes  of  the  Cora  the  shining  moon- 
"  goddess,  the  morning  star  (their  faithful  helper),  and  the  host  of  divinities  who 
"  have  their  being  in  the  stars,  hills,  and  streams,  and  in  the  clouds  of  the  rainy 
"  season."  Then  came  the  swift  change  from  the  desert  landscape  of  the  long 
rainless  season  to  an  expanse  of  flowering  greenery  and  growing  crops,  which  would 
naturally  be  attributed  to  supernatural  powers.  The  northern  seasons  of  winter  and 
summer  have  no  counterpart  here,  and  the  days  are  really  shorter  when  the  sun  is 
farthest  north,  owing  to  the  clouds  and  afternoon  rains. 

The  mythic  elements  of  Cora  religion,  the  forces  of  Nature,  and  the  myths 
relating  to  them — gods,  ceremonies,  and  festivals — are  treated  in  the  preliminary 
chapters  of  this  work,  and  illustrated  by  quotations  from  the  songs.  All  this  is  most 
valuable  to  the  student  of  religions,  and  the  deep  religious  sense  and  poetical  expres- 
sion natural  to  the  Mexican  Indian  mind  are  well  brought  out  in  the  comments  on  the 
texts.  Fire  among  the  Cora,  as  among  the  ancient  Mexicans,  is  the  foundation  of 
all  the  heavenly  fires,  the  sun  as  well  as  the  stars.  The  moon-goddess  has  a 
more  prominent  place  in  the  cult  than  the  sun-divinity,  who  remains  passive  in  the 
great  council  above  (p.  1).  She  creates  the  rain-gods  and  the  earth.  The  night - 
heaven  is  the  chief  factor^  in  Cora  religion.  The  morning  star  brought  men 
ceremonies  without  which  they  would  be  helpless  (p.  Ixviii),  and  prayers  and 
offerings  are  of  the  greatest  importance.  Words  and  thoughts  are  not  produced  by 
men  themselves  but  are  given  by  the  divinities,  chiefly  by  one  of  the  three  highest 
divinities,  whilst  prayers  and  myths  come  from  the  elders,  the  precursors  of  the  gods  ; 
just  as  the  Mexicans  considered  each  dead  person  a  teotl,  the  Cora  see  their  ancestors 
in  the  gods. 

In  the  song  to  the  sun  (quoted  p.  xcvi)  are  the  lines  : — 

"  Here  are  his  actual  words  that  he  will  give  to  us  his  children, 
With  which  we  in  him  have  life  and  have  our  being  in  the  world. 

his  words  that  he  chose  and  here  has  left. 
Here  left  he  his  thoughts  to  his  children." 

The  acknowledged  power  of  thoughts  is  shown  principally  in  that,  before  every 
action,  however  insignificant  it  may  be,  the  intention  or  inner  thought  and  inspiration 
are  always  emphasized. 

The  cicada,  which  begin  to  make  themselves  heard   towards  the  end  of    the  dry 

[     107    ] 


Nos.  60-61.]  MAN.  [1913. 

season,  are  said  to  be  born  behind  the  gods,  beyond  the  world.  They  are  adorned 
by  the  gods  (the  blossom  of  fruit-trees  is  their  raiment)  and  come  down  to  man 
from  heaven,  bringing  the  rains.  The  humming-bird  is  the  sun's  messenger  and 
fetches  the  rain-gods.  A  song  for  the  seed-time  dance  (p.  61,  text),  describing  the 
growing  of  the  maize,  is  also  a  poetic  rendering  of  the  natural  facts,  unfortunately 
too  long  to  be  given  here. 

The  arrangement  of  the  festival-ground  and  the  designs  on  the  interior  of  the 
sacred  gourd-bowl  represent  the  universe  : — 

THE  WORLD.  THE  FESTIVAL-GROUND. 

Within   a   circle   (1)   which    represents   the  1.  Border  of  the  festival-ground,  or  the  whole 

border   of    the   entire  world,  there  is  a  series  of       gourd-bowl,  which  represents  the  world, 
connected  semi-circles  (2),  which  .serve  the  gods  2.  The  dancers  go  between  the  edge  of  the 

as  a  wall.  Radiating  from  the  centre  are  four  world  and  the  wall  of  the  gods,  between  the 
cross-arms  (JJ),  the  four  directions,  the  dwelling-  singers  and  the  altar. 

places  of   the   gods.      The   seats   of   the  twelve  3.  The  four  directions  of  the  festival-ground 

elders  or  first  dwellers  on  earth  (4)  form  a  circle  where  the  gods  live  and  receive  the  homage  of 
round  the  centre  (5),  the  middle  of  the  world,  their  children. 

where  our  father,  the  eun,  lives.  4.  The   elders  of   the  village,  the  chief,  and 

the  principal  men. 

5.  The   fire,  which   represents   the   sun  and 
indicates  the  middle  of  the  festival-ground. 

Dr.  Preuss  points  out  the  resemblance  of  the  gourd-bowl  design  in  its  most 
elaborate  form  to  the  "  Calendar-stone "  of  Mexico  and  other  variations  of  the 
quauhxicalli.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  the  Cora  country,  in  1722,  it  was 
recorded  that  a  stone  vessel  with  a  figure  of  the  sun,  on  which  it  had  been  cus- 
tomary to  make  an  offering  of  a  child  every  month,  was  brought  to  Mexico  from  the 
sanctuary  of  the  Mesa  del  Nayarit.  Only  flowers  and  unspun  wool,  representing  the 
stars  and  clouds,  are  now  offered  by  the  Cora  in  the  gourd-bowl. 

These  few  scraps  from  the  feast  provided  in  this  most  interesting  volume  may 
give  some  faint  idea  of  the  important  detailed  information  on  the  habits  of  mind  and 
spiritual  ideas  of  a  people  who  were  considered  savages.  The  deepest  regret  will 
be  felt  if  the  call  to  further  enterprises  should  prevent  the  author  from  speedily 
bringing  out  his  proposed  second  volume,  Die  Geisteivelt  der  Huichol-Indianer  in 
Texten.  A.  C.  BRETON. 


Polynesia  :  Mythology.   „  Westervelt. 

Legends  of  Ma-ui,  a  Demi-God  of  Polynesia,  and  of  his  Mother  flina.      By     OJ 
W.  D.  Westervelt.     Honolulu  :  The  Hawaiian  Gazette  Co.,   1910. 

Mr.  Westervelt  has  done  good  service  in  republishing  in  book  form  his  magazine 
articles  on  (Maui),  the  Polynesian  cosmic  hero,  the  legends  about  whom  "  form  one 
"  of  the  strongest  links  in  the  mythological  chain  of  evidence  which  binds  the 
"  scattered  inhabitants  of  the  Pacific  into  one  nation."  Maui  legends  though  often 
in  an  incomplete  state  are  found  all  over  Polynesia  and  in  parts  of  Melanesia  and 
Micronesia,  they  are  undoubtedly  of  remote  antiquity  and  certainly  can  be  traced  to 
the  prehistoric  Polynesians,  indeed  several  hints  of  Hindu  influence  have  been  detected 
in  them.  Maui  is  generally  spoken  of  as  the  youngest  of  four  brothers  bearing  the 
same  name.  There  is  much  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  his  ancestry,  though  it  is 
generally  stated  that  his  parents  were  supernatural  beings.  Although  he  lived  a 
very  human  life  he  was  possessed  of  supernatural  powers  in  addition  to  an  inventive 
mind  and  a  very  tricky  and  mischievous  disposition.  He  was  "  the  fisherman  who 
"  pulls  up  islands,"  and  he  improved  fish-traps  and  rendered  fish-hooks  and  fish-spears 
more  efficacious  by  adding  barbs.  According  to  different  Polynesian  legends  Maui 
raised  the  sky,  which  till  then  had  not  been  separated  from  the  earth,  and  thus  made 

[     108     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  61-62. 

the  earth  habitable  for  his  fellow-men.  He  was  also  "the  ensnarer  of  the  sun,"  only 
permitting  him  to  pursue  his  course  on  the  condition  that  he  went  more  slowly  in 
order  to  increase  the  length  of  the  day.  Maui  by  aid  of  his  cunning  and  magical 
powers  gave  fire  to  mankind,  and  some  legends  make  him  the  fire-teacher  as  well  as 
the  fire-fiuder,  as  he  taught  men  how  to  make  fire  by  the  friction  of  two  sticks.  In 
seeking  immortality  for  man  he  lost  his  life.  There  is  a  native  saying  :  "If  Maui 
"  had  not  died  he  could  have  restored  to  life  all  who  had  gone  before  him  ;  and 
"  thus  succeeded  in  destroying  death."  As  Tylor  remarks,  "Maui's  death  by  his 
"  ancestress  the  Night  fitly  ends  his  solar  career."  "  It  is  a  little  curious,"  Wester- 
velt  points  out,  "that  around  the  different  homes  of  Maui  there  is  so  little  record  of 
"  temples,  and  priests,  and  altars.  He  lived  too  far  back  for  priestly  customs.  His 
"  story  is  the  most  mythical  survival  of  the  days  when- church  and  civil  government 
"  there  was  none,  and  worship  of  the  gods  was  practically  unknown."  R.  Taylor 
says  .  .  .  .  "  Though  regarded  [in  New  Zealand]  as  a  god,  he  does  not  appear  to 
"  have  been  generally  prayed  to  as  one  ;  yet  he  was  invoked  for  their  kumara  [sweet 
"  potato]  crop  and  success  in  fishing."  If  any  hero  deserved  worship  it  was  Maui, 
and  yet  even  he  does  not  appear  to  have  achieved  it.  A.  C.  HADDON. 


Africa,  West:  Nigeria.  Tremearne. 

The  Tailed  Head-hunters  of  Nigeria.  By  Major  A.  J.  H.  Tremearne.  OO 
Seeley,  Service  &  Co.,  Ltd.  Pp.  xvi  +  342.  Ut 

Major  Tremearne  is  known  to  the  reader  as  the  author  of  a  book  on  the  West 
Sudan  and  on  the  Niger,  and  has  acquired  a  considerable  reputation  by  his  collection 
of  Haussa  folk-lore.  In  this  book  with  the  misleading  title  he  gives  a  popular 
account  of  his  stay  in  Nigeria,  an  account  which  shows  that  the  author  is  far  from 
being  in  sympathy  with  the  administration  of  the  Colony.  It  is  hoped  that  things 
are  not  quite  as  bad  as  they  appear  when  seen  through  the  eyes  of  Major  Tremearne, 
and  that  punitive  expeditions,  executions,  and  deaths  of  prisoners  of  war  are  not 
considered  of  so  little  importance  as  would  appear  from  these  pages.  It  seems 
scarcely  fair  on  the  official  or  the  native  that  one  white  man  should  be  given  power 
to  prosecute  and  try,  sentence  and  execute  any  native  who  according  to  his  ideas  is 
deserving  of  capital  punishment. 

Who  are  the  tailed  head-hunters  ?  We  are  told  that  the  Kagoro  and  the 
neighbouring  tribes,  of  which  two  only  are  cannibals,  organise  head-hunting  expedi- 
tions so  as  to  obtain  the  greatest  number  of  heads  and  skulls  with  which  to  ornament 
the  bottle-shaped  graves  in  their  villages,  in  which  they  bury  their  dead  ;  no  Kagoro 
youth  is  allowed  to  marrv  before  he  has  procured  the  head  of  an  enemy.  The  tail 
referred  to  in  the  title  is  worn  by  the  women  of  the  same  tribes  (possibly  as  a  relic 
of  phallic  worship)  and  is  made  of  palm  fibre,  very  tightly  drawn  together  and  bound 
with  string.  It  is  worn  above  the  buttocks.  Men  alone  hunt  heads,  women  alone 
wear  tails,  consequently  there  are  no  tailed  head-hunters  at  all. 

In  the  part  dealing  with  religion,  Major  Tremearne  finds  it  difficult  to  explain 
the  native  idea  that  the  soul  is  connected  with  breath  and  shadow,  and  that  it  leaves 
the  body  of  the  sleeper  ;  for  does  the  sleeper  not  breathe  ?  I  suggest  that  the  soul 
is  independent  from  the  wandering  "shadowy  self,"  corresponding  to  the  Egyptian 
Ka,  which  occurs  generally  in  the  beliefs  of  West  African  negroes. 

The  author  gives  interesting  information  concerning  the  tribes  he  has  visited 
and  constantly  mentions  analogies  with  peoples  from  such  distant  parts  of  the  world 
as  Borneo,  Fiji,  &c.  He  makes  a  spirited  defence  of  the  native  customs,  pointing 
out  that  if  many  of  them  seem  strange  to  us  the  black  man  can  justly  laugh  at 
many  of  the  superstitions  still  openly  practised  by  civilised  peoples,  such  as  touching 

109  ] 


Nos,  62-63.]  MAN.  [1913. 

wood,  throwing  salt  over  one's  shoulder,  &c.     He  advocates  the  preservation  of  native 
institutions,  unless  they  be  harmful  or  unjust. 

The  book  is  well  got  up,  but  the  photographs  which  illustrate  it  leave  much  to 
be  desired.  E.  T. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTES. 

THE    following    correspondence    has    passed    in     connection    with    the    scheme     OQ 
for  the  establishment  of  an  Oriental  Research  Institute  in  India  : —  UU 

Royal  Anthropological  Institute, 

50,  Great  Russell  Street,  London,  W.C. 
18th  April  1913. 

MY  LORD, — The  attention  of  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute 
has  been  drawn  to  the  statement  in  the  Educational  Supplement  of  The  Times,  under 
date  of  the  1st  April  1913,  to  the  effect  that  the  exhaustive  resolution  which  appeared 
in  the  Gazette  of  India  on  the  22nd  February  promises  special  attention  to  the 
subject  of  Oriental  studies,  especially  a  scheme  which  has  been  put  forward  for 
establishing  an  Oriental  Research  Institute.  In  this  connection  my  Council  have 
carefully  considered  the  interesting  and  valuable  reports  of  the  Conference  of  Orien- 
talists held  at  Simla  in  July  1911,  and  of  the  Treasury  Committee  which  was 
appointed  in  1907  to  consider  and  report  on  the  organisation  of  Oriental  studies  in 
London. 

My  Council  desire  to  support  strongly  the  proposals  made  by  the  Conference  of 
Orientalists  in  1911,  for  the  establishment  in  India  of  an  Oriental  Research  Institute, 
and  to  submit  the  following  considerations  in  regard  to  some  of  the  details  of  the 
scheme  laid  before  the  Government  of  India. 

In  the  first  place,  we  have  to  represent  that  Anthropology — not  in  the  restricted 
sense  of  physical  anthropology  alone,  but  in  the  broader  significance  of  the  science 
of  the  evolution  of  human  culture  and  social  organisation — should  be  an  integral 
feature  of  the  studies  of  the  Oriental  Research  Institute.  My  Council  desire  to  offer 
to  the  Government  of  India  through  your  Lordship  their  best  service  and  assistance 
in  promoting  this  department  of  the  work  of  the  Oriental  Research  Institute,  and  to 
refer  in  passing  to  the  importance  of  anthropological  study  from  an  administrative  or 
political  point  of  view,  and  to  its  bearings  on  the  difficult  and  peculiar  problems 
which  confront  the  Government  of  India  at  every  turn.  To  discover,  to  discuss, 
and  to  decide  the  nature  and  origin  of  the  deep-seated  differences  of  thought  and 
mental  perspective  between  Eastern  and  Western  societies  is  a  task  of  high  import- 
ance and  of  great  complexity,  which  seems  possible  of  achievement  only  by  the  wide 
synthetic  methods  of  modern  anthropological  science,  by  which  the  results  won  by 
workers  in  the  domains  of  religion,  archaeology,  history,  art,  linguistics,  and  sociology 
are  unified,  classified,  and  co-ordinated.  As  the  writings  of  men  like  Sir  Herbert 
Risley,  sometime  President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  Sir  Alfred  Lyall, 
and  Sir  George  Grierson,  demonstrate  beyond  a  doubt,  a  comprehensive  examination 
of  present-day  Indian  conditions  reveals  the  working  of  social  ideas  and  ideals  which 
have  their  origin  in  a  low  level  of  culture.  Among  the  people  of  India  to-day  are 
preserved  beliefs,  customs,  and  institutions  which  testify  to  the  intimacy  of  the 
relations  between  the  higher  and  the  lower  forms  of  culture,  and  to  the  special 
importance  of  India  as  a  field  for  anthropological  research. 

Upon  scientific  grounds,  too,  we  urge  that  a  wide  view  be  taken  of  the  scope 
of  Oriental  Research.  Indian  culture  is  not  isolated  from  other  cultures.  India  is  a 
part,  an  important  part,  but  still  a  part  of  a  larger  whole.  The  culture  of  India  is 
marked  by  a  complexity  which  is  due  to  contact  with  alien  cultures.  Its  peoples 

[   no  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  63. 

are  of  various  origin.  The  affinities  of  Indian  languages  link  them  with  families  of 
speech  extending  far  beyond  the  Indian  Peninsula.  While  the  intensive  study  of 
Indian  problems  is  of  great  importance,  their  true  value  and  their  relations  with 
other  phases  of  culture,  can  be  ascertained  only  by  correlation  with  the  results  of 
general  anthropological  investigation. 

We  do  not  seek  to  minimise  or  in  any  way  to  disparage  the  importance  of 
studies  in  the  great  classical  languages  and  literatures  of  India  when  we  venture  to 
emphasize  the  necessity  for  developing  simultaneously  the  systematic  study  of 
modern  Indian  vernaculars,  whether  they  are  derived  from  classical  archetypes  or 
are  related  to  other  families  of  speech.  We  recognise  gratefully  that  much  has  been 
done,  much  is  being  done  in  this  direction,  by  Indian  scholars,  but  there  are  still 
large  gaps  in  our  knowledge. 

Since  the  principal  object  of  the  proposed  Oriental  Institute  is  to  offer  facilities 
both  to  Indian  and  European  students  and  scholars  for  research  in  the  higher 
branches  of  Oriental  Studies,  we  trust  very  earnestly  that  selected  and  duly  qualified 
officers  of  the  Indian  Services,  Civil  and  Military,  will  be  encouraged,  by  means  of 
special  study  leave,  to  conduct  research  at  the  Institute  in  India,  and  that  in  the 
same  way  facilities  for  research  will  be  provided  for  both  classes  of  students  at  the 
Institute  which  we  hope  will  at  no  distant  date  be  established  in  London. 

My  Council  observe  that  it  is  suggested  that  the  Oriental  Institute  should  be 
closely  associated  with  the  learned  societies,  the  Universities,  and  with  the  Govern- 
ment of  India.  We  urge  that,  to  complete  this  important  phase  of  the  organisation 
of  the  intellectual  resources  of  the  Empire,  the  Oriental  Research  Institute  should  at 
the  same  time  be  brought  into  close  relations  with  the  learned  societies  and  the 
Universities  in  England,  and  in  particular  with  the  Oriental  Institute  to  be  founded 
in  London.  We  suggest,  therefore,  that  it  is  advantageous  to  appoint  an  Advisory 
Committee  composed  of  representatives  of  the  India  Office,  of  learned  societies  such 
as  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  and  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  and  of  the 
Universities  where  Oriental  studies  are  systematically  prosecuted.  It  would  be  the 
duty  of  the  Committee  to  promote  the  co-operation  of  learned  societies  with  the  two 
Oriental  Institutes,  to  report  and  advise  on  material  collected  and  published  by  the 
Indian  Research  Institute,  to  suggest  lines  and  methods  of  enquiry,  and  to  facilitate 
collaboration  between  students  and  investigators  in  India,  and  scholars  in  England. 

In  conclusion,  I  am  to  express  the  earnest  hope  of  my  Council  that  your 
Lordship  will  be  pleased  to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  found  expedient  in  order 
to  secure  complete  unity  and  harmony  of  action  between  the  several  bodies  engaged 
in  promoting  Oriental  research  in  this  country  and  in  India,  and  to  convey  their 
desire  to  render  every  assistance  they  can  for  this  end. 

I  am,  my  Lord, 
Your  Lordship's  obedient  Servant, 

T.  C.  HODSOX,  Hon.  Sec. 

The  Right  Hon.  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India, 
India  Office,  Whitehall,  S.W. 


India  Office,  Whitehall,  London:  S.W. 

29th  May,  1913. 

SIR,— I  am  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India  in  Council  to  acknow- 
ledge the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  18th  April  regarding  the  scheme  for  the 
establishment  of  an  Oriental  Research  Institute  in  India.  His  Lordship  is  fully 

C   in    ] 


Nos.  63-64.]  MAN.  [1913. 

alive  to  the  importance  of  anthropological  research,  and  desires  to  thank  the  Council 
of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  for  their  offer  of  assistance,  which  he  is 
conveying  to  the  Government  of  India.  But  it  would  at  present  be  premature  to 
discuss  the  exact  scope  of  the  proposed  Research  Institute  in  India,  as  will  be 
understood  from  the  enclosed  extract  from  the  Resolution  on  Educational  Policy 
published  by  the  Government  of  India  on  the  21st  February  last. 

I   am,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  Servant, 

The  Honorary  Secretary,  ED.  MONTAGU. 

Royal  Anthropological  Institute, 

50,  Great  Russell  Street,  W.C. 

COPY  EXTRACT  RESOLUTION  ON  EDUCATIONAL  POLICY  PUBLISHED  BY  THE 
GOVERNMENT  OF  INDIA,  DATED  21sT  FEBRUARY  1913. 

Oriental  Studies. 

58.  The  Government  of  India  attach  great  importance  tc  the  cultivation  and 
improvement  of  Oriental  studies.  There  is  increasing  interest  throughout  India  in 
her  ancient  civilisation,  and  it  is  necessary  to  investigate  that  civilisation  with  the 
help  of  the  medium  of  Western  methods  of  research,  and  in  relation  to  modern  ideas. 
A  conference  of  distinguished  Orientalists  held  at  Simla  in  July  1911,  recommended 
the  establishment  of  a  Central  Research  Institute  on  lines  somewhat  similar  to  those 
of  L'Ecole  Fran^ais  d'Extreme  Orient  at  Hanoi.  The  question  was  discussed  whether 
research  oould  efficiently  be  carried  on  at  the  existing  Universities  ;  and  the  opinion 
predominated  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  create  the  appropriate  atmosphere  of 
Oriental  study  in  those  Universities  as  at  present  constituted,  that  it  was  desirable 
to  have  in  one  institution  scholars  working  on  different  branches  of  the  kindred 
subjects  which  comprise  Orientalia,  and  that  for  reasons  of  economy  it  was  preferable 
to  start  with  one  iustitute  well-equipped,  and  possessing  a  first-class  library.  The 
Government  of  India  are  inclined  to  adopt  this  view,  and  to  agree  with  the  Conference 
that  the  Central  Institute  should  not  be  isolated,  that  it  should  be  open  to  students 
from  all  parts  of  India,  and  that  it  should,  as  far  as  possible,  combine  its  activities 
with  those  of  the  Universities  of  India  and  different  seats  of  learning.  The  object 
of  the  Institute,  as  apart  from  research,  is  to  provide  Indians  highly  trained  in  original 
work,  who  will  enable  schools  of  Indian  history  and  archeology  to  be  founded 
hereafter,  prepare  catalogues  raisonnes  of  manuscripts,  develop  museums,  and  build 
up  research  in  Universities  and  Colleges  of  the  different  provinces.  Another  object 
is  to  attract  in  the  course  of  time  pandits  and  maulvis  of  eminence  to  the  Institute, 
and  so  to  promote  an  interchange  of  the  higher  scholarship  of  both  the  old  and  the 
new  school  of  Orientalists  throughout  India.  But  before  formulating  a  definite  scheme 
the  Governor-General  in  Council  desires  to  consult  Local  Governments. 


64 


MR.  J.  EDGE-PAKTINGTON  writes  as  follows  : — "In  a  'Note  on  certain  Obsolete 
"  'Utensils  in  England,'  which  appeared  in  MAN,  1913,  18,  1  illustrated  in 
"  Fig.  2,  No.  17,  a  utensil  the  use  of  which  I  was  ignorant.  I  have  lately  received 
"  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Westley,  in  which  she  says  that  this  particular  utensil  was 
"  '  for  roasting  small  game-birds,  which  were  hung  round  on  the  various  hooks,  and 
"  *  the  whole  turned  by  the  brass  meat-jack  (No.  13)  ;  a  larger  bird  was  hung,  if 
'•  '  necessary,  from  the  middle  hook.  I  have  seen  this  in  use  in  my  father's  house 
"  '  for  many  years.'  " 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  H. 


MAK,  1913. 


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1913.]  MAN.  [No.  65. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Peru:  Religion.  With.  Plate  H.  Joyca. 

The   Clan-Ancestor    in    Animal    Form    as    depicted    on    Ancient       PC 

Pottery  of  the  Peruvian  Coast.     By   T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A.  00 

Remarkably  little  is  known  from  literary  sources  concerning  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  early  inhabitants  of  the  Peruvian  coast.  The  archaeological  remains 
from  this  district,  however,  far  outnumber  those  from  any  other  region  of  South 
America,  and  those  relating  to  a  period  some  centuries  before  the  Inca  conquest  of 
the  coast  belong  to  a  very  high  order  of  craftsmanship.  This  is  particularly  the  case 
with  the  pottery,  and  the  habit  of  delineating  in  moulded  or  painted  form  the  men 
and  women  of  the  time  with  their  dress  and  ornaments  enables  us  to  reconstruct  to  a 
certain  extent  the  local  ethnography.  The  most  advanced  pottery,  to  speak  artistically, 
falls  into  two  groups,  associated  respectively  with  the  district  of  Truxillo  and  the 
valley  of  Nasca.  The  two  schools  show  many  similarities,  and  were,  I  believe,  con- 
temporary, but  striking  differences  exist.  The  Truxillo  potter  excelled  in  modelling, 
And  his  painting,  though  free  and  bold,  was  in  monochrome.  At  Nasca  moulded  ware 
was  rare,  and  the  decoration,  though  less  free  and  more  conventionalised  than  at 
Truxillo,  had  developed  in  the  direction  of  colour.  The  colours  (in  slip)  are  rich 
and  varied,  and  include,  besides  black  and  white,  red,  pink,  orange,  yellow,  buff, 
and  grey.  The  tendency  of  the  Nasca  potter  to  conventionalise  renders  some  of  the 
•designs  difficult  to  understand,  but  the  underlying  connection  with  the  Truxillo  school 
enables  us  in  some  cases  to  fathom  his  meaning,  as  the  following  small  point  will 
show.  In  a  series  of  thirty-four  Nasca  vases  recently  acquired  by  the  British 
Museum,  three  illustrate  the  personage  shown  in  Fig.  1.  This  figure  requires  a  little 
•explanation.  The  first  tning  that  strikes  the  eye  is  a  large  face  wearing  a  mouth- 
mask  and  a  turban-like  headdress  furnished  in  front  with  a  small  face.  Less  obvious 
are  two  profile  faces  facing  upwards,  placed  on  either  side  at  the  level  of  the  eyes. 
On  each  side  of  the  main  face  is  a  pendant  ear-ornament,  terminating  in  a  face.*  To 
the  left  are  seen  the  two  hands  of  the  personage  depicted,  grasping  a  club,  while  to 
the  right  stands  the  body,  clad  in  a  fringed  tunic.  The  artist  has  exaggerated  the 
•dimensions  of  the  face  (as  the  most  important  feature)  beyond  all  proportion,  and  has 
heen  forced  by  limitations  of  space  to  adopt  this  peculiar  arrangement  of  body  and 
limbs.  Across  the  top  of  the  body,  and  extending  to  the  right,  is  a  kind  of  cloak 
with  engrailed  edges,  which  give  it  a  "  caterpillary  "  effect ;  the  cloak  terminates 
in  a  head  with  projecting  tongue  and  two  hands.  This  cloak  is  also  somewhat 
exaggerated,  being,  as  i  hope  to  show,  an  important  feature,  and  I  would,  in  this 
•connection,  call  attention  to  the  line  of  connected  dots  down  the  centre.  The  fact 
that  this  personage,  with  the  same  attributes,  is  shown  with  very  little  variation  on. 
three  out  of  a  series  of  thirty-four  vases,  implies  that  he  is  at  least  a  character  of 
local  importance. 

To  turn  now  to  the  Truxillo  district,  one  of  the  most  frequent  designs  on  the 
painted  pots  of  that  region  is  what  I  interpret  as  a  ceremonial  dance.  In  a  collec- 
tion of  250  vases  from  tlie  Chicama  Valley,  presented  by  Mr.  Van  den  Bergh  to 
the  British  Museum,  more  than  thirty  pots  bear  this  design,  which,  in  one  of  the 
finest  specimens  appears  as  Fig.  2.  This  figure  shows  plainly  the  headdress,  con- 
sisting of  the  skin  of  a  small  cat-like  animal,  invariably  worn  by  the  dancers,  as 
well  as  the  peculiar  bifid  object  which  they  are  inevitably  represented  as  carrying. 
In  Fig.  2  this  object  looks  like  a  pair  of  shears,  but  in  most  cases  (as  in  Plate  H) 
~t\\Q  points  bend  over  in  the  same  or  opposite  directions,  and  suggest  a  plant  with 
two  shoots  or  leaves.  In  most  cases  the  dancers  wear  animal  masks  and  dresses,  and 

*  This  tendency  to  multiply  faces   is  typical  of   Nasca  art,  and   constitutes  an  important  link 
the  mysterious  monolith  found  at  Chavin  de  Huantar,  in  the  highlands  far  to  the  north. 


No.  65.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


1S13.] 


MAN. 


[No.  65. 


I  have  figured  one  such  finely-executed  scene  in  ray  SoutJi  American  Archceology, 
Fig.  15,  p.  155  ;  but  the  most  elaborate  representation  of  this  scene  occurs  on  a 
vase,  also  one  of  the  Van  den  Bergh  collection,  the  design  of  which  is  shown 
on  the  accompanying  Plate  H.  Owing  to  their  conventional  nature,  the  animals 
are  not  easy  to  identify.  In  row  A,  No.  1,  and  row  C,  No.  4,  we  have  a  bird  with 
a  loug  bill,  probably  a  humming-bird  ;  A,  2,  and  D,  2,  are  probably  jaguars  ;  A,  3, 
may  be  a  hawk  ;  A,  4,  is  certainly  a  deer  (the  peculiar  tail,  and  the  lolling  tongue 
similar  to  that  of  the  Mexican  mazatl  sign,  enable  us  to  identify  it  by  comparison 
with  other  Peruvian  vases);  A,  5,  may  be  a  lizard  ;  B,  1,  doubtful  ;  B,  2,  a  butter- 
fly ;  B,  3,  a  snake  ;  B,  4,  a  scorpion  ;  B,  5,  and  D,  3,  condors  ;  C,  1,  a  centipede  ; 
C,  2,  a  wasp  ;  C,  3,  a  pelican  (also  by  comparison  with  other  pots)  ;  D,  1,  a  wild 
cat ;  and  D,  4,  a  fox. 

It  is  to  the  first  figure  in  row  C,  the  centipede,  that  I  would  call  attention,  as 
affording  an  interpretation  of  the  figure  on  the  Nasca  vase.  Apart  from  the  fact 
that  the  body  of  the  animal  is  arranged  in  the  same  position  relative  to  the  human 
figure,  we  have  the  realistic  legs  of  the  Truxillo  representation  paralleled  by  the 
"  caterpillary "  projections  of  the  Nasca  picture,  the  nippers  and  head  in  the  former 
by  the  face  and  hands  of  the  latter,  the  circles  marking  the  body-segments  in  the 
former  by  the  row  of  connected  dots  in  the  latter.  I  would  suggest,  therefore,  that 
the  Nasca  vase  represents  a  human  figure  in  centipede  dress. 

Before  considering  the  meaning  of  the  costume,  I  should  like  to  trace  shortly 
the  centipede  motive  in  Nasca  art  ;  tbe  illustrations  which  follow  are  taken  from 


FlG.   3. — FIGURE  OP  CENTIPEDE  :   FBO11   AN  ANCIENT    VASE,  NASCA   VALLEY,   PERU. 

the  small  series  of  thirty-four  vases  mentioned  above,  a  fact  which  emphasizes  the 
importance  of  this  animal  in  the  Nasca  valley.  Fig.  3  shows  the  centipede  alone, 
utilised  as  a  single  band  round  a  beaker-shaped  vase.  Fig.  4  gives  the  body  of  the 
animal  forming  an  endless  ornamental  band  in  conjunction  with  human  faces  ;  in  this 
representation  the  legs  have  been  elaborated,  but  the  row  of  connected  dots  down 
the  centre  of  the  body  persists.  In  Fig.  5,  again  we  have  the  body  as  an  endless 
band,  in  connection  with  the  figures  of  mice  ;  here  it  is  so  conventionalised  as  to 
render  recognition  difficult  when  taken  by  itself,  but  in  connection  with  the  former 
figures  I  think  its  identity  is  beyond  doubt. 

As  I  have  said  above,  we  know  practically  nothing  of  the  customs  and  beliefs 
of  the  coast  peoples,  but  it  is  fair  to  argue  by  analogy  from  what  we  know  of  the 
inlanders,  for  this  reason.  It  is  obvious  to  one  who  has  studied  the  archaeology  of 
South  America  that  the  cultured  peoples  of  the  Andes  and  west  coast  possessed  a 
common  psychology  which  manifested  itself  in  social  systems,  religions,  and  art,  which 
were  closely  akin.  Without  this  kinship,  indeed,  the  rapidity  and  permanence  of  the 
Inca  conquest  were,  considering  the  geographical  conditions,  unthinkable.  The  Inca 
imposed  sun-worship,  it  is  true,  but  were  satisfied  that  offerings  should  be  made  to 
their  own  god  at  stated  festivals  ;  for  the  rest  the  subject  tribes  were  allowed  to 
worship  their  own  deities,  and  the  latter  were  even  allowed  to  participate  in  the 
great  sun-festivals  at  the  capital.  Beyond  a  mere  ceremonial  admission  of  the  priority 


No.  65.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


of  the  sun  as  a  deity  nothing  was  expected  of  the  vassals,  and  in  the  mind  of  the 
ordinary  native  the  local  huaca  exercised  far  greater  control  over  his  everyday  actions 
and  fortunes.  One  of  the  most  important  sides  of  the  Peruvian  religion  everywhere 

was  the  worship  of  the  an- 
cestor of  the  clan  (ayllu\ 
and  an  equally  important 
feature  of  the  mytho- 
logy was  the  tendency 
for  these  minor  deities 
to  assume  animal  shape. 
In  fact  in  many  of  the 
legends,  as  in  the  legends 
of  British  Columbia,  the 
human  and  animal  aspects 
of  the  mythological  indi- 
vidual are  impossible  to 
distinguish.  The  clan 
was  an  important  ele- 
ment iii  the  Peruvian 
social  system,  at  any 
rate  throughout  the  high- 
lands ;  there  is  evidence 

FIG.  4.-  CENTIPEDE  MOTIVE  :   FROM   AN  ANCIENT   VASE,  that  the  cla"S  W6r6  *GS™~ 

NASCA   VALLEY,  PERU.  gated  in  different  quarters 

of   important  cities,  such 

as  at  Cuzco,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  coastal  buildings  into  distinct  wards,  each 
surrounded  by  its  own  wall,  which  is  so  noticeable  at  Truxillo,  suggests  that  a 
similar  system  prevailed  on  the  sea'board.  According  to  a  widespread  creation-myth 
(I  quote  from  Molina, 
whose  account  is  espe- 
cially full),  "in  Tia- 
"  huanaco  the  Creator 
"  began  to  raise  up 
"  the  people  and  na- 
"  tions  that  are  in 
"  that  region,  making 
"  one  of  each  nation 
"  of  clay,  and  paint- 
"  ing  the  dresses  that 
"  each  one  was  to 
"  wear.  .  .  .  He 
"  gave  life  and  soul 
"  to  each  one  .  .  . 
"  and  ordered  that 
"  they  should  pass 
*'  under  the  earth. 
"  Thence  each  nation 
"  came  up  in  the 
"  places  to  which  he 
"  ordered  them  to  go.  Thus  they  say  that  some  issued  from  caves,  others  from 
"  hills,  others  from  fountains,  others  from  the  trunks  of  trees.  .  .  .  Thus  each 
"  nation  uses  the  dress  with  which  they  invest  their  huaca  ;  and  they  say  that  the 


Fia.  5. — CENTIPEDE  MOTIVE  :  FROM  AN  ANCIENT  VASE, 

NASCA  VALLEY,   PERU. 


1913,]  MAN.  [Nos,  65-66. 

"  first  that  was  born  from  that  place  was  there  turned  into  stones,  others  say  that 
"  the  first  of  their  lineages  (ayllu)  were  turned  into  falcons,  condors,  and  other 
"  animals  and  birds.  Hence  the  huaca  they  use  and  worship  are  in  different 
"•  shapes." 

As  supplementary  to  the  above  may  be  mentioned  the  statement  of  Arriaga, 
that  in  a  certain  village  the  discovery  was  made  of  a  stone  figure  of  a  falcon 
supported  on  a  silver  plate  and  surrounded  by  four  human  mummies  richly  dressed. 
The  falcon  was  said  to  be  the  huaca  of  the  ayllu,  and  the  mummies  were  stated  to 
be  those  of  its  sons,  the  progenitors  of  the  ayllu ;  as  such  they  were  objects  of 
local  worship. 

A  passage  from  Garcilasso  de  la  Vesga,  himself  of  Inca  descent,  taken  with  the 
above,  will,  I  think,  explain  the  use  of  animal  costumes.  He  is  writing  of  the  great 
feast  of  the  Sun,  Yntip  Raymi,  at  Cuzco,  and  of  the  part  played  therein  by  the 
vassal  tribes  :  "  The  Curacas  (local  chiefs)  came  in  all  the  splendour  they  could 
"  afford.  Some  wore  dresses  adorned  with  bezants  of  gold  and  silver,  with  the  same 
"  fastened  as  a  circlet  round  their  headdresses.  Others  came  in  a  costume  neither 
"  more  nor  less  than  that  in  which  Hercules  is  painted,  wrapped  in  the  skins  of 
"  lions  with  the  heads  fixed  over  their  own.  These  were  the  Indians  who  claimed 
"  descent  from  a  lion.  Others  came  attired  in  the  fashion  that  they  paint  their 
"  angels,  with  great  wings  of  the  bird  they  call  cuntur  (condor).  .  .  .  These 
*'  are  the  Indians  who  declare  that  they  are  descended  from  a  cuntur.  The  Yunca 
"  (coast-dwellers)  came  attired  in  the  most  hideous  masks  that  can  be  imagined,  and 
"  they  appeared  at  the  feasts  making  all  sorts  of  grimaces.  .  .  ." 

One  feature  of  these  animal  dresses  deserves  mention,  viz.,  that  they  constituted 
almost  the  only  kind  of  personal  property  known  nnder  the  communistic  system 
which  prevailed,  at  least  under  the  Inca  regime,  in  Peru.  The  personal  fetishes 
belonging  to  a  man  were  buried  with  him,  but  the  family  fetishes  (conopa)  and  the 
dresses  worn  in  the  festivals  held  in  honour  of  the  huaca,  which  must  almost  certainly 
be  identified  with  these  animal  costumes,  were  inherited  by  the  eldest  son.  In  this 
respect  they  correspond  to  the  animal  masks  and  other  insignia  connected  with  the 
winter  ceremonials  of  the  tribes  of  the  west  coast  of  North  America,  though  here 
inheritance  is  frequently — indeed,  more  frequently — in  the  female  line. 

The  points  which  I  wish  to  emphasize  in  the  above  short  paper  may  be  summa- 
rised as  follows.  The  importance  of  the  cult  of  the  clan-ancestor  throughout  Peru  ; 
the  identification  of  the  dance  scene  with  animal  costumes,  so  common  in  early  coastal 
pottery,  with  ceremonies  commemorating  the  huaca  of  the  various  ayllu  ;  and  the 
importance  of  the  centipede  as  a  local  huaca  in  the  valley  of  Nasca. 

T.  A.  JOYCE. 


Sociology  :  India.  Hodson. 

Birth  Marks  as  a  Test  of  Race.     By  T.  C.  Hodson.  OO 

The  Indian  Government  has  taken  advantage  of  the  recent  Census  opera-  UU 
tions  to  order  enquiries  into  the  prevalence  of  blue  patches  on  the  lower  sacral  region 
of  infants,  which  Herr  Baelz  believes  are  found  exclusively  amongst  persons  of 
Mongolian  race.  The  anthroponietric  data,  examined  in  1901  by  and  under  the 
direction  of  the  late  Sir  Herbert  Risley,  showed  that  there  is  a  Mongoloid  element 
in  the  population  of  the  delta  of  the  Ganges  and  its  tributaries  from  the  confines  of 
Bihar  to  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  from  the  Himalayas  on  the  north  and  the  province  of 
Assam  on  the  east  down  to  Orissa,  with  the  hilly  country  of  Chota  Nagpur  and 
Western  Bengal  as  a  western  limit.  On  the  northern  and  eastern  frontier  India 
marches  with  the  great  Mongolian  region,  but  the  intervention  of  the  great  physical 
barrier  of  the  Himalayas  offers  an  impassable  obstacle  to  the  southward  extension  of 


No.  66.]  MAN.  [1913. 

the  Mongolian  races.  (Census  of  India,  Vol.  I.,  1901,  pages  504  and  505.)  The 
Census  Reports  for  1911,  which  have  been  published,  give  some  remarkable  results  of 
the  investigations  then  made  into  the  Mongoloid  patch  theory.  In  Assam  (Report, 
page  127),  Mr.  McSwiney  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  blue  spots  are  fairly  common 
amongst  all  classes  in  Assam.  They  are  found  sporadically  among  Hindus  and 
Mohammedans,  and  are  said  not  to  be  very  prevalent  among  Nagas  or  Manipuris, 
whose  languages  are,  of  course,  Tibeto-Burman.  People  were  not  ready  to  give 
information,  which  is  not  surprising.  In  Burma  the  reports  indicate  that  among  the 
indigenous  races  of  the  province  (Burmese,  Karens,  Taungthus,  Chins,  Kachins,  Shans, 
Talaings,  Danus,  Inthas,  Taungyos)  and  their  sub-tribes  the  existence  of  a  coloured 
patch  of  irregular  shape  in  the  lower  sacral  region  is  almost,  if  not  quite,  universal. 
The  colour  is  generally  dark  blue,  but  variations  in  colour  from  dark  brown  and  dull 
reddish  to  pink  have  been  observed.  Between  80  and  90  per  cent,  would  represent 
the  number  of  babies  born  with  the  marks.  (Burma  Census  Report,  1911,  page  285.) 
The  United  Provinces  Report  is  also  interesting.  The  marks  have  been  found  in 
persons  so  ethnically  different  as  Bengali  Brahmans  and  Hazara  Pathans.  It  is 
commonest  in  Almora,  Nairn  Tal,  and  South  Mirzapur,  where  the  tribes  are  aboriginal 
and  of  all  castes,  commonest  among  Tharus,  who  have  always  been  supposed  to  have 
an  admixture  of  Mongolian  blood.  (Report  of  the  Census  of  the  United  Provinces, 
pages  361  and  362.)  The  Tharu  percentage  is  not  high,  13 '7,  and  in  this  province, 
especially  in  the  districts  bordering  on  the  sub-Himalayan  tracts,  further  enquiries 
seem  necessary.  It  is  quite  possible  that  both  Bengali  Brahmans  and  Hazara  Pathans 
have  come  into  contact  with  Mongolian  stocks.  Risley  always  held  that  the  Mongoloid 
element  in  Bengal  was  large.  The  Baroda  Report  gives  purely  negative  results 
(page  243).  In  the  Bombay  Report  (page  208)  it  is  stated  that  observations  were 
taken  in  several  maternity  hospitals,  which  gave  the  following  data  : — Hindus,  25  per 
cent,  in  Bombay,  and  seventeen  out  of  nineteen  in  Ahmedabad.  Goanese  nearly  20  per 
cent.  The  inference  is  drawn  that  Dr.  Baelz  is  incorrect  in  thinking  that  this  pigmentation 
is  confined  exclusively  to  Mongolians,  though  he  may  be  correct  in  concluding  that  it  is 
universal  among  those  races.  The  witty  author  of  the  Madras  Census  Report  observes 
that  trace  of  Mongolian  descent  afforded  by  blue  markings  on  the  hinder  parts  of 
children  was  a  subject  proposed  for  enquiry.  The  matter  is  one  for  expert  knowledge 
and  opportunity,  and,  unfortunately,  the  quest  failed  to  stir  the  imagination  of  the 
Madras  doctors.  Among  the  Gadabas  of  Jeypore  were  noted  some  Mongolian  traits, 
but  observation,  as  may  be  seen,  was  made  a  f route  rather  than  a  posteriori  (page  172). 
The  subject  does  not  seem  to  have  received  attention  in  Mysore  and  Cochin,  perhaps 
because  it  was  deemed  unnecessary  to  add  to  the  many  troubles  of  Census  operations  in 
areas  where  no  one  has  ever  yet  believed  the  Mongolian  element  to  be  present.  If  this 
is  the  true  explanation  it  is  unfortunate,  because  the  Bombay  evidence  seems  lo  warrant 
the  inference  which  has  been  drawn  from  it,  and  if  it  were  ascertained  that  in  other 
distinctly  non-Mongoloid  areas  these  interesting  blue  patches  were  found  on  infants, 
either  the  theory  that  they  are  indicators  of  race  would  need  modification  or  we  should 
have  to  admit  that  the  Mongoloid  element  in  the  Indian  population  is  more  widespread 
than  other  data  permit  us  to  believe. 

In  the  Punjab  the  enquiries  were  well  managed  and  have  elicited  valuable 
information.  "  Mr.  Coldstream,  Assistant  Commissioner,  Kullu,  reports  that  the  blue 
"  spot  is  a  well  known  phenomenon  in  Lahul  and  is  found  equally  in  pure  Tibetans, 
"  in  a  mixture  of  Tibetans  and  Lahulis,  and  in  pure  Lahuli  children.  The  mark, 
"  he  says,  is  not  universal,  and  he  quotes  a  local  belief  that  if  a  pregnant  woman 
"  steps  over  a  frying-pan  or  a  hand-mill,  her  child  is  born  with  the  blue  mark." 
Another  informant  adds  the  saying  that  if  a  pregnant  woman  steps  over  the  saucepan 
her  child  gets  the  mark.  To  the  same  authority,  a  Gurkha,  noted  as  an  intelligent 

[     H8    ]    " 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  66-67. 

man,  remarked  that  "if  a  man  in  his  last  birth  had  been  an  ibex  which  was  hit 
"  by  a  bullet,  then  he  will  have  a  blue  spot  in  this  birth  in  that  part  of  the  body 
"  which  was  hit  by  the  bullet."  Enquiries  were  made  in  Lahore  of  a  midwife  who 
had  observed  174  cases  of  children  with  blue  patches.  Most  children  of  the  Hindus 
and  Mohammedans  alike  have  these  patches  on  them.  She  ascribed  it  to  the  placenta, 
and  the  Health  Officer  came  to  the  conclusion  that  these  patches  ^re  due  to  the 
effect  of  pressure  on  the  back  of  the  child,  due  to  the  method  of  native  women  tying 
their  skirts  about  the  level  of  the  umbilicus.  There  is  usually  a  knot  in  front,  and 
this  may  at  times  change  its  position.  This  presses  against  the  back  of  the  child 
in  utere,  and  is  liable  to  make  the  part  pressed  on  unduly  congested  and  pigmented. 
The  lady  doctor  of  the  Amritsar  Municipal  Female  Hospital  says  that  two  or  three 
children — not  Mongolian — in  every  hundred  have  these  patches.  The  Census  Super- 
intendent observes  that  his  own  enquiries  show  that  a  blue  patch  of  a  regular  shape 
and  of  varying  size  is  a  very  common  phenomenon  in  the  province,  particularly 
among  the  lower  classes.  The  reason  ascribed  by  the  intelligent  midwives  is  this. 
If  the  child  is  not  covered  up  immediately  on  birth,  the  placenta  usually  drops  on 
its  back,  just  above  the  buttocks,  and  this  contact  produces  a  blue  patch,  which  lasts 
for  a  long  or  a  short  period  according  to  the  length  of  time  for  which  the  placenta 
remains  touching  the  body  of  the  child.  10,410  children  were  examined,  of  whom 
1,807,  or  17  per  cent.,  had  blue  patches,  but  not  one  of  them  was  a  Mongolian.  In 
Hoshiarpur,  where  the  castes  of  the  children  were  recorded,  it  was  found  that  the 
patches  were  found  principally  among  the  lower  castes,  but  even  then  the  percentages 
are  low,  in  no  case  exceeding  the  general  average  for  the  whole  province.  (Punjab 
Census  Report,  1911,  pp.  442-3.)  - 

On  Car  Nicobar  Island  a  number  of  children  were  examined  by  the  Census  Super- 
intendent. Omitting  those  whose  age  was  uncertain,  out  of  thirty-five  no  less  than 
thirty  had  the  mark.  (Andaman  and  Nicobar  Islands  Census  Report,  1911,  p.  119.) 
The  subject  is  not  referred  to  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  see  in  the  Census 
Reports  from  the  Central  India  Agency  or  for  the  North- West  Frontier  Province. 

The  final  views  of  the  Census  authorities  on  this  topic  will  be  of  interest,  and 
it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  add  the  remark  that  the  thorough  investigations  which 
have  been  made  by  the  orders  of  the  Indian  Government  into  terms  of  relationship 
at  the  instance  of  Dr.  Rivers  ought,  when  finally  available,  to  yield  very  important 
sociological  results.  T.  C.  HODSON. 


Japan :  Folklore.  Hildburgh. 

Some   Japanese  Charms  connected   with   the  Preparation   and      C7 

Consumption   of  Food.     By    W.  L.  Hildburgh.  Of 

Preparation  of  Food. — The  following  charms  appear  to  be  purely  empirical,  or 
to  include  some  apparently  entirely  irrational  element  in  a  rational  setting  : — 

To  remove  bitterness  from  a  cucumber,  cut  a  piece  from  one  end,  and  then,  with 
a  circular  motion,  rub  the  two  cut  surfaces  together  a  few  times. 

To  cause  potatoes  which  are  likely  to  be  hard  after  cooking  to  become  soft  in 
the  boiling,  slice  them  beforehand  with  a  knife  held  in  the  left  hand. 

In  cooking  a  daikon  (a  kind  of  large  radish),  to  cause  it  to  become  sweet  and 
delicious,  pour  upon  it  of  water  one  cupful  (and  no  more)  from  the  rice-cup  of  the 
head  of  the  household. 

The  following  charms  appear  to  have  a  more  or  less  rational  basis  which  has 
become  warped  : — 

To  cause  rice  to  cook  evenly  and  well,  set  a  small  tub  of  water  upon  the  wooden 
lid  of  the  rice-kettle ;  probably  the  original  idea  was  merely  to  keep  down  the  lid  so 
as  to  hold  the  steam  in. 


No.  67.]  MAN.  [1913, 

In  cooking  dried  fish,  to  cause  the  bones  to  soften  place  the  kettle,  after  boiling,, 
upon  the  ground  (it  is  the  contact  with  the  earth  which  is  the  essential  part  of  the 
charm)  to  cool  ;  then,  after  seasoning  and  boiling  again,  allow  the  kettle  finally  to- 
cool  upon  the  ground. 

To  make  spoiled  sake  good  and  to  bring  back  its  lost  colour,  write  the  name 
Kanzeon  (i.e.+Kwannon,  the  powerful  "Goddess  of  Mercy "),  within  three  concentric 
circles  upon  a  piece  of  paper,  and  drop  this  paper  into  the  liquor ;  or,  according  to 
another  form  of  the  same  recipe  given  elsewhere,  write  upon  the  paper  Kanzeon 
Bosatsu,  within  a  sort  of  cartouche,  followed  by  a  certain  set  of  words.  Here  the 
belief  in  Kwannon's  power  has,  to  the  performer,  the  value  of  an  actual  physical 
fact. 

The  following  recipes,  although  given  as  majinai,  appear  to  have  no  magical! 
element  : — 

To  cure  soy  which  has  become  mouldy  or  otherwise  spoilt,  place  a  cloth  containing 
a  little  dry  mustard  in  the  soy. 

To  cause  azuki  beans  to  cook  evenly,  place  a  narrow  piece  of  bamboo-skin  tied 
in  a  knot  with  them  during  the  boiling.  (This  probably  merely  serves  to  help  to 
keep  the  beans  in  motion.) 

To  hasten  the  clearing  of  sand  from  shell-fish  taken  from  the  sea,  by  the  usual 
process  of  placing  them  in  fresh  water  for  some  time  before  cooking,  put  a  knife  (or 
any  other  iron  object)  into  the  fresh  water  with  them. 

Consumption  of  Food.  —  To  remove  a  fish-bone  stuck  in  the  throat,  stroke  the 
throat  outside  with  a  piece  of  ivory.  The  only  explanation  I  have  heard  for  the 
selection  of  ivory  in  particular  for  this  purpose  is  that  it  is  smooth  and  soft.  The 
words  U  no  nodo,  "  Cormorant's  throat,"  if  repeated  during  the  stroking  add  to 
the  efficacy  ;  the  cormorant  is  referred  to  because  of  its  ability  to  swallow  easily  the 
whole  of  its  fish-food.  Some  people  (although  comparatively  few,  I  think),  consider 
that  eating  with  ivory  chopsticks  will  prevent  bones  from  catching  in  the  throat. 

To  remove  a  fish-bone  from  the  throat,  write  a  certain  charm  with  ink  in  & 
sake-cup,  dissolve  the  ink  in  water,  and  drink  the  water.  Or,  write  a  certain  charm 
upon  the  left  hand,  and  then,  pretending  that  the  hand  is  a  cupful  of  liquid,  put  it  to- 
the  lips  three  times  as  if  drinking.  Or,  drink  in  water  one  of  the  Sanskrit  characters- 
taken  from  one  of  the  printed  paper  charms  (a  special  kind  to  which  many  magical 
virtues  are  attributed)  sold  at  the  Suitengu  shrine  and  its  branches. 

To  cure  choking  by  food  (commonly  caused  by  the  hasty  consumption  of  soft 
food,  especially  rice),  turn  the  head  first  to  one  side  and  try  then  to  touch  the 
shoulder  with  the  tongue,  then  to  the  other  side  and  try  to  touch  the  other  shoulder. 
[This  procedure  appears  to  be  based  upon  physical  rather  than  magical  principles.] 
To  cure  choking  by  food,  make  a  grimace  at  the  strip  of  plaster  running  round 
the  upper  part  of  the  walls  of  the  room  ;  or,  if  one  happens  to  be  out  of  doors,  at 
the  plaster  coating  the  walls  of  a  house. 

To  prevent  choking  at  meals  by  a  person  especially  subject  to  it,  there  is  a 
very  interesting  charm  in  use  at  Tokyo,  and  in  the  district  about  there,  consisting 
of  a  pair  of  small  clay  pigeons,  to  be  placed  before  the  person  at  each  meal,  and  to 
each  of  which  a  bit  of  the  foods  feared  are  offered  by  the  person,  with  the 
chopsticks,  just  before  he  partakes  of  them.* 

There  is  a  curious  ceremony  which  is  sometimes  performed  when  a  child  reaches 
about  the  age  of  four,  which  has  for  its  object  the  securing  of  strong  and  healthy  teeth 
for  the  child.  It  is  called  Tabczome,  the  first  eating,  and  the  child  is  fed  at  the  time 
with  a  little  very  soft  rice.  A  table  is  set  for  the  child,  as  if  a  meal  is  to  be  taken^ 

*  For   a   fuller   description    of    this   charm,    and    the    pretended   arid   real   explanations   of  its 
efficacy,  see  "Japanese  Household  Magic,"  in  Trans.  Japan  Society  ( Lon&oit).  1908. 

[     120     J 


1913,] 


MAN. 


[No,  67-68, 


but  in  the  place  of  the  fish  commonly  present  at  meals  there  are  two  blue  stones, 
usually  four  to  five  inches  long,  wrapped  round  with  white  paper  and  tied  with  the 
red  and  gold  cord  used  for  fastening  gifts.  The  motions  of  feeding  these  stones 
to  the  child,  with  chopsticks,  as  if  they  were  actually  fish,  are  then  gone  through. 
In  order  to  secure  purity  the  stones  used  are  taken  preferably  from  a  river-bed,  and, 
before  being  used,  should  be  hung  within  the  well  of  the  house  for  about  two  months 
(the  longer,  the  better).  After  the  ceremony  the  stones  are  generally  kept  for  some 
years  by  the  parents.* 

To  keep  food  from  disagreeing  with  a  person  a  maneki  neko  (a  child's  toy  in 
the  form  of  a  beckoning  cat,  to  which  other,  entirely  unrelated,  magical  virtues 
are  assigned)  kept  near  to  the  person  is,  I  have  been  told,  sometimes  considered 
efficacious. 

To  recognise  whether  a  drink  be  or  be  not  poisonous,  look  into  the  cup 
containing  it  ;  if  the  face  be  not  reflected  from  the  surface  the  drink  should  be 
regarded  with  suspicion. 

If  food  be  eaten  witli  chopsticks  made  of  a  certain  kind  of  horn  (indefinitely 
defined  to  me,  but  almost  certainly  rhinoceros  horn,  to  which  similar  properties 
have  long  been  attributed  by  Oriental  and  Occidental  peoples),  any  poison  which 
may  be  in  it  will  be  rendered  harmless. 

The  following  majinai,  against  poisoning  by  certain  foods,  appear  to  have  at 
least  an  element  of  reason  in  them. 

To  avoid  be  poisoned  by  a  melon,  when  finished  eating  of  it,  place  three  small 
pinches  of  salt  upon  the  tongue. 

To  avoid  being  poisoned  by  praAvns,  bite  off  a  little  of  the  skin  of  the  tail  of 
each,  before  eating  it.  W.  L.  HILDBURGH. 

Africa,  West.  Scott  Macfie. 

A    Yoruba    Tattooer.     By  J.   W.   Scott  Macfie. 

In  addition  to  cicatricial  tribal  marks  many  of  the  natives  of  Ilorin, 
Northern  Nigeria,  have  designs  tattooed  on  various  parts  of  their  bodies.  One  day 
(May  1912)  a  Yoruba  tattooer 
visited  my  compound,  and, 
having  displayed  his  skill  by 
means  of  rough  sketches  on  a 
piece  of  paper,  was  commis- 
sioned by  my  "  boy  "  to  tattoo 
his  arm.  Whilst  he  was  thus 
engaged  I  took  the  photograph 
which  accompanies  this  note 

(Fig-  !)• 

Seating  himself  on  a  stool, 

the  tattooer  gripped  the  arm  of 

his  subject  with  his  left   hand 

in  such  a  way  as  to  draw  the 

skin    tightly    over   the    surface 

he  was  about  to  decorate,  then, 

holding  his  knife  between  the 

thumb  and  the  two  first  fingers  pIG<  i. 

of   his    right   hand,    he    slowly 

traced  out  the  design  by  means  of  a  close  series  of  short  slanting  incisions  that  just 

penetrated  through  the   epidermis.     Every  now  and   then  he  paused  to  dip  his  hand 

*  The  ceremony  is  given  as  reported  to  me  at  Kyoto, 
C    121     ] 


Nos.  68-69.]  MAN.  [1913. 

into  a  bowl  of  water  and  to  take  up  some  powdered  charcoal,  which  he  rubbed 
vigorously  into  the  wounds  with  his  thumb.  The  subject  did  not  appear  to  suffer 
any  pain  during  the  operation.  The  knife,  indeed,  was  exceedingly  sharp,  and  the 
incisions  were  but  slightly  deeper  than  those  made  in  vaccination.  A  small  amount 
of  blood  exuded  from  the  wounds,  but  not  sufficient  to  wash  out  the  charcoal. 

When  the  design  was  completed  the  arm  was  allowed  to  dry,   and,   finally,  the 
whole   area   over    Avhich   the  tattooer   had  worked   was    smeared  with   a   mixture   of 
charcoal  powder  and    oil  extracted   from  palm  kernels.      This  application 
was  continued  for  some  days,  the  ointment  being   used  four  times  a  day 
until  the   arm  was  healed. 

Tattoo  marks  imprinted  in  this  manner  appear  as  black  lines  on  a 
slightly  raised  surface.  They  are,  of  course,  quite  inconspicuous  against 
the  dark  background  of  the  native's  skin,  but  they  are  none  the  less 
popular.  The  commonest  sites  are  the  outer  aspect  of  the  upper  arm, 
the  sides  of  the  neck,  the  flexor  surface  of  the  forearm,  and  the  face. 

The  knife  (Fig.  2),  which  was  made  out  of  a  single  piece  of  steel, 
FIG.  2.        wa§  7*5  mm.  in  length,    and  consisted  of  a  twisted  handle  about  4   mm. 
long,  and   a   thin,  almost    square,  blade    measuring    3    mm.    across.      The 
cutting    edge   was  indented  in  the    middle,  thus    giving    the    blade    two  sharp  angles 
with  which  the  incisions  were  made.  J.  W.  SCOTT  MACFIE. 


Canada:  Anthropology.  Barbeau. 

Indian  Tribes  of  Canada.     By  C.  M.  Barbeau.  O  Q 

As  the  Anthropological  Division  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  Canada  has  UU 
been  entrusted  by  the  Dominion  Government  with  the  study  of  the  Canadian  Indians, 
one  may  gain  a  fair  insight  into  its  aims  and  plans  by  noting  the  number  of  aboriginal 
peoples  of  Canada,  and  reviewing  the  data  bearing  upon  their  anthropology  that  have 
been  recorded  up  to  September  1912. 

In  1910,  the  total  of  the  aboriginal  population  of  Canada  was  estimated  by  the 
Department  of  Indian  Affairs  at  110,000,  25,149  of  whom  were  located  in  British 
Columbia,  22,565  in  Ontario,  about  16,000  in  the  North  West  Territories,  11,874  in 
Quebec,  9,155  in  Alberta,  8,990  in  Saskatchewan,  and  12,908  in  Manitoba,  Yukon, 
Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  Prince  Edward  Island. 

Although  only  7,682  are  explicitly  referred  to  in  the  Census  of  the  Indian 
Affairs  Department  as  Eskimos,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  the  number  of  Canadian 
Eskimos  exceeds  that  figure. 

The  Indians  of  the  Eastern  Woodlands — that  is,  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick, 
Quebec,  and  Ontario — fall  into  two  highly  ramified  linguistic  stocks  :  the  Algonkin 
and  the  Iroquoian.  The  Algonkin-speaking  people  are  split  up  into  several  groups  : 
the  Micmacs  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  Prince  Edward  Island  (about 
4>500),  the  Nascopies  of  the  interior  of  Labrador,  the  Malecites  of  New  Brunswick 
and  Quebec,  the  Montagnais  of  Northern  Quebec,  the  Abenakis  and  Algonquin 
proper  of  Quebec,  the  several  thousand  Pottawatomies,  Delawares,  Ottawas,  and 
Ojibways  of  Ontario  and  Manitoba ;  and,  finally,  the  Eastern  Crees  of  Northern 
Ontario  and  Quebec.  The  11,000  Iroquoian-speaking  people  are  divided  into  two 
groups  :  the  Hurons  or  Wyandots  (barely  400  of  whom  are  still  to  be  found  in 
Canada),  and  the  Iroquois  proper,  that  is,  the  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Ouondagas, 
Cayugas,  Senecas,  and  Tuscaroras. 

The  Plains  Indians  are  represented  in  Manitoba,  Saskatcnewan,  and  Alberta  by 
over  1,000  Sarcees,  Sioux,  Assiniboines,  and  about  2,400  Western  Algonkins  :  the 
Blackfoot,  Bloods,  and  Peigans. 

[     122    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  69. 

The  25,000  aborigines  of  British  Columbia  belong  to  several  ethnic  groups  : 
7,230  are  described  by  the  Census  of  1910  as  North  West  Coast  Indians  (Haida, 
Tsimshian,  Kwakiutl,  and  Nootka),  and  over  9,000  as  Salish  of  the  Coast  and  Interior 
of  British  Columbia.  No  less  than  18,000  to  20,000  natives  speaking  various  Atha- 
pascan dialects  inhabit  the  Plateau  of  British  Columbia,  the  Yukon  district,  and  the 
Mackenzie  River  basin.  These  comparatively  unknown  Athapascan  tribes  are  the 
Chilcotin,  Babine,  Carrier,  Tahltan,  Kutchin,  Dog  Ribs,  Chipewyan,  Slaves,  Beavers, 
Yellow  Knives,  and  Loucheux.  A  considerable  number  of  Western  Crees  also  inhabit 
the  same  region. 

The  miscellaneous  literature  bearing  upon  the  Canadian  Indians  is  prolific,  and 
its  bibliography — in  course  of  preparation — already  covers  about  2,000  items.  The 
list  of  monographs  drawn  by  experts  and  of  other  valuable  ethnographic  contribu- 
tions, however,  is  comparatively  small,  and  hardly  any  tribe  may  boast  of  a  fairly 
complete  record  of  the  various  aspects  of  its  anthropology. 

Let  us  survey,  at  a  glance,  the  evidence  now  at  hand  in  the  respective  fields  of 
ethnography,  physical  anthropology,  and  archaeology.  The  North  West  Coast  tribes 
have  enjoyed  a  privileged  share  in  the  attention  of  explorers  and  ethnographers, 
while  their  neighbours,  the  Athapascan  of  the  Plateau  and  the  Mackenzie  River  basin 
have  been  sadly  neglected.  The  early  explorers  and  traders,  British,  Russian,  and 
Spanish,  have  left  many  valuable  and  extensive  descriptions  of  their  experiences 
among  the  natives  of  the  Coast.  The  many  chapters  in  Captain  Cook's  Voyage 
Round  the  World  are  still  almost  unsurpassed  in  quality  ;  and  no  careful  ethnologist 
should  ignore  the  large  body  of  data  contained  in  the  memoirs  and  journals  of 
Meares,  Dixou,  Holmberg,  Macfie,  Poole,  Dean,  Jewitt,  Sproat,  Duncan  and  Maine, 
Swan,  and  others. 

About  1875,  the  study  of  the  North  West  Coast  tribes  received  a  new  stimulus 
through  the  sound  researches  of  G.  M.  Dawson,  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  Canada. 
Soon  after,  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  the  United  States  National  Museum,  and  later,  the  Jesup  North  Pacific 
Expedition,  came  forth  with  an  imposing  series  of  extensive  publications  due  prin- 
cipally to  the  successful  investigations  of  Niblack,  Boas,  Hill  Tout,  S\vanton,  Teit, 
and  others.  The  ten  or  twelve  reports  to  the  British  Association,  meant  as  a  "recon- 
naissance "  and  superficial  survey  of  the  whole  field,  were  soon  followed  by  the  more 
extensive  and  elaborate  publications  of  the  Jesup  Expedition,  which  complied  with  the 
evident  need  of  a  more  intensive  study  of  each  tribe.  Imposing  as  may  be  this  array 
of  ethnographic  materials,  we  should  not  forget  that  it  is  anything  but  adequate,  in 
most  cases.  So  important  tribes  as  the  Nootka,  the  Tsimshian,  the  Bella  Coola,  the 
Bella  Bella,  and  some  of  the  Coast  Salish  tribes  have  been  neglected  on  the  whole. 
Notwithstanding  their  indefatigable  and  fruitful  efforts,  Boas  and  Swauton  have  not 
had  the  opportunity  of  exhausting  the  ethnographic  resources  of  the  Kwakiutl  and 
the  Haida,  and,  no  doubt,  an  ample  supply  of  new  and  interesting  facts  is  still 
forthcoming.  We  know  of  but  two  lists  of  clans,  the  geographical  distribution  of 
which  has  been  traced  through  several  Tlingit  and  Haida  villages,  those  by  Dawson 
and  Swanton.  Yet  nothing  short  of  a  thorough  mapping  out  of  the  geographic 
distribution  of  the  clans  and  crests,  the  census  of  their  membership,  a  vast  col- 
lection of  individual  names  belonging  to  each  clan,  a  large  series  of  instances 
illustrating  the  historical  connection  between  the  myth  of  origin  of  powers,  the 
manitou,  the  crest  and  the  mask,  the  dramatic  performance  of  the  myth,  and  their 
definite  association  with  a  clan,  family,  or  society,  are  essential  for  a  thorough  under- 
standing of  the  remarkable  totemic  institutions  of  the  Pacific  Coast.  The  complex 
system  of  dual  inheritance  through  either  the  father  or  the  mother  prevailing  among 
the  Kwakiutl  and  the  Nootha  could  only  be  solved  by  a  fairly  complete  and 

r  123  ] 


tfo.  69.]  MAN.  [1913. 

analytical  study  of  what  privileges  devolve  either  through  the  father  or  the  mother, 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  interested  parties.  Mr.  E.  Sapir's  recent  investigations 
among  the  Nootkas  of  Alberni  allow  him  soundly  to  anticipate  that  their  customs,  in 
this  respect,  Avere  far  more  rigid  and  restrictive  than  previous  observers  had  supposed. 
Many  of  the  most  important  rituals  of  the  North  West  Coast  tribes,  as  the  "  first  fruits  " 
of  thanksgiving,  the  fishing,  the  hunting  and  potlatch  rituals  have  often  been  but 
incidentally  mentioned,  and  we  are  aware  of  conspicuous  lacunae  in  the  collection  of 
song  records,  photographs,  and  ethno-botanic  materials. 

The  many  Athapascan  tribes  of  the  Plateau  and  Mackenzie  have  not  been  as 
fortunate,  from  an  ethnographic  standpoint,  as  their  western  neighbours,  and  the 
explorers,  early  missionaries,  and  ethnographers  have  almost  overlooked  them.  Father 
Morice,  Father  Jette,  and  Mr.  Hill  Tout,  at  this  late  day  seem  to  be  the  pioneers  in  this 
vast  field  of  research  ;  and  so  little  is  known  of  some  of  the  northern  tribes  that  it 
is  not  yet  easy  to  find  a  good  classificatory  list  of  the  Athapascan  or  Dene  of  Alaska 
and  the  Yukon  district,  and  of  their  dialects. 

The  Arctic  explorers  for  a  long  time  in  contact  with  the  Eskimo,  have  left 
bulky  documents  of  their  miscellaneous  observations,  under  the  form  of  memoirs  and 
reports.  The  Greenland  and  Alaskan  Eskimo  have  received  the  best  share  of  the 
attention  of  anthropologists  and  scientific  bodies,  Danish  or  American,  while  the 
Central  Eskimo  have  been  studied  by  several  explorers,  and  more  satisfactorily  by 
Mr.  Boas  ;  hardly  anything  is  known  of  the  Mackenzie  Eskimo  ;  their  technology 
even  is  very  inadequately  represented  in  museums. 

It  is  not  without  surprise  and  regret  that  one  realizes  how  little  is  known  of 
the  culture  of  the  Eastern  tribes  of  Cauada,  notwithstanding  their  accessibility  and 
their  constant  association,  for  centuries,  with  the  white  settlers.  In  a  few  cases,  for 
instance  that  of  the  Beothuk  of  Newfoundland,  they  have  vanished  out  of  existence 
without  leaving  any  trace  whatever.  The  well-known  Hurons,  estimated  at  20,000  to 
30,000  by  the  early  missionaries,  are  now  represented  by  but  a  few  hundred  half-breeds, 
all  but  a  few  of  whom  are  thoroughly  ignorant  of  their  native  language  and  traditions. 
What  do  we  know  of  the  numerous  Montagnais  of  Northern  Quebec  ?  The  Nascopies 
of  Labrador  have  as  yet  furnished  but  a  short  report  by  L.  M.  Turner,  and  but  little  of 
real  value  is  to  be  found  on  the  Micmacs,  the  Malecites,  the  Abenakis,  the  Algonquin 
proper,  the  Ottawas,  the  Delawares,  the  Pottawatomies,  the  Mississagas,  and  others. 
The  Eastern  Crees  have  been  a  trifle  more  fortunate,  the  American  Museum  of  Natural 
History  having  lately  published  a  report  based  upon  the  observations  of  Mr.  A.  Skinner, 
collected  in  the  course  of  a  trip.  .  .  .  Many  of  these  cultures  have  now  almost 
vanished,  and  but  scanty  vestiges  of  their  past  may  still  be  recovered. 

Let  us  dwell  a  moment  upon  the  O  jib  ways,  the  Iroquois  and  the  Hurons. 
Although  the  bibliography  of  the  literature  on  the  Ojibways  and  the  Iroquois  embrace 
a  good  many  titles,  in  the  nature  of  articles,  assays,  historical  sketches  by  some  natives 
or  occasional  enthusiasts,  and  several  technical  reports,  it  may  be  safely  stated  that  but 
a  small  portion  of  their  imposing  culture  has  yet  been  reduced  into  terms  of  documen- 
tary evidence.  Copway,  Schoolcraft,  Hoffman,  Jones,  Miss  Densmore,  and  others  have 
published  much  of  real  value  on  the  heroic  narratives,  the  myths  and  legends,  the 
rituals,  pictographs,  language,  and  music  of  the  Ojibways.  These  results,  however, 
may  be  considered  anything  but  exhaustive,  as  the  Ojibways  are  numerous  and 
scattered  over  a  vast  territory  around  the  Great  Lakes. 

The  Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois  league  are  already  well-known  to  anthropologists, 
through  the  works  of  Morgan,  Hale,  Hewitt,  Mrs.  Converse,  Parker,  Beauchamp, 
Erminnie  A.  Smith,  and  Harrington.  But,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Ojibways,  the  field 
is  still  full  of  promise,  and  several  specialists  may  still  long  be  engaged  at  the  fruitful 
study  of  this  highly  complex  culture.  As  the  observations  of  many  of  the  best-known 

[  124  ] 


1913J  MAN.  [No.  69. 

authorities  on  the  Iroquois  have  been  frequently  confined  to  those  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  the  10,000  Canadian  Iroquois  should  yield  ranch  new  material.  Taken  altogether, 
many  aspects  of  this  culture  are  comparatively  unknown  in  literature  ;  for  instance, 
how  many  of  their  numerous  and  extensive  myths,  legends,  and  heroic  adventures  have 
been  written  down  in  text  form,  as  they  should  undoubtedly  be  ?  How  many  of  their 
several  annual  feasts,  of  the  thousands  of  ritual  and  lyric  songs,  and  of  the  almost 
endless  lists  of  totemic  individual  names  belonging  to  each  clan  have  yet  been  fully 
recorded  ?  Mr.  J.  N.  B.  Hewitt,  it  is  true,  has  taken  down  a  large  amount  of 
texts,  principally  with  Chief  John  Gibson,  of  Grand  River,  Ontario  ;  but  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  only  a  small  portion  of  this  valuable  material  has  found  its  way  to 
the  publisher. 

Probably  no  Indian  tribe,  about  1650,  had  received  so  much  attention  in  literature 
as  the  .Hurons,  of  Ontario.  Champlain's  memoirs,  Sagard's  history,  and,  first  of  all, 
the  Jesuit  Relations,  constitute  a  precious  mine  of  information,  although  far  beneath  the 
requirements  of  modern  ethnology.  Hardly  anything  has  been  added  since  to  these 
early  data,  and  so  little  is  known  of  the  scattered  remnants  of  that  nation  that 
Father  Jones,  their  life-long  historian,  could  state  erroneously,  in  his  voluminous 
Htiroitia,  that  the  Huron  language  has  now  been  extinct  for  over  fifty  years,  and  the 
recent  Handbook  of  North  American  Indians,  summing  up  the  documentary  evidence, 
could  give  but  a  very  incorrect  list  of  the  clans,  including  some  that  have  never 
been  known  to  exist  and  omitting  others  still  represented  in  one  section  of  the 
tribe. 

Archaeological  work  and  research  in  the  physical  anthropology  of  the  Canadian 
natives  have,  in  the  past,  made  but  little  progress.  Local  archaeological  societies,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  have,  at  different  times,  been  organized,  and  a  number  of  amateurs 
have  taken  great  pains  to  disturb  archasological  sites,  indiscriminately  gathering  loads 
of  relics,  but  all  this  with  more  detriment  than  real  profit.  Mr.  Harlan  I.  Smith's 
work  in  British  Columbia,  for  the  Jesup  Expedition,  some  pioneer  work  of  Mr.  Mont- 
gomery and  Mr.  Bryce  in  Manitoba,  the  investigations  of  C.  F.  Tache,  F.  Hunter, 
and  chiefly  of  Mr.  David  Boyle  and  his  assistants,  for  the  Provincial  Museum  of 
Toronto,  constitute  the  sum  total  of  profitable  contributions  to  the  archa3ological  history 
of  Canada. 

Besides  a  number  of  museum  measurements  on  Eskimo  skulls,  the  only  valuable 
accessions  to  the  physical  anthropology  of  the  Canadian  Indians  are  the  anthropometric 
statistics  of  Mr.  F.  Boas  on  the  Kwakiutl,  and  a  study  on  the  Iroquoian  skulls  of  the 
Normal  School  Museum  of  Toronto  by  Mr.  David  Boyle. 

As  the  members  of  this  Society  remember  well,  the  Resolution  voted  by  the 
British  Association  at  Winnipeg  in  1909,  and  addressed  to  the  Canadian  Government, 
received  immediate  consideration  ;  and,  as  a  result,  an  Anthropological  Division  was 
established  in  the  Geological  Survey  in  order  to  cope  with  the  urgent  needs  and  problems 
of  Canadian  anthropology  as  above  described. 

Mr.  Edward  Sapir,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed,  in  the 
summer  of  1910,  as  chief  of  the  new  Division,  and  in  January,  1911,  Mr.  C.  M.  Barbeau 
as  assistant.  In  the  following  summer,  Mr.  Harlan  I.  Smith,  of  the  American  Museum 
of  Natural  History  of  New  York,  received  an  appointment  as  archaeologist ;  and  it  is 
anticipated  that  the  position  of  physical  anthropologist  will  soon  be  created  in  the 
Division. 

The  appointment  of  this  permanent  staff  is  in  conformity  with  the  accepted 
view  that  the  new  section  should  constitute  a  unit  subdivided  into  three  branches, 
ethnological,  archaeological,  and  anthropological  proper. 

Its  functions  consist  in  the  threefold  activities  of  field  research,  museum,  and 
lecture  work.  In  carrying  out  a  rather  ambitious  plan  of  field  research,  the  members 

[  125  ] 


No.  69.]  MAN.  [1913. 

of  the  permanent  staff  are  being  assisted  by  several  anthropologists,  temporarily 
engaged  by  the  Division  to  carry  out  some  special  lines  of  investigations. 

The  nature  of  museum  and  office  activities  are,  of  course,  bound  to  vary  according 
to  circumstances.  It  has  been  considered  urgent,  for  obvious  reasons,  to  proceed  at 
once  on  the  gradual  preparation  of  a  general  and  extensive  bibliography  of  the 
literature  on  Canadian  ethnography  and  ethnology,  archaeology  and  physical  anthro- 
pology. A  time-consuming  task  has  been  that  of  sorting  according  to  tribes,  with 
mention  of  the  available  data,  the  7,000  or  8,000  ethnographic  specimens,  and  a  still 
larger  archaeological  collection,  already  in  storage  at  the  Museum,  and  intended  for 
permanent  exhibition  in  the  spacious  halls  of  the  new  Victoria  Memorial  Museum. 
This  valuable  collection,  originated  about  1880  by  G.  M.  Dawson,  has  since  been 
considerably  supplemented  by  the  successive  directors  of  the  Geological  Survey.  The 
several  thousand  excellent  specimens  from  the  Pacific  Coast,  the  largest  part  of 
which  has  been  assembled  by  Powell,  Dawson,  and  C.  F.  Newcombe,  with  notable 
additions  due  to  Boas,  Hill  Tout,  and  Aarouson,  constitute  one  of  the  best  Pacific 
Coast  collections  in  existence.  Some  800  specimens  collected  years  ago  by  Mercier 
illustrate  very  satisfactorily  the  technology  of  the  Alaskan  Eskimos,  while  over  800 
objects,  for  which  the  Museum  is  indebted  to  Mr.  A.  P.  Low  and  Captain  Comer, 
pertain  to  the  Labrador  and  Hudson  Bay  Eskimo.  The  other  tribes  of  Canada, 
notably  those  of  the  Eastern  Woodlands,  were  not  at  all  represented  at  the  Museum. 
and  but  a  small  number  of  Salish,  Athapascan,  and  Plains  exhibits  had  been 
purchased. 

Since  its  inception,  the  Anthropological  Division,  under  the  able  leadership  of 
Mr.  Sapir,  has  in  earnest  assumed  the  task  of  rounding  up  the  collection  and  of 
making  it,  as  much  as  possible,  illustrative  of  the  various  aspects  of  the  technology 
and  material  culture  of  every  Canadian  tribe.  Over  1,500  ethnographic  specimens 
have,  with  this  purpose,  recently  been  acquired  through  the  initiative  of  the  members 
of  the  staff,  or  otherwise  purchased.  The  Iroquois  and  Huron  material,  collected 
mainly  by  Mr.  Sapir  and  Mi-.  Barbeau,  now  covers  over  1,000  objects.  A  number 
of  phonographic  records  of  Indian  songs  and  speech,  and  of  photographs,  are  now 
in  the  possession  of  the  Museum,  and  700  or  800  ritual  and  lyric  Indian  songs  re- 
corded among  the  Nootka,  Thompson  River,  Tahltan,  Huron,  Cayuga,  Ojibway,  and 
Malecite  tribes,  exemplify  quite  extensively  several  types  of  music,  the  analytical 
study  of  which  is  bound  to  be  interesting. 

With  regard  to  museum  archaeological  work,  Mr.  Smith,  recently  assisted  by 
Mr.  W.  J.  Wintemberg,  of  Toronto,  has  for  several  months  been  engaged  on  sorting 
and  preparing  for  exhibition  the  comparatively  large  archaeological  collection  from 
British  Columbia  and  Ontario,  for  many  years  in  the  possession  of  the  Museum. 
Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Wintemberg  are  now  engaged  at  some  interesting  archaeological 
research  near  Spencerville,  Ontario. 

Mr.  F.  II.  S.  Knowles,  of  Oxford  University,  has  now  been  busy  for  several 
months  on  the  Iroquois  Reservation  at  Tuscarora,  Ontario,  in  the  interests  of  physical 
anthropology.  His  anthropometric  survey  of  the  Iroquois  is  intended  as  a  preliminary 
step  towards  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  position  of  physical  anthropologist  in 
the  Anthropological  Division,  and  as  the  first  of  a  series  of  similar  studies  on  other 
Canadian  tribes. 

Jt  may  be  added,  as  a  last  remark,  that  the  ethnographic  field  work  of  the 
permanent  and  temporary  staff  seem  to  have  been  pursued,  so  far,  in  fortunate  circum- 
stances, and  accompanied  with  very  interesting  results,  later  to  be  published  as  reports. 
Immediately  after  his  appointment  in  the  autumn  of  1910,  Mr.  Sapir  spent  three 
months  among  the  Nootka  of  Alberni  Canal,  Vancouver  Island,  studying  the  Nootka 
language  and  taking  down  mythological  texts,  together  with  notes  on  rituals,  secret 

[  126  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  69-70. 

societies,  and  laws  of  inheritance.  As  most  of  his  time  since  has  been  consumed  by 
administrative  work,  it  is  unfortunate  that  Mr.  Sapir  has  not  yet  been  able  to  resume 
his  Nootka  researches  which,  it  is  hoped,  he  will  be  able  to  do  shortly.  In  the 
course  of  a  flying  trip  over  several  Eastern  Reservations,  Mr.  Sapir  has,  incidentally, 
had  the  opportunity  of  studying  the  phonetic  systems  of  several  Algonkin  and  Iroquois 
dialects.  Mr.  Barbeau's  study  of  the  Hurons  of  Lorette  (Quebec),  Anderdou  (Ontario), 
and  Wyandotte  (Oklahoma),  is  now  complete  after  seven  months  field  research  during 
the  summers  of  1911  and  1912.  The  abundant  materials,  secured  in  the  course  of 
this  investigation,  represent  extensively  the  various  aspects  of  their  ethnology.  While 
in  Oklahoma,  Mr.  Barbeau  has  also  taken  up  the  study  of  several  Cayuga  rituals  and 
and  feasts,  especially  with  a  view  to  understanding  more  fully  the  corresponding  rituals 
of  their  kin  and  neighbours,  the  Wyandots  or  Hurons.  The  two  distinct  sets  of 
Wyaudot  and  Cayuga  ritual  songs  recorded  on  the  phonograph  exceed  400  numbers 
or  stanzas.  On  the  occasion  of  the  passage  at  Ottawa,  in  January  1912,  of  several 
Shuswap,  Lillooet,  and  Thompson  River  chiefs  from  British  Columbia,  Mr.  Barbeau 
noted  down,  in  the  course  of  a  fortnight,  interesting  information  on  the  "  visions,'' 
"  dreams,"  and  the  mauitous  of  the  Thompson  River  Indians,  with  about  thirty-five 
accompanying  "  vision  "  and  dancing  songs,  also  recorded  on  the  phonograph.  Mr.  A.  A. 
Goldenweiser  and  Mr.  Paul  Radin,  of  Columbia  University,  have  joined  the  Anthro- 
pological Division  on  temporary  engagements.  Mr.  Goldenweiser  has  undertaken 
with  success  a  thorough  study  of  the  social  morphology  and  religion  of  the  Iroquois 
of  Ontario,  especially  from  a  "  totemic "  standpoint.  Mr.  Radin  during  the  past  few 
months  has  been  at  work  on  the  Ojibway  language,  social  organization  and  mythology, 
transcribing  industriously  a  number  .of  long  mythological  texts.  Mr.  Cyrus  MacMillan, 
of  McGill  University,  and  Mr.  W.  H.  Mechling  have,  during  several  months  in  1911-12, 
compiled  data  on  the  Micmac  and  Malecite  folk-lore  and  other  aspects  of  the  New 
Brunswick  and  Nova  Scotia  aborigines.  Mr.  F.  W.  Waugh,  of  Toronto,  is  now 
pursuing  with  remarkable  results  a  complete  survey  of  the  technology,  material  culture, 
and  ethno-botany  of  the  Iroquois  of  Ontario  and  Quebec.  And  Mr.  James  A.  Teit, 
from  Spences  Bridge,  B.C.,  has  agreed  soon  to  extend  his  researches  to  some 
Athapascan  tribes  of  the  Plateau  of  British  Columbia  for  the  benefit  of  the  Division. 
It  is  gratifying  to  note  that  the  members  of  both  permanent  and  temporary  staff 
reveal  great  enthusiasm  and  energy  in  their  respective  fields,  which  seems  a  fair  omen 
for  the  ultimate  prosperity  and  success  of  the  Anthropological  Division. 

C.  M.  BARBEAU. 


REVIEWS. 
America,  South.  Hardenburgr. 

The    Putumayu,    the    Devil's    Paradise.      By  W.    E.    Hardenburg.      Fisher      Tft 
Uuwin.  I U 

"A  whole  race  of  men,"  wrote  Martins,  "is  wasting  away  before  the  eyes  of 
"  the  world,  and  no  power  of  philosophy  or  Christianity  can  arrest  its  proudly 
"  gloomy  progress  towards  a  certain  and  utter  extinction.  The  present  and  future 
"  condition  of  this  race  of  men  is  a  monstrous  and  tragical  drama,  such  as  no  fiction 
"  of  the  past  ever  yet  presented  to  our  contemplation." 

A  few  Amazonian  tribes,  such  as  the  Musu  and  Chiquito,  have  settled  doAvn 
to  an  agricultural  life,  but  the  vast  majority  will  continue  to  range  over  the 
primeval  forests  as  hunters  or  fishers  until  they  are  exterminated  by  "  civilisation." 
The  greed  for  gold  has  been  the  cause  of  atrocious  cruelties  quite*  equal  to  religious 
intolerance  or  the  fear  of  witchcraft.  The  natives  of  South  America  have  suffered 
torture  and  death  when  unable  to  satisfy  that  greed,  since  the  Spaniards  first  arrived. 
Yet  there  is  a  wide  difference  between  the  Conquistadores  and  the  loathsome  fiends 

[     127     ] 


No.  70.]  MAN.  [1913. 

who  recently  committed  those  horrible  atrocities  on  the  Putumayu.  At  least  the 
Conquistadores  were  heroic  in  their  valour  and  their  endurance,  many  were  influenced 
by  religions  motives  as  well  as  by  the  thirst  for  riches,  while  some — more  than  is 
generally  believed — were  humane  and  merciful.  The  Putumayu  ruffian  is  the  vilest 
conceivable  type  of  humanity. 

Here  was  the  greed  for  gold  in  an  exceptionally  horrible  form,  but  these  noble 
Amazonian  Indians  have  for  centuries  been  exposed  to  pillage  and  slavery  in  a  less 
monstrous  form,  and  tribes  are  fast  diminishing  in  numbers  and  disappearing.  We 
may  welcome  the  missionary  boat  now  traversing  the  lower  reaches  of  some  of  the 
rivers,  because  it  will  ensure  publicity,  and  the  crimes  can  no  longer  be  concealed. 
The  curse  of  "civilisation"  will  inevitably  cause  the  extinction  of  the  Amazonian 
tribes,  yet  it  is  very  desirable  that  their  free  forest  life  should  be  prolonged.  Vast 
areas  of  the  regions  over  which  they  wander  are  flooded  for  so  long  that  it  will  be 
centuries  before  they  can  be  used  for  cultivation.  The  danger  of  the  Indians  lies  in 
the  demand  for  indiarubber,  and  in  their  forced  employment,  a  slavery  which  leads 
to  extermination,  and  very  rapidly.  The  Indians  are  equal  1o  their  enemies  with 
anything  like  the  same  numbers,  even  with  inferior  weapons,  but  they  are  usually 
captured  by  surprise  or  treachery. 

In  1870  the  present  writer  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  necessary  to  bring 
the  indiarubber -yielding  trees  under  cultivation.  He  also  foresaw  the  ill-treatment 
of  the  Indians  as  the  demand  increased  ;  and  he  hoped  that  successful  cultivation 
might  reduce  the  profit  from  the  wild  trees.  He  introduced  the  three  kinds,  Hevea, 
Castilloa,  and  Manihot  Glaziovii  into  Ceylon  and  Burma,  but  it  was  several  years 
before  planters  took  up  the  cultivation  in  Ceylon  .and  the  Malay  Peninsula,  and  it  is 
to  be  feared  that  it  will  be  very  long  before  the  Amazon  trade  is  affected.  The  only 
hope  is  in  missionary  effort,  and  in  the  trade  getting  into  the  hands  of  respectable 
and  humane  adventurers.  There  are  some  even  now. 

The  special  region  to  which  the  writer  of  the  book  under  review  refers  is  the 
basin  of  the  River  Putumayu.  This  river  and  its  tribuaries  rise  in  the  mountains 
of  Colombia.  The  Peruvians  have  forcibly  seized  the  region,  but  their  title  is  not 
undisputed.  This  country  was  undoubtedly  included  in  the  old  Viceroyalty  of  New 
Granada,  to  which  the  present  Republic  of  Colombia  succeeded.  The  boundaries  of 
South  American  Republics  have  been  settled  in  accordance  with  the  uti  possidetis  of 
1810.  But  it  appears  that  in  that  year  the  Spanish  Government  drafted  a  decree  by 
which  the  basin  of  the  Putumayu  and  of  some  other  rivers  north  of  the  Amazon  were 
handed  over  to  the  Viceroy  of  Peru.  The  Colombians  maintain  that  this  decree  was 
never  carried  out,  and  was,  therefore,  invalid.  The  Peruvians,  of  course,  maintain  its 
validity.  The  Colombians  hold  the  upper  courses,  while  the  Peruvians  have  seized 
the  navigable  parts.  It  is  a  question  which  is  admirably  adapted  for  arbitration. 

The  treatment  of  natives  ought  to  be  the  final  test.  The  tribe  within  the  country 
occupied  by  Colombia  is  called  Cioni.  Mr.  Hardenburg  gives  a  very  interesting  account 
of  these  Cioni.  They  are  treated  with  justice  and  indulgence,  and  are  peaceful  and 
contented.  It  is  a  very  different  story  in  the  region  occupied  by  the  Peruvians  ;  a 
system  of  brigandage,  torture,  and  murder  prevailed.  The  once  numerous  tribes  of 
Huitoto  and  Bora  numbered  over  30,000,  but  they  were  split  up  into  clans  and 
families  and  became  an  easy  prey.  The  infamous  invaders,  armed  with  Winchester 
rifles,  very  soon  reduced  their  numbers  from  30,000  to  10,000,  and  the  hideous  story 
related  by  Mr.  Hardenburg,  the  truth  of  which  is  confirmed  by  Sir  Roger  Casement 
and  his  colleagues,  has  now  been  laid  bare. 

The  remedy  is  hard  to  find.  The  Governments  whose  subjects  are  deriving  profits 
from  this  horrible  system  of  forced  labour  are  not  likely  to  take  active  preventive 
steps.  Intervention  is  not  possible,  and  if  it  were  it  would  not  be  adopted.  England 

[  128  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  70-71. 

is  the  only  country  that  has  ever  made  sacrifices  for  the  suppression  of  slavery.  The 
only  hope  is  in  publicity,  the  measures  which  will  prevent  these  atrocities  from  being 
committed  secretly.  We  must  wish  all  possible  success  to  the  steps  already  taken, 
with  this  end,  by  the  Evangelical  Union  of  South  America.  C.  R.,  M. 


Religion.  Harrison. 

Themis.     By  J.  E.  Harrison.  "14 

Miss  Harrison  has  already  done  much  to  illuminate  the  origins  of  Greek  I  I 
religion,  and  in  Themis  she  shows  her  wonted  learning  and  ingenuity.  Taking 
as  her  text  the  "  Hymn  of  the  Kouretes  "  found  at  Palaikastro  in  Crete,  she  leads  us 
from  the  communal  rites  of  savages,  the  world  of  mana  and  magic,  to  the  civilized 
realm  of  the  Olympian  deities.  We  see,  first,  the  tribal  rite,  which  knows  no  godr 
but  seeks  to  promote  fertility  by  magical  means.  Then  the  magic  rite  becomes 
vaguely  theistic  ;  the  tribe  shrinks  to  a  band  of  initiates  worshipping  a  spirit  who  ia 
at  first  a  mere  projection  of  themselves,  the  Megistos  Kouros  of  the  Hymn.  Then 
we  watch  this  spirit  assuming  many  forms,  now  animal,  now  human  ;  now  an  infant, 
now  adult  ;  now  male,  now  female  ;  till  at  last  he  (or  they,  for  the  varieties  become 
stereotyped  as  individuals)  is  absorbed  in  the  Olympian  Pantheon  of  personal  anthro- 
pomorphic duties.  Here  he  survives  in  many  shapes.  Sometimes  he  preserves  his 
individuality,  as  Agathos  Daimon,  or  Agathe  Tyche  ;  sometimes  he  is  almost,  but 
not  quite,  transformed  into  a  true  Olympian,  as  in  the  case  of  Dionysus  or  Herakles  ; 
sometimes  he  survives  only  as  a  bye-form  of  a  greater  god,  as  in  Apollo  Aguieus  ; 
sometimes  he  degenerates  into  an  attendant  animal,  or  is  discovered  only  in  some 
curious  piece  of  ritual.  But  under  all  disguises  he  is  distinguished  by  two  essential 
characteristics  ;  he  is  not  immortal,  but  periodically  reincarnated,  and  he  is  not  the- 
recipient  of  gift  sacrifices,  but  is  himself  eaten  sacramentally  by  his  worshippers. 
Moreover,  he  is,  owiug  to  his  origin,  usually  associated  with  a  thiasos  of  divine 
attendants  (once  human),  and  is  essentially  associated  with  the  production  of  fertility. 
But  these  latter  features  are  often  obscured.  In  developing  this  thesis,  which  is 
inevitably  disfigured  by  so  brief  a  summary,  Miss  Harrison  has  light  to  throw  on 
every  part  of  Greek  Religion.  There  is  hardly  a  god,  or  festival,  or  rite  of  any 
importance  left  untouched. 

It  is  a  fascinating  story,  and  in  a  measure  carries  conviction.  We  can  hardly 
doubt  that  some  such  rites  as  are  described  played  a  part  in  the  formation  of  Greek 
religion  and  left  manifest  traces  upon  it.  But  when  we  come  to  particular  applications, 
conviction  wavers.  We  are  constantly  inclined  to  say,  "  it  may  have  been  so," 
rather  than  "it  was."  It  is  disquieting,  in  the  first  place,  to  find  that  our  communal 
deity,  or  Euiautos  Daimon,  is  as  ubiquitous  as  our  old  friend  the  Vegetation  Spirit. 
And  when  we  come  to  the  evidence  this  doubt  is  often  strengthened.  In  a  work 
that  covers  so  much  ground  detailed  discussion  of  evidence  is  doubtless  impossible^ 
but  the  use  here  made  of  it  often  appears  at  the  least  uncritical.  We  have  only 
space  for  one  or  two  instances.  The  writer  contends  (pp.  72,  73)  that  Kratos 
(Power),  as  mentioned  in  Hesiod  (Theogoany,  383),  is  the  thunderbolt,  and  adduces 
in  evidence  two  passages,  one  from  Sophocles,  which  speaks  of  Zeus  as  "  wielding 
"  the  powers  (/cpar^)  of  the  lightning,"  and  the  other  from  the  Roman  Cornutus. 
which  speaks  of  the  power  "  which  Zeus  holds  in  his  right  hand."  It  is  obvious  that 
neither  of  these  passages  proves  that  Kpdros  to  Hesiod,  or  any  Greek,  by  itself  suggested 
the  thunderbolt.  And  the  passage  in  Hesiod  is  still  less  conclusive.  In  it  we  hear 
that  Styx  brought  forth  "  Envy  and  Victory,  Power  (updros)  and  Force."  Mis< 
Harrison,  quite  reasonably,  tells  us  that  in  Hesiod  we  have  *'  flotsam  and  jetsam 
"  of  earlier  ages,  weltering  up  unawares  from  subconscious  depths."  But  who 
without  powers  of  divination  can  detect  in  a  case  like  this  the  precious  flotsam 

[     129     ] 


No.  71.]  MAN.  [1913, 

from  the  later  abstractions  which  surround  it  ?  And  "  subconscious "  memories 
like  this  figure  somewhat  frequently  in  the  evidence,  and  provoke  suspicion.  For 
if  an  author,  when  his  evidence  is  useful,  can  be  made  "  subconsciously  "  to  remember 
a  primitive  belief,  and  when  it  is  inconvenient,  can  be  dismissed  as  late  and  sophis- 
ticated, it  is  clear  that  we  can  prove  anything.  And  again,  two  pages  further  on, 
when  discussing  the  primitive  idea  of  magic,  we  are  given  a  definition  of  /uayem 
from  the  "  Platonic "  Alcibiades.  But  the  mageia  there  mentioned  is  definitely 
stated  to  be  the  teaching  of  the  Persian  Magi,  and  it  is  obvious  that  no  valid  in- 
ference can  be  drawn  from  Zoroastrianism  to  the  primitive  conception  of  magic  ; 
though  the  word  "magic"  happens  to  be  derived  from  p.dyos.  It  is  fair  to  say 
that  here  and  elsewhere  the  writer  has  other  and  stronger  evidence  for  her  con- 
tentions, but  the  use  of  such  evidence  as  this  merely  weakens  the  case,  and  leaves 
the  reader  with  a  feeling  of  insecurity.  One  cannot  help  contrasting  such  methods 
with  the  cautious  work  of  a  scholar  like  Dr.  Warde  Fowler  in  his  treatment  of 
Roman  religion. 

And  the  student  of  classical  literature  will  be  struck  by  another  point.  He  is 
constantly  coming  to  statements  that  this  or  that  rite  or  deity  is  "only"  the  primi- 
tive thing  from  which  it  is  descended.  The  only  possible  reply  to  this  statement  is 
that  it  is  false.  To  say  that  Apollo  Aguieus  is  the  phallic  pillar  which  once  did 
•duty  as  his  image  is  like  saying  that  the  Zeus  of  Phidias  is  the  unshaped  stone, 
which  was  once  worshipped  in  his  place.  In  the  religion  of  classical  times  the  primi- 
tive no  doubt  survives,  but  it  survives  in  an  alien  world  where  most  things  are  new 
and  of  different  origin.  This  Miss  Harrison  herself  recognizes  ;  in  fact,  she  often 
points  the  contrast.  She  has  a  personal  animosity  against  the  Olympians.  She  loves 
the  "  older  and  deeper  things  "  of  the  primitive  cults,  and  pours  scorn  on  the  Immortals 
who  idle  in  Olympus  and  receive  unearned  gift  sacrifices  ;  unlike  the  primitive  god, 
who  is  always  busy  reincarnating  himself  and  being  eaten  by  his  worshippers.  But 
in  her  desire  to  find  the  noble  savage  everywhere  she  often  forgets  tue  gap  between 
him  and  the  later  Greek.  That  the  later  religion  preserves  many  traces  of  the 
primitive  no  one  nowadays  will  doubt.  The  knowledge  of  these  is  essential,  and  it 
is  the  great  service  of  Miss  Harrison  that  she  calls  our  attention  to  them.  But  at 
best  this  knowledge  does  not  carry  us  far.  All  savages  are  much  alike,  but  the 
Greeks  of  classical  times  are  unique,  and  the  problem  of  chief  interest,  in  religion  as 
in  other  matters,  is  how  the  one  was  transformed  into  the  other.  Phrases  such  as 
those  quoted  are  misleading,  for  they  suggest,  though  perhaps  unintentionally,  that  the 
problem  is  solved,  when  it  is  in  fact  only  raised. 

Another  favourite  phrase  is  open  to  similar  objection.  Such  and  such  a  thing, 
usually  something  primitive,  is  said  to  be  the  "  real "  meaning  of  a  rite  or  myth. 
But,  unless  Miss  Harrison  is  prepared  to  maintain  the  objective  existence  of  the 
Greek  deities,  it  is  clear  that  they  and  their  rites  at  any  given  time  are  just  what 
their  worshippers  believe  them  to  be,  and  no  more.  '  What  they  once  meant  to  other 
worshippers,  though  historically  interesting,  is  irrelevant,  unless  it  can  be  shown  that 
it  was  still  alive  in  men's  minds.  To  speak  of  "  real  "  meanings,  therefore,  either 
implies  confusion  of  thought  or  suggests  an  illegitimate  inference.  No  doubt  primitive 
beliefs  were  in  some  cases  alive  and  real  in  later  Greece,  much  more  so  than  the  literary 
tradition  would  suggest.  Modern  writers  and  Miss  Harrison  not  least  have  shown  us 
how  one-sided  and  deceptive  that  tradition  is.  But  it  is  most  important  to  distinguish 
clearly  between  living  beliefs  and  practices  not  represented  by  literature,  and  mere 
"  survivals  "  clinging  to  the  later  religion,  but  virtually  dead.  This  is  no  doubt  difficult, 
but  unless  we  do  it,  Greek  religion  becomes  a  phantasmagoria  in  which  everything  is 
something  else,  or  rather  everything  else  at  the  same  time.  This  is,  in  fact,  some- 
what the  picture  left  upon  the  mind  by  the  book. 

[     130    J 


1913.]  MAN.  [Ncs,  71-72. 

It  would  be  unfair  to  criticise  particular  applications  of  the  theory,  for  the 
•argument,  being  cumulative,  cannot  well  be  summarized  ;  but  we  may  note  its 
application  to  Tragedy  and  the  Olympian  Games,  which  are  treated  in  separate 
chapters  by  Dr.  Murray  and  Mr.  Cornford  respectively.  A  leading  part  in  the 
development  of  both  institutions  is  assigned  to  the  rites  of  the  Euiautos  Daimon. 
We  may  concede  that  they  played  a  partf  for  nearly  everything  in  Greek  religion 
is  of  composite  origin,  but  most  readers  will  feel  that  the  case  is  overstated.  The 
•evidence  for  the  connection  of  athletic  contests  with  funeral  rites  is  so  abundant,  that 
it  is  hard  to  believe  that  the  Games  of  Greece  have  no  connection  with  the  dead. 
And  in  any  case  the  argument  contains  something  like  the  fallacy  already  noted. 
Even  if  it  can  be  proved  that  Pelops  and  other  "  heroes  "  were  originally  not  dead 
chiefs,  but  forms  of  the  Euiautos  Daimon,  they  were  still  "  heroes,"  i.e.,  a  special 
•class  of  dead  men,  to  the  historical  Greek,  and  the  games  were  therefore  virtually 
held  in  honour  of  the  dead. 

And  in  the  Tragedy  the  argument  is  far  from  conclusive.  It  is  significant  that 
Dr.  Murray  has  to  look  to  Euripides  for  his  closest  parallel  to  the  rites  of  the 
Euiautos  Daimon.  That  Euripides  of  all  men  should  have  been  "  working  under 
'"  the  spell  of  a  set  traditional  form,"  that  he  should  have  turned  back  to  a  tradition 
from  which  his  predecessors  had  broken  loose,  is  a  startling  suggestion  from  so 
eminent  a  scholar.  Some  of  the  parallels  are  close,  we  admit,  but  the  fact  that  they 
are  found  in  Euripides  (except,  of  course,  in  the  Bacchce,  which  stands  apart)  is 
•evidence  against  the  interpretation  put  upon  them.  There  is  another,  and  simpler, 
•explanation  of  the  phenomenon,  but  it  would  not  commend  itself  to  Dr.  Murray. 
Nor,  we  fear,  will  many  be  convinced  by  the  ingenious  attempt  to  remove  an  obvious 
difficulty,  the  fact  that  in  Tragedy  the  peripeteia  is  from  joy  to  sadness,  while  in 
the  rites  of  the  Daimon  it  is  from  sadness  to  joy.  F.  R.  EARP. 


Anthropology.  Haddon :  Quiggin. 

History   of  Anthropology.     By  A.   C.  Haddon   and  A.  H.   Quiggin.      Watts     "I  A 
<fc  Co.,. 1910.     Pp.  v  +155.     1*.  net,  IL 

This  little  book  consists  of  a  series  of  chapters  on  the  chief  topics  of  anthro- 
pology each  treated  chronologically.  It  would  perhaps  be  more  correctly  described 
as  a  collection  of  material  for  a  history  rather  than  a  history  itself,  as  there  is  no 
attempt  at  a  connected  narrative,  except  in  the  two  first  chapters  on  the  Pioneers 
and  Systematisers  of  Physical  Anthropology  which  give  an  interesting  account  of 
the  origin  and  rise  of  anthropological  inquiry. 

The  authors  explain  that  the  arrangement  of  subjects  is  based  on  a  syllabus 
drawn  up  by  the  University  of  London,  in  which  anthropology  is  divided  into  two 
main  groups — physical  and  cultural.  The  subdivisions  under  these  heads  form  a 
galaxy  of  "  ologies "  ;  there  are  nearly  a  dozen  of  them,  the  only  subject  escaping 
being  language,  which  figures  as  linguistic  :  one  almost  wonders  why  it  did  not  come 
into  line  as  phonology  ! 

Following  the  two  first  chapters  before  mentioned  are  those  on  Anthropological 
Controversies,  Antiquity  of  Man,  Psychology,  Classification  and  Distribution  of  Man. 
That  only  two  short  chapters  should  be  devoted  to  such  important  subjects  as 
archaeology  and  ethnology  points  to  some  lack  of  proportion,  though  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  authors  have  managed  to  compress  a  large  amount  of  information 
into  a  small  space.  Technology,  Sociology,  and  Language  each  claim  a  chapter,  and 
the  last  is  entitled  Cultural  Classification  and  the  Influence  of  Environment,  in  which 
the  work  of  Gallatin,  the  Humboldts,  Bodin,  Buffon,  Buckle,  and  Le  Placy  are 
quoted. 

[     131 


Nos.  72-73.]  MAN.  [1913, 

The  time  has,  perhaps,  not  yet  arrived  when  a  really  satisfactory  history  of 
anthropology  in  its  broadest  sense  is  possible.  But  when  it  does  it  may  be  surmised 
that  such  a  history  will  rest  on  some  broad  evolutionary  principle,  by  which  the 
general  progress  of  discovery  and  knowledge  can  be  easily  seen  and  grasped,  and  the- 
exposition  presented  in  a  truly  narrative  form. 

The  text  is  graced  by  portraits  of  Tylor,  Blumenbach,  Broca,  Bastian,  and 
Pritchard  ;  one  would  have  liked  to  have  seen  these  balanced  by  a  few  pioneers  of 
the  New  World.  In  fact  the  authors  have  hardly  given  the  New  World  the  attention 
it  deserves  in  a  general  review  of  the  whole  science  of  anthropology. 

A  bibliography  and  an  index  of  authors  are  added. 

It  is  a  pity  the  bibliography,  so  important  and  useful  in  a  work  of  this  kindr 
ia  not  fuller  and  more  equal.  For  instance,  it  contains  no  reference  to  such  authors 
as  Tylor,  Huxley,  Lubbock,  Herbert  Spencer,  A.  H.  Keane,  Topinard,  Peschel,, 
Nadaillac,  although  room  is  found  for  Grant  Allen,  A.  B.  Gomme,  E.  Clodd,  and 
A.  R.  Wallace. 

The  book  is  well  printed  on  good  paper  and  is  well  and  tastefully  bound.  It  is,, 
in  fact,  a  marvel  of  cheapness.  E.  A.  PARKYN. 


Burgundy  :  Archaeology.  Dechelette. 

La   Collection    Millon ;    Antiquites  prehistoriques    et    Gallo-Romaines.     By 
Joseph  Dechelette,  Correspondant  de  L'Institut,  avec   la  collaboration  de  MM. 
1'Abbe    Parat,    le    Dr.    Brulard,    Pierre    Bouillerot    et    C.    Drioton.       Librairie    Paul 
Geuthner,  Paris,  1913. 

Archaeologists  are  sometimes  apt  to  abuse  the  collector  as  one  who  keeps  for 
himself  what  should  be  accessible  to  the  public  in  museums.  They  forget,  however, 
that  but  for  collectors  many  of  the  most  interesting  relics  of  antiquity  would  have 
disappeared,  or  would  have  reached  our  museums  only  to  be  labelled  "  provenance 
unknown."  Still  the  accumulation  of  a  vast  am'ount  of  important  material  in  private 
collections  has  grave  disadvantages,  for  though  the  owners  of  such  treasures  are  usually 
most  hospitable  to  all  real  students,  the  investigator  finds  his  work  more  than  double 
what  it  would  be  were  all  important  archaaological  "  finds "  exhibited  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  their  discovery. 

One  step  the  private  collector  may  take  to  diminish  the  inconvenience  inseparable 
from  such  private  possession,  and  that  is  to  issue  to  the  public  a  full  catalogue,  well 
illustrated,  of  all  his  treasures.  This  has  recently  been  done  by  M.  Millon,  who  has 
an  unrivalled  collection  of  Burgundiaii  objects,  and  perhaps  his  example  will  be 
followed  by  others  similarly  placed. 

M.  Millon  has  spent  a  busy  life,  having  occupied  in  succession  several  important 
administrative  and  judicial  posts  in  Burgundy  ;  nevertheless  he  has  found  time  to- 
accumulate  a  vast  collection  of  objects  from  the  Palaeolithic  Age  to  the  Roman  Period 
and  to  conduct  not  a  few  explorations  on  Early  Iron  Age  sites  in  the  province  to 
which  he  belongs.  The  catalogue  under  review  is  really  a  dissertation  upon  the 
antiquities  of  this  region  as  illustrated  by  the  Millon  Collection,  and  the  thoroughness 
with  which  it  has  been  done  is  not  surprising  when  we  find  that  it  has  been  compiled 
under  the  editorship  of  M.  Joseph  Dechelette. 

MM.  1'Abbe  Parat  and  le  Docteur  Boulard  have  written  the  account  of  the  Stone 
Ages,  chiefly  illustrated  from  implements  found  in  the  Foret  d'Othe,  while  the  Bronze 
Age  has  been  treated  by  M.  Pierre  Bouillerot.  The  detailed  descriptions  of  the  exca- 
vations of  cemeteries  of  the  Hallstadt  and  La  Tene  Periods  are,  however,  the  most 
important,  and  these  are  by  MM.  Bouillerot,  Dechelette  and  Clement  Drioton. 

It  is  impossible  within  the  limits  of  a  short  review  to  deal  with  the  vast  array  of 
facts  produced,  but  the  volume  serves  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  Burgundy  as 

[     132     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  73-74. 

the  first  home  in  France  of  both  types  of  Iron  Age  culture,  as  might  have  been  expected 
from  its  nearness  to  the  Belfort  gap.  Those  who  are  dealing  with  th,e  course  of 
migrations  through  France,  especially  during  the  later  phases  of  the  Bronze  Age  and 
during  the  Early  Iron  Age,  will  find  this  work  indispensable,  and  all  archaeologists 
should  feel  grateful  to  M.  Millon  for  allowing  his  collection  to  be  so  admirably 
described.  HAROLD  PEAKE. 


Africa,  East :  Linguistics.  Westermann. 

The  Shilluk  People,  their  Language  and  Folklore*  By  Diedrich  Wester-  Tlj 
mann.  1912.  IT 

This  is  probably  the  most  important  book  that  has  appeared  in  recent  years 
on  the  negroid  inhabitants  of  the  Sudan.  It  is,  however,  necessary  to  remember  that 
it  is  written  by  one  of  the  first  of  African  philologists  as  a  serious  contribution  to 
African  linguistics,  and  that  in  spite  of  the  title  that  appears  upon  its  cover,  it  does 
not  deal,  except  incidentally,  with  the  ethnology  of  the  tribe.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
an  introduction  of  some  forty  pages  is  devoted  to  a  general  sketch  of  the  history  and 
mode  of  life  of  the  Shilluk,  the  remarks  on  religion  being  the  most  valuable,  while 
the  account  of  the  Fung  included  in  this  section,  though  brief,  is  the  most  important 
contribution  to  their  history  that  has  yet  appeared.  It  has  been  necessary  to  lay 
some  emphasis  on  the  plan  and  purpose  of  the  book,  for  when  this  is  realised,  the 
reader  ceases  to  be  irritated  by  the  fragmentary  nature  of  the  intensely  interesting 
information  with  which  the  volume  is  loaded  ;  nay,  he  accepts  it  gratefully,  wondering 
•only  that  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  provide  a  thread  of  explanation  upon  which 
the  beads  of  fact  given  in  the  native  texts,  and  their  translations  might  have  been 
strung.  The  first  part  of  the  book  proper  begins  with  a  sketch  map  by  Herr 
Bernhard  Struck,  showing  the  languages  spoken  by  the  tribes  of  the  Sudan  and  the 
neighbouring  parts  of  Uganda  and  British  East  Africa  ;  arrows  indicate  the  probable 
migrations  of  the  tribes  speaking  Shilluk  dialects,  which  include  Anuak,  Jur,  Dembo, 
Belanda,  Ber  (Beri),  Gang,  Nyifwa  (Ja  Luo),  Laugo,  Alum,  Chopi,  and  perhaps 
Gaya  (east  shore  of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza),  and  Jafulu  (north-east  of  Lake  Albert, 
Nyanza).  A  study  of  the  phonetics  of  the  language  makes  it  clear  that  great 
importance  is  attached  to  tones,  of  which  three  are  recognised,  examples  being  given 
of  words  which  are  true  homophones,  and  distinguished  only  by  tone.  Moreover, 
grammatical  functions  may  be  expressed  by  tone,  singular  and  plural  often  being 
so  denoted,  while  a  high  tone  on  the  last  syllable  turns  the  nominative  into  the 
vocative.  In  spite  of,  or  probably  because  of,  these  developments,  homophones  are 
not  so  common  as  in  the  West  African  languages. 

Shilluk  is  recognised  as  belonging  to  a  clearly-defined  family  of  African  languages 
termed  Nilotic  and  distinguished  by  the  following  characters  : — 

(i.)  Mute  and  fricative  sounds  are  in  some  cases  interchangeable,  especially 
p  and  f. 

(ii.)  Many,  if  not  all,  of  the  languages  have  interdental  sounds  (jt  d  n). 

(iii.)  The  stem  in  most  cases  has  the  form  consonant,  vowel,  consonant. 

(iv.)  Stems  with  a  semi-vowel  between  the  first  consonant  and  the  vowel  are 
frequent.  The  stem  vowel  is  often  a  diphthong. 

(v.)  Probably  intonation  plays  an  important  role  in  most  of  the  languages  of 
this  family. 

No  doubt  the  Nilotic  languages  originally  belonged  to  the  "  Sudan  "  family,  and 
several  traits  in  all  these  languages  point  to  a  common  origin,  though  at  the  present 
time  they  can  be  divided  into  two  great  groups,  viz.,  the  Niloto-Sudanic  and  the 
Niloto-Hamitic,  all  of  which  show  more  or  less  pronounced  signs  of  Hamitic  influence. 
It  is,  then,  not  surprising  that  no  hard-and-fast  line  can  be  drawn  between  the  two 


No,  74-75.]  MAN.  [1913. 

groups,  though  in  practice  it  does  not  seem  difficult  to  allot  any  particular  language 
to  its  own  -division.  It  is  noteworthy  that  besides  Shilluk  ami  Dinka  (including 
Nuer)  a  number  of  tribes  having  physical  and  cultural  characters  very  different  from 
the  Nilotes  seem  to  be  connected  with  the  Niloto-Sudanic  linguistic  group.  These 
include  the  Mittu,  Madi,  Abokaya,  Abaka,  Luba,  Wira,  Lendn,  and  Mom. 

The  second  part  of  the  book  is  entitled  Folklore,  and  under  this  heading  are 
given  native  texts  containing,  as  already  mentioned,  a  vast  amount  of  interesting 
information,  though  on  one  matter  a  curious  misconception  seems  to  have  crept  in.. 
On  page  122  mention  is  made  of  "Nubians"  as  living  among  the  Shilluk;  it  may 
be  assumed  that  the  Nuba,  the  black  pagan  inhabitants  of  Southern  Kordofan  (not 
of  Nubia)  are  meant,  but  the  mistake  is  a  puzzling  one  ;  moreover,  Jebel  Dyre,. 
mentioned  by  Bruce,  is  not  Jebel  Eliri  but  Jebel  Daier. 

Information  concerning  the  election  of  the  king  supplements  that  published  by 
the  writer  in  the  Fourth  Report  of  the  Wellcome  Research  Laboratory  (Vol.  B.,  1911) 
and  makes  it  clear  that  the  object  called  "  Nyakang "  mentioned  as  being  brought 
from  Akurwa  at  the  installation  of  the  king  is  a  wooden  statue  of  Nyakang,  and 
that  with  this  was  brought  a  statue  of  Dag  (Dak),  his  sou  and  successor.  There  is- 
also  additional  information  concerning  royal  burials,  including  a  short  account  of  the 
drowning  of  a  man  and  woman,  who,  with  spears,  cattle,  belts,  and  other  valuables 
are  laid  bound  in  a  boat  which  is  rowed  out  to  the  middle  of  the  river  and  there 
sunk.  It  would  be  easy  to  go  on  quoting  pages  of  interesting  matter,  but  space  only 
allows  of  reference  to  the  selection  of  Fashoda  as  the  royal  residence  on  account  of 
the  unusual  behaviour  of  certain  oxen  belonging  to  king  Tugo  and  to  the  traditions 
concerning  Nyakang,  one  of  which  relates  how  the  customs  of  a  human  foundation 
sacrifice  for  the  "  houses  "  (shrines)  of  Nyakang  arose.  C.  G.  SELIGMANN. 


Africa,  East.  Fisher. 

Twilight  Tales  of  the  Black  Baganda.  By  Mrs.  A.  B.  Fisher  (nee  Ruth  TC 
Hurditch).  With  illustrations.  Marshall  Brothers,  Ltd.  9x6.  Pp.  i-x,  /  U 
1-198.  Price  3*.  6d. 

This  book  is  of  the  popular  kind,  containing  snatches  of  history,  accounts  of 
missionary  life  and  work,  and  some  interesting  touches  of  anthropology  and  folklore. 
The  book  is  divided  into  fourteen  chapters,  the  first  chapter  alone  having  to  do  with 
Uganda,  giving  brief  accounts  of  the  early  travellers  who  opened  the  country  t» 
Western  view.  After  this  chapter  the  author  turns  to  Bunyoro,  which  country,  with 
its  people,  the  book  is  intended  to  describe.  The  title  is,  therelore,  somewhat  mis- 
leading, and  we  are  not  told  why  the  adjective  "  Black"  is  placed  before  Baganda  ;  there 
is  no  mention  made  of  any  Baganda  of  another  colour.  Chapters  III  to  V  contain 
much  valuable  information  about  the  Bauyoro,  and  point  to  a  wealth  of  interesting 
customs,  relationships,  religion,  &c.,  which  still  remain  to  be  worked.  Chapters  VI 
to  XIV  are  taken  up  with  accounts  of  the  legendary  history  of  the  people  and 
country  which  cannot  fail  to  interest  the  anthropologist.  The  illustrations,  which  are 
good,  have  little  or  no  bearing  on  the  text,  in  fact  most  of  them  have  nothing  to  do 
with  Bunyoro  or  its  people.  Page  37  gives  an  interesting  full  moon  ceremony  ;  it  is 
thus  described  :  "  In  the  afternoon  all  the  drums  in  the  place  were  beaten  and  every- 
"  body  shouted,  as  no  one  dared  keep  silent  for  fear  of  offending  the  moon.  The 
"  king  posted  men  at  the  cross  roads  and  seized  everyone  who  passed  along.  These 
"  unfortunate  folk  were  brought  to  him  and  offered  as  a  propitiatory  sacrifice  for  the 
"  whole  country  to  the  evil  spirits.  The  hair  of  the  victims  was  put  into  horns  and 
"  their  blood  was  poured  on  to  it,  the  horns  being  then  kept  by  different  people  as 
"  charms  against  sickness  and  trouble.  After  this  the  king  appeared  swathed  in 
"  barkcloths,  taking  up  his  position  in  his  council  hall,  his  subjects  coming  to  do- 

[     134     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  75-77. 

"  obeisance  to  him.  A  dead  silence  prevailed,  for  no  one  was  allowed  to  even  cough 
"  in  his  presence.  First  came  the  herdsmen  in  procession,  as  they  always  held  first 
"  rank  ;  then  the  king's  children,  followed  by  the  princes,  princesses,  chiefs,  and 
"  lastly,  the  ordinary  people  ;  these  all  came  in  single  file,  and  after  prostrating 
"  themselves  before  the  king,  stood  on  one  side  till  the  hall  was  full.  Then  all  the 
"  people  broke  silence,  shouting  together,  '  Live  the  King.'  As  the  full  moon  rose 
"  the  feasting  began,  and  the  drinking  and  dancing  continued  till  dawn.  The  king's 
"  chief  wife  had  to  sit  by  her  intoxicated  spouse  and  pinch  his  arm  or  bite  his 
"  finger,  to  prevent  sleep  ;  for  a  man  to  slumber  during  full  moon  brought  disaster  to 
"  the  household."  Pages  51  and  52  contain  some  interesting  statements  about  the 
birth  of  twins — a  fuller  account  would  have  been  most  valuable. 

We  are  deeply  indebted  to  Mrs.  Fisher  for  her  valuable  contribution  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  Banyoro  and  the  pleasing  manner  in  which  she  has  set  out  her 
facts.  The  book  is  a  proof  of  what  may  be  placed  on  record  by  missionaries  ;  if  a 
lady  tied  by  many  household  duties  and  the  cares  of  children  can  find  time  to  gather 
such  information,  how  much  more  should  men  do  so  ?  They  would  soon  discover  a 
bond  of  sympathy  with  the  natives  hitherto  unknown,  and  be  much  better  able  to- 
deal  with  difficulties  in  their  missionary  life,  while  the  information  would  be  of  great 
value  to  students  and  others  interested  in  the  problems  of  the  human  race. 

J.  ROSCOE. 


Malta.  Bradley. 

Malta  and  the  Mediterranean  Race.  By  R.  N.  Bradley.  With  a  map  and  TO 
fifty-four  illustrations.  8vo.  336  pp.  London  :  T.  Fisher  Unwin.  8*.  6rf.  net.  I  0 
The  archaeology  and  prehistoric  anthropology  of  the  islands  of  the  Mediterranean 
have  very  deservedly  attracted  much  attention  in  recent  years,  and  Mr.  Bradley's 
book  will  no  doubt  be  welcome  to  those  who  know  very  little  about  these  subjects 
and  wish  to  know  more,  but  have  no  time  for  a  prolonged  study  of  them.  In  his 
first  chapter,  and  indeed  at  intervals  throughout  the  book,  the  author  avows  his 
allegiance  to  the  now  fashionable  theory  that  a  "  Mediterranean  race,"  originating 
"  somewhere  south  of  the  Sahara,"  crossed  over  from  Africa  into  Europe,  "  and 
"  spread  over  the  whole  Continent  as  far  as  our  islands  and  Scandinavia."  To  this 
race  is  attributed  all  megalithic  construction  in  Europe,  Africa,  and  Western  Asia, 
but  constructions  of  a  similar  character  in  the  Pacific  Islands,  Peru,  Japan,  the 
Corea,  and  Siberia,  must,  we  suppose,  have  had  some  other  origin,  unless,  indeed,  the 
"  Mediterranean  race "  extended  as  far  south  as  Australia,  as  some  authorities  have 
seemed  to  suggest.  In  subsequent  chapters  Mr.  Bradley  treats  of  prehistoric  Malta 
and  Gozo,  including  Hal  Saflieni  and  the  Torri  to  Santa  Verna,  the  uses  and 
relationship  of  the  monuments,  the  neolithic  objects  found,  the  Maltese  race  and 
folklore,  Semitic  and  Hamitic  language  traces,  and  race  characteristics.  His  treat- 
ment is  perhaps  rather  of  a  "  popular  "  than  a  scientific  description,  but  may,  for  that 
reason,  be  particularly  suitable  to  the  numerous  class  of  readers  already  indicated- 
It  should  be  added  that  Mr.  Bradley  writes  with  a  personal  knowledge  of  the  sites 
and  the  people  of  Malta  and  Gozo,  and  that  he  finds  in  the  latter  much  resemblance 
to  the  Irish.  The  illustrations  are  excellent  and  there  is  an  index  of  ten  pages. 

A.  L.  L. 


The  Alphabet.  Petrie 

The    Formation    of  the    Alphabet.      By    Wm.    Flinders    Petrie.  Vol.    III. 

Studies  Series,  British  School   of  Archaeology  in  Egypt.      London  :  Macmillan 
and  Quaritch.     Pp.  iv  +  20  ;  nine  plates. 

Since    1883,  when    Isaac  Taylor    brought    out    his  volumes    on  the  alphabet,   in 

which  he  summed  up,  with  general  acceptance,  the  current  doctrines  as  to  the  origins 

[     135     ] 


TTo.  77-78,]  MAN.  [1913. 

of  known  alphabets,  the  progress  of  discovery  and  excavation  has  brought  to  light 
an  enormous  mass  of  material  not  then  available,  and  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  thinks 
that  the  time  has  now  arrived  to  present  the  result  of  his  enquiries  based  on  all 
existing  material.  This  he  has  done  in  his  Study  on  the  Formation  of  the  Alphabet 
brought  out  by  the  British  School  of  Archaeology  in  Egypt.  His  conclusions  may 
l)e  briefly  stated  as  follows  :  The  alphabet  is  not  to  be  traced  back  to  the 
hieroglyphic  picture  writing,  but  rather  to  a  widespread  system  of  signs  prevailing  in 
the  Mediterranean  region,  which  can  be  shown  to  antedate  any  definite  alphabetical 
value.  Thus  no  values  are  known  for  prehistoric  Egypt,  for  the  earlier  Egyptian 
dynasties,  for  Crete,  Phylakopi,  or  Lachish  ;  these  early  signs  can  only  be  classified 
ty  their  forms  not  by  their  values.  The  signs  spread  throughout  the  Mediterranean 
region,  extending  to  Sabaea  to  the  south-east  and  to  the  Rune-using  races  to  the 
north.  The  strongest  resemblances  exist  often  between  systems  far  apart  geographi- 
cally, as,  for  instance,  between  Caria  on  one  side  and  Spain  and  the  Runes  on  the 
•other,  and  many  of  the  signs  in  these  alphabets  are  found  in  Egypt  in  the  Xllth 
dynasty  and  earlier,  so  that  they  evidently  have  a  common  origin  outside  the  Phoenician 
group.  On  these  grounds  and  on  others  (derived  from  the  presence  or  absence  of 
certain  letters  and  from  the  order  of  the  alphabet)  the  Phoenician  origin  is  rejected, 
and  the  conclusion  reached  that  the  various  alphabets  were  selections  from  a  signary 
or  widespread  body  of  signs  in  general  use.  The  systematisation  of  this  alphabet 
Professor  Flinders  Petrie  attributes  to  North  Syria  on  grounds  which  may  seem  to 
some  far-fetched.  The  order  of  the  alphabet  seems  by  general  consent  to  be  based 
on  the  sequence — vowel,  labial,  guttural,  dental  ;  the  liquids  being  added  ;  there  was 
no  place  for  the  sibilants,  which  were  inserted  afterwards.  From  this  it  is  argued  that 
the  arrangement  must  have  been  made  in  some  country  where  sibilants  were  unknown 
or  little  used  (as  in  many  parts  of  Polynesia).  Such  a  country,  on  the  evidence  of 
Egyptian  name-lists,  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  finds  in  North  Syria,  and  he  finds 
additional  evidence  in  the  prevalence  there  more  than  elsewhere  of  the  system  of  using 
letters  as  numerals  in  dates  on  coins. 

Such,  briefly  summarised,  is  the  argument  set  forth  in  this  interesting  study,  which 
is  fully  illustrated  by  carefully-constructed  plates  of  the  various  signaries,  which  will 
Jong  remain  of  the  highest  value  to  enquirers.  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  supports  his 
theory  by  many  and  cogent  arguments,  and  whether  it  obtain  general  acceptance  or  not 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  requires  the  most  careful  consideration  from  every 
student  of  the  subject.  M.  LONGWORTH  UAMES. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTES. 

IN  Mr.  Randall  H.  Pye,  who  died  suddenly  on  29th  June,  the  Royal 
Anthropological  Institute  loses  one  of  its  most  valued  supporters.  He  was 
elected  a  fellow  in  1891,  and  held  the  post  of  chairman  of  the  executive  committee 
from  1905  until  his  death.  He  was  but  rarely  able  to  attend  the  evening  meetings, 
and  only  those  who  worked  with  him  on  the  committee  are  fully  aware  of  the 
great  debt  which  the  Institute  as  a  whole  owes  him.  In  the  administration  of  the 
Institute's  business,  he  played  an  important  part,  especially  in  the  sphere  of  financial 
reform.  In  this  connection  he  acted  as  auditor  of  the  Institute's  accounts  for  many 
years.  He  was  an  almost  ideal  chairman,  and  his  genial  presence  and  sound  advice 
will  be  sadly  missed  by  his  colleagues. 

THE  Institute  has  accepted  an  invitation  from  the  University  of  Oxford  Anthropological 
Society  to  meet  in  Oxford,  jointly  with  the  Folklore  Society,  on  the  Thursday  in  the 
third  week  of  the  Summer  Term  1914,  when  Professor  Gilbert  Murray  will  read  a 
paper  on  some  subject  belonging  to  Social  Anthropology. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOGDE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  Fast  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  I-J. 


MAN,  1913. 


FIG.  i. 


FIG.  3. 


FIG.  4. 


CIRCUMCISION     CEREMONIES    AMONG    THE    AMWIMBE. 


1913.]  MAN.  [No,  79. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Africa,  East.  With  Plate  I-J.  Browne. 

2,b      Circumcision  Ceremonies   among  the  Amwimbe.      />//    G.   St.  J.       "1Q 
Orde  Browne.  f  U 

Conditions  are  changing  so  rapidly  among  the  tribes  of  East  Africa  that  it  is 
only  a  matter  of  a  few  years  before  the  customs  of  the  smaller  and  more  insignificant 
sections  disappear  irrevocably.  Under  these  circumstances  the  following  notes  may 
be  of  interest.  The  Amwimbe  are  one  of  the  minor  tribes  of  Eastern  Kenya, 
numbering  some  35,000  all  told  ;  they  are  akin  to  the  Akikuyu,  but  present  many 
points  of  difference  in  appearance,  language,  and  customs.  In  particular,  they  have 
many  peculiarities  which  indicate  the  influence  of  their  numerous  northern  neighbours, 
the  Mem. 

Among  these  are  the  details  of  their  circumcision,  which  is  far  more  like  the 
ceremony  as  carried  out  by  the  Meru  than  that  of  the  Akikuyu.  The  writer  in  the 
course  of  his  official  duties  recently  witnessed  the  whole  ceremony  under  singularly 
favourable  circumstances.  No  special  period  is  observed  among  the  Amwimbe  for 
the  ceremony,  but  it  is  carried  out  usually  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season, 
when  all  those  who  are  considered  suitable  are  operated  upon.  The  age  varies 
considerably,  and  depends  largely  upon  the  wealth  and  position  of  the  father  of  the 
boy  or  girl.  If  the  boy  is  an  only  son,  the  father  is  more  anxious  to  hasten  the 
function,  whereas  if  he  is  the  third  or  fourth  child,  the  parents  are  not.  so  ready  to 
produce  the  necessary  fees,  and  the  matter  may  be  allowed  to  stand  over  until  the 
youth  is  almost  full  grown.  Another  detail  which  probably  hastens  the  circumcising- 
of  the  eldest  sou  is  the  fact  that  the  possession  of  circumcised  children  is  one  of 
the  qualifications  which  a  man  must  possess  before  he  can  be  a  member  of  the 
kiama  or  elders'  council.  As  a  result  the  boys  are  usually  operated  on  betweeru 
the  ages  of  twelve  and  sixteen  approximately,  while  the  girls  are  probably  a  little? 
older. 

The  ceremony  is  a  public  one  at  which  anyone  may  be  present,  though  strangers 
are  regarded  with  suspicion  ;  in  this  the  Amwimbe  differ  noticeably  from  the  Akikuyu, 
who  regard  it  as  highly  improper  for  any  boy  or  young  man  to  witness  the  circum- 
cision of  girls.  The  operation  is  regarded  as  a  public  function,  and  the  whole  village 
participates  in  the  general  excitement.  For  some  time  previous  to  the  ceremony  the- 
novices  of  each  sex  have  been  undergoing  a  special  course  of  instruction  and  initia- 
tion from  the  old  people  ;  in  the  case  of  the  boys  this  appears  to  last  for  a  month 
or  more,  though  with  the  girls  it  seems  rather  less  elaborate.  The  aspirants  live 
by  themselves  in  a  specially  built  hut  in  the  forest  or  jungle,  with  the  particular  old. 
man  or  woman  who%se  duty  it  is  to  instruct  them,  and  are  apparently  taught  the 
general  duties  of  a  member  of  the  tribe. 

On  the  day  fixed  for  the  circumcision,  a  large  section  of  the  population  of  the 
village  turns  out  in  ceremonial  dress  ;  parties  may  be  met  walking  or  dancing  along 
all  the  paths  leading  from  the  huts.  Women  of  all  ages  appear  in  skirts  made 
of  fibre  combed  out  till  it  looks  like  coarse  string  ;  this  hangs  from  the  waist  to  the 
knee,  and  is  worn  over  the  ordinary  dress.  With  this  they  carry  little  dancing  shields  of 
wood,  oval  in  shape  and  some  twelve  inches  in  length,  painted  in  patches  with  coloured 
clay  and  ashes  ;  they  also  carry  short  Avooden  clubs.  Parties  of  boys  also  go  about 
with  a  species  of  long  dancing  shield  of  wood  which  consists  of  little  more  than  a 
long  spindle-shaped  piece  of  wood  with  a  hollow  for  the  hand.  This  is  carried  in  the 
left  hand  and  is  used  as  a  guard  for  blows  from  the  club  which  another  dancer  carries 
in  his  right  hand,  the  method  being  similar  to  quarterstaff  play.  This  dance  is  much 
in  evidence  and  is  also  to  be  seen  at  other  times ;  the  name  of  it  is  mkongoro. 
A  variation  is  made  in  it  by  periodical  slapping  with  the  club  upon  the  short 


No.  79,]  MAN.  [1913. 

triangular  skin  which  hangs  down  over  the  buttocks.  A  proportion  of  the  spectators 
smear  a  ring  of  millet  porridge  round  their  faces,  though  this  seems  to  be  quite 
optional.  Among  these  groups  are  to  be  seen  the  girls  who  are  to  be  operated  upon  ; 
they  are  in  different  costume  from  that  worn  at  any  other  time  and  are  easily 
recognised.  They  are  completely  naked  except  for  a  fringe  of  beads  and  native 
chainwork  an  inch  or  so  wide  round  the  waist  ;  the  head  is  shaved,  and  on  the  thigh 
is  strapped  the  leg-bell  worn  by  a  warrior  ;  in  some  cases  also  a  warrior's  sword  in 
its  scabbard  is  strapped  round  the  waist.  A  tall  conical  headdress  of  colobus  monkey 
skin  is  worn,  though  this  is  occasionally  omitted,  probably  owing  to  the  difficulty  of 
getting  many  of  the  skins,  or  another  fur  may  take  its  place.  On  the  face  are 
irregular  patches  of  white  ash  with  small  dots  of  red  earth.  These  girls  run  about 
the  paths  singing  and  dancing  carrying  small  sticks  ;  they  are  usually  very  much 
excited  and  overwrought. 

The  boys,  on  the  contrary,  do  not  appear  much  and  do  not  seem  to  be  worked 
up  to  the  same  pitch  of  excitement.  After  having  bathed  in  the  river  they  return 
to  the  village  green  and  seat  themselves  in  a  row  in  a  squatting  position.  They  are 
entirely  naked  and  wear  no  ornaments,  nor  is  the  face  painted  as  a  rule.  Behind 
each  lad  stands  an  old  man  who  acts  as  a  sort  of  "  godfather  "  and  who  is  a  friend 
of  the  boy's  father  ;  this  old  man  receives  some  small  present  from  the  father  for  his 
part  in  the  ceremony. 

Suddenly,  without  any  particular  warning,  the  operator  runs  up  to  the  line  of 
waiting  boys ;  they  are  each  squatting  with  knees  apart,  elbows  resting  on  knees, 
chin  on  hands,  and  eyes  turned  up.  The  operator  produces  a  small  knife  shaped  like 
a  bay  leaf  and  some  three  inches  in  length,  with  a  wooden  handle  ;  being  made  of 
soft  native  iron  this  takes  a  very  sharp  edge.  The  operator  seizes  the  end  of  the 
foreskin  between  finger  and  thumb  and  draws  it  as  far  forward  as  possible  ;  he  then 
cuts  off  the  extreme  end  in  two  cuts,  one  from  each  side,  the  small  scraps  removed 
being  thrown  on  to  the  ground  and  disregarded  ;  he  then  takes  a  fresh  grasp  of  the 
remains  of  the  foreskin,  pulls  it  forward,  and  makes  a  transverse  slit  across  it  just 
behind  the  base  of  the  glans  penis.  This  cut  just  penetrates  the  skin,  and  leaves 
a  sort  of  "  buttonhole,"  through  which  the  glans  penis  is  pushed,  leaving  a  ragged 
pucker  of  skin  hanging  below  it.  This  eventually  heals  up  and  leaves  a  sort  of 
small  "tassel"  of  skin  hanging  below  the  base  of  the  glans  penis.  In  this  detail 
the  Amwimbe  resemble  the  Meru,  except  that  the  Meru  cut  off  no  skin,  but  merely 
push  the  glans  penis  through  the  slit,  with  the  result  that  in  their  case  the  hanging 
scrap  of  skin  is  much  larger.  The  Akikuyu,  on  the  contrary,  remove  the  skin 
altogether,  leaving  nothing  hanging  down.  The  whole  operation  is  performed  with 
surprising  speed  and  dexterity  ;  the  boy  sits  absolutely  still,  and  there  is  an  amaz- 
ingly small  quantity  of  blood.  Immediately  the  operation  is  finished  the  boy  leaps 
up  into  the  air,  throwing  himself  backwards  into  the  arms  of  his  "  godfather,"  who 
catches  him  and  wraps  a  skin  or  cloth  round  his  waist ;  the  boy  is  deposited  on  the 
ground  again  and  has  his  face  violently  rubbed  by  the  old  man.  This  seemed  to  be 
intended  as  a  preventive  against  fainting,  as  several  of  the  boys  seemed  very  much 
shaken  and  dazed,  simple  though  the  operation  had  looked. 

After  a  few  minutes'  rest  the  boys  were  assisted  to  their  feet  and  formed  into 
a  line,  grasping  the  old  men  round  the  waist,  while  their  heads  were  covered  with 
cloths  or  skins  ;  in  this  order  they  moved  off  to  their  huts  in  the  village,  which  are 
special  small  huts  of  grass  on  the  edge  of  the  village  built  for  the  occasion.  In 
these  the  boys  live  for  eighteen  days,  subsisting  at  first  entirely  on  milk,  but  after  a 
few  days  eating  whatever  they  wish.  Healing  is  generally  fairly  rapid,  taking  from 
a  few  days  up  to  a  month,  or  occasionally  more.  The  operation  does  not  appear  a 
particularly  painful  or  serious  one,  though  the  stoical  indifference  of  the  negro  to 

[  138  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No,  79. 

pain  probably  misleads  the  onlooker,  while  the  shouting  and  screaming  indulged  in  by 
the  crowd  effectually  drown  any  groans  or  cries.  The  utter  absence  of  any  sort  of 
antiseptic  precautions,  or  even  of  mere  cleanliness,  must  render  the  operation  always 
somewhat  risky,  however.  After  the  disappearance  of  the  boys  there  was  a  pause 
•of  some  two  hours  ;  this  was  occupied  by  the  girls  in  bathing  in  the  river  near  by  ; 
thev  eventually  appeared  in  a  procession,  singing  and  shouting  in  a  state  of  wild 
excitement.  They  were  still  naked  except  for  the  bead  fringe,  and  their  skins  were 
still  glistening  from  the  very  thorough  bath  that  they  had  just  undergone.  Each  girl 
was  attended  by  from  one  to  three  "  godmothers,"  elderly  women  who  occupied  the 
same  place  to  the  girls  as  the  old  men  did  to  the  boys. 

The  girls  then  seated  themselves  in  a  row  in  a  squatting  posture.  To  attain 
the  correct  posture  each  girl  stands  in  front  of  her  "  godmother "  with  her  heels 
outside  the  old  woman's  feet  ;  the  old  woman  then  squats  down,  and  the  girl  sinks 
into  her  lap  ;  this  secures  that  the  legs  are  suitably  spread  apart.  An  oryx  horn 
appeared  to  play  an  important  part  in  the  proceedings  ;  it  was  first  carried  in  a  circle 
round  the  novices  by  one  of  the  old  women  and  was  then  used  to  dig  small  holes  for 
the  feet  to  rest  in,  thus  ensuring  that  the  heels  remained  in  the  correct  position. 

The  operator  then  appeared.  She  was  an  old  woman  in  a  most  elaborate  costume 
of  bead-trimmed  skins  ;  quantities  of  bead  necklaces  were  hung  round  her  neck,  a 
monkey  skin  headdress  adorned  her  head,  while  her  eyes  were  painted  in  the  patches 
usually  assumed  for  ceremonial  occasions.  Across  her  chest  she  wore  a  sort  of  cross 
belt  of  skin  embroidered  with  beads,  while  she  carried  the  usual  skin  bag  slung  from 
one  shoulder  ;  in  this  was  the  knife  which  she  used  for  the  operation. 

Before  taking  their  places,  the  novices  ran  wildly  about  the  ground  shrieking  and 
waving  their  arms  ;  they  also  took  mouthfuls  of  millet  porridge  which  they  blew  about 
into  the  air  ;  handfuls  of  banana  seeds  were  also  thrown  into  the  air. 

When  they  had  seated  themselves  as  described,  the  old  woman  who  was  to 
operate  advanced  on  the  first  girl.  The  latter  was  firmly  clutched  under  the  arms  by 
her  "  godmother,"  and  the  mob  surrounding  raised  a  deafening  shriek.  In  the  midst 
of  an  indescribable  uproar  the  operator  bent  over  the  girl  and  seized  the  labia  minora 
between  finger  and  thumb  of  the  right  hand  ;  with  the  knife  in  the  left  hand  she  cut 
off  all  that  could  be  drawn  out  from  each  side.  The  operation  was  performed  with 
some  deliberation,  and  took  perhaps  half  a  minute,  in  contrast  to  the  operation  on 
the  boys,  which  lasted  hardly  more  than  a  few  seconds.  Little  blood  was  shed,  and  the 
girl  appeared  to  suffer  little  pain  ;  the  portions  removed  were  thrown  on  the  ground 
and  disregarded.  Immediately  the  operation  was  concluded  the  "  godmother  "  wrapped 
an  apron  of  skin  round  the  girl's  waist ;  snuff  was  given  in  large  quantities  ;  the  belt 
was  taken  from  the  shoulders  of  the  operator  and  hung  round  the  girl's  neck  ;  the 
head  was  vigorously  rubbed  with  millet  flour  or  some  such  substance.  The  girl  then 
rested  on  the  lap  of  her  "godmother"  while  the  same  operation  was  performed  on 
her  neighbour.  During  the  whole  of  the  cutting  process  the  crowd  maintained  a 
deafening  combination  of  screams,  whistles,  groans,  and  shouts  of  encouragement  ;  the 
spectators  crowded  down  on  the  ring  and  were  with  difficulty  kept  sufficiently  far  off 
to  allow  the  ceremony  to  proceed  ;  everyone  shrieked  and  gesticulated,  and  sticks  and 
other  missiles  were  freely  thrown  about.  All  this  rendered  the  careful  observation  of 
details  most  difficult,  and  the  taking  of  notes  and  photographs  was  only  accomplished 
in  the  most  haphazard  way. 

When  all  the  candidates  had  been  operated  upon  the  old  women  formed  a  pro- 
cession in  single  file ;  behind  them  came  the  girls,  each  with  her  head  beneath  a 
skin  apron,  which  was  hung  from  the  shoulders  of  the  one  in  front.  In  this 
formation  they  returned  to  the  village,  to  live  in  the  small  specially-erected  houses 
there. 

[     139     ] 


No.  79-80,]  MAN.  [1913. 

In  the  evening  a  second  operation  takes  place,  in  which  the  remainder  of 
the  lahia  minora  and  a  portion  of  the  labia  majora  are  trimmed  away.  This  is 
said  to  be  very  painful,  and  to  entail  the  loss  of  a  considerable  amount  of  blood  ; 
it  is  not,  however,  considered  as  such  an  important  ceremony  as  the  morning- 
one,  and  is  not  attended  by  the  same  crowds  ;  it  is  performed  by  a  different  old 
woman,  who  receives  smaller  fees  than  the  chief  operator  of  the  morning. 

The  whole  operation  is  said  to  have  a  very  trying  effect  on  the  victims,  and  there 
is  a  tendency  among  the  younger  people  to  try  to  modify  the  rigours  of  the  present 
system,  and  to  bring  it  into  accordance  with  that  of  the  Akiknyu  ;  it  is  said  that  the 
present  harsh  method  has  only  existed  for  two  or  three  generations,  and  that  the 
original  method  was  not  so  severe  on  the  victims. 

After  the  ceremony  both  sexes  lead  a  quiet  and  idle  life  ;  as  healing  takes  place,, 
considerable,  if  not  complete,  sexual  licence  is  allowed,  though  compensation  is 
exacted  for  the  birth  of  a  child  in  the  case  of  an  unmarried  girl,  just  as  in  ordinary 
times.  The  local  "  wise  man  "  pronounces  a  charm  to  make  the  girls  fertile  after 
the  ceremony,  since  previous  to  the  operation  all  girls  are  under  a  special  charm,, 
which  prevents  any  undesired  results  of  casual  intercourse. 

The  ceremony  is  generally  regarded  as  a  matter  for  congratulation,  and  a  boy 
looks  forward  eagerly  to  the  day  when  he  will  cease  to  be  a  child.  There  is  no- 
sign  of  the  custom  dying  out,  even  among  the  most  sophisticated  of  the  natives  ; 
occasional  attempts  which  have  been  made  by  missionaries,  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  to  suppress  or  modify  the  practice  have  met  with  the  bitterest  opposition. 

On  the  whole  the  ceremony  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  immoral  or  pernicious; 
very  few  Europeans  are  in  a  position  to  speak  with  the  slightest  authority  on  the 
question  of  the  educative  side  of  this  custom,  and  there  is  a  sad  tendency  in 
some  circles  to  endeavour  to  replace  knowledge  by  predjudice.  Taking  into 
account  the  very  low  view  of  morals  adopted  by  the  native  according  to  European 
ideas,  or  ideals,  the  writer  is  inclined  to  consider  that  the  circumcision  rites  have, 
in  the  main,  'a  wholesome  effect  on  the  young  people,  though  abuses  may  easily 
creep  in. 

(Photographs  : — Fig.  1,  circumcision  of  girl  ;  Fig.  2,  circumcision  of  boy  ;  Fig.  3,. 
female  operator  ;  Fig.  4,  male  operator  holding  knife  in  his  hand.) 

G.  ST.  J.  ORDE  BROWNE. 


Fiji.  Hocart. 

On  the  Meaning  of  the  Fijian  Word  Turanga.       By  A.  M.  Hocart. 

The  Fijian  word  turanga  is  invariably  translated  "  chief."  The  translation 
is  unfortunate  ;  by  chief  we  mean  the  headman,  the  person  who  leads  a  community. 
The  word  turanga  may,  indeed,  be  used  to  designate  the  chief  when  the  context  or 
circumstances  make  it  plain.  A  stranger  coming  into  the  village  and  enquiring  after 
the  turanga  means  the  chief.  But  it  is  absurd  to  speak  of  Mbau  as  a  village  of 
"  chiefs,"  as  is  done  in  some  books,  or  to  say  that  half  the  population  of  Tumbou, 
in  Lakemba,  are  "  chiefs."  Such  expressions  make  the  uninitiated  think  of  a  South 
American  army  where  the  officers  outnumber  the  men,  or  they  may  be  led  to  infer  that 
the  chiefs  of  various  districts  congregate  in  certain  villages  as  capitals.  Most  of 
the  so-called  "  chiefs  "  have  no  more  claim  to  that  title  than  the  members  of  a  royal 
family  to  that  of  king.  They  are  ultimately  descendants  of  some  chief  ;  if  they  are 
leading  personalities  among  his  issue  they  may  be  eligible  to  the  chieftainship ;  they 
may  even  wield  unofficially  more  power  than  the  actual  chief,  to  whom  they  may 
be  superior  in  rank  ;  but  they  are  not  the  consecrated  heads  of  the  tribe  or  district.- 
What  makes  them  turanga  is  their  blood  ;  it  is  therefore  simpler  and  more  accurate 

*  ng=ng  as  bring  ;  -nyff  =  ng  in  finger  ;  dh=th  in  this. 
'[     140     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  80. 

to  translate  the  word  as  "nobleman,"  and  to  reserve  the  word  "chief"  for  that  ore 
of  them  who  has  been  elected  to  reign. 

Such,  then,  is  the  present  meaning  of  turanga.  Was  it  the  original  one  ?  The 
etymology  reveals  as  yet  no  earlier  meaning.  We  are  probably  right  in  recognising 
in  it  the  syllable  tu,  which  expresses  rank  or  eminence,  and  occurs  as  the  title  of 
certain  chiefs,  as  Roko  Tu  Vuma  or  the  "  Noble  Lord  of  Vnma,"  Tu  Navutu  or 
*'  Lord  of  Navntu."  More  often  i  is  suffixed  :  Tui  Levuka,  Tu  also  occurs  in  ratu, 
*'  sir."  The  last  two  syllables  of  the  word  turanga  remain  nnanalysed. 

There  is  one  usage  of  the  word,  however,  that  sets  us  thinking,  namely,  its 
usage  as  a  polite  expression  for  "  old  man,"  instead  of  the  usual  nggase.  They  will 
say  Sa  lako  mai  e  ndua  na  kena  turanga.  for  "  An  old  gentleman  has  come "  ; 
koira  na  kena  turanga  is  "  the  elders." 

We  might  at  first  be  inclined  to  dismiss  the  case  as  quite  simple  ;  respect  for 
old  age  expresses  itself  in  the  substitution  of  the  term  nobleman  for  old  man.  Such 
an  explanation  may  satisfy  those  who  have  not  yet  realised  that  in  ethnology,  as  in 
other  sciences,  a  strict  determinism  must  be  enforced  ;  they  are  quite  contented  when 
they  have  traced  a  phenomenon  to  some  sentiment  or  instinct,  and  do  not  trouble  to 
explain  why  that  sentiment  should  have  taken  this  form  rather  than  another.  That 
there  is  such  a  thing  as  respect  for  age,  and  that  it  finds  expression  in  our  language 
and  actions,  everyone  knows  ;  what  we  wish  to  know  further  is  why  this  and  that 
form  should  have  come  to  express  it. 

Moreover,  in  our  present  case  the  psychological  explanation  stumbles  at  the 
outset  over  a  small  detail  ;  the  expression  "  true  turanga  "  (turanga  ndina)  always, 
at  least  in  the  Lau  group,  means  "  elderly  gentleman,"  "  reverend  signior,"  and  not 
a  "  true  blooded  nobleman,"  as  we  might  expect.  Now,  if  ethnology  is  to  be  deter- 
ministic, the  smallest  detail  must  harmonise  with  the  theory  as  well  as  big  facts,  and 
this  detail  does  not  harmonise  with  the  rough-and-ready  explanation  suggested  above. 
Let  us  try  and  see  what  will  follow  if  turanga  be  supposed  originally  to  have  meant 
an  elder,  an  ancient,  perhaps  a  married  man,  and  has  in  course  of  time  changed  its 
meaning  to  "  nobleman,"  and  that  the  original  sense  survives  in  the  custom  of 
describing  an  old  man  as  "  real  turanga" 

If  we  accept  this  hypothesis  we  can  at  once  understand  why  formerly  young 
noblemen  in  Mbau  were  spoken  of  as  "  youth  so  and  so "  (ngone  ho  ka)  ;  why  in 
Nandrau  in  the  Highlands  a  nobleman  was  not  called  turanga  till  he  was  married  ; 
why  in  most  parts,  if  not  all,  young  noblemen,  including  the  chief,  even  till  advanced 
middle  age,  are  never  called  purely  and  simply  turanga,  but  always  ngone  turanga, 
that  is  turanga  youth.* 

We  have  a  parallel  for  this  supposed  change  of  meaning  of  the  word  turanga. 
The  ordinary  word  for  an  old  man  is  nggase ;  now  in  recent  times  it  has  come  to 
be  used  of  certain  functions  imported  by  the  white  man,  quite  regardless  of  the 
holder's  age.  Thus  a  schoolmaster  is  nggase  ni  vuli  ("  old  man  of  the  school "),  a 
school  praefect  is  nggase  ni  mbure  ("old  man  of  the  dormitory  ").  Servants  will  also 
speak  of  their  master  as  nouggu  nggase  ("  my  old  man  "). 

We  have  more  than  a  parallel  ;  we  have  the  very  counterpart  in  the  use  of 
dhauravou  ("  youth ")  among  the  hill  tribes.  There  the  nobles  are  called  turanga, 
but  the  common  people  dhauravou,  and  this  word  is  there  the  equivalent  of  the 
coastal  Jtaisi.  Sometimes  ngone  ("child,"  "youth")  is  applied  to  the  younger  and 
inferior  branch  of  the  nobility,  thus  in  Nanggelewai,  Leaikini  told  me  that  the  elder 
branch  was  buried  in  a  cave,  but  "  we,  the  children,"  at  the  foot  of  it.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  the  "  children "  were  much  of  the  same  age  as  the  leading  noblemen. 

*  Jeune  Jille.  in  South  Belgium  is  used  in  the  sense  of  spinster,  and  I  have  heard  of  a  spinster 
describing  herself  as  rieille  jeitne  Jille  ("  old  voung  girl  "). 

[     141     ] 


No.  80.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Another  parallel  usage  is  that  of  tuaka  ("  elder  brother  ")  and  tadhi  ("  younger 
brother ")  ;  tribal  brothers  rank  as  elder  or  younger,  not  according  to  their  own  age 
but  according  to  that  of  the  own  brothers  from  whom  they  are  descended,  and, 
therefore,  according  to  rank.* 

A  word  like  turanga,  for  which  it  seems  possible  to  find  a  derivation,  cannot 
claim  as  high  an  antiquity  as  the  unanalysed  nggase.  The  conclusion  is  that  nggasc, 
or,  in  some  parts,  nggala,  mangua,  are  the  original  terms,  and  that  turanga  is  a 
respectful  title  for  the  ancients  of  a  tribe,  or  possibly  for  a  certain  grade  of  age. 
The  western  word  for  an  old  man  is  tutu  nggavanggwa,  which  also  contains  the 
word  /«,  and  means  "  those  that  stand  firm  "  ;  it  is  obviously  not  an  ancient  word  but 
a  title  that  has  displaced  the  original  word  for  old  man. 

The  change  in  the  meaning  of  turanga  cannot  have  been  spontaneous  ;  there  is 
no  more  spontaneity  in  ethnology  than  in  biology.  We  have  to  imagine  a  social 
change  that  will  explain  the  change  of  meaning,  and  the  social  change  that  most 
naturally  occurs  to  one  is  the  substitution  of  hereditary  chiefs  for  a  gerontocracy. 

In  effect,  what  strikes  an  investigator  among  the  hill-tribes  is  the  greater 
prominence  of  the  old  men  in  all  rites  ;  offerings  are  even  made  to  them,  and  it  was 
clear  among  the  tribe  of  Nandereivalu  that  they  were  not  receiving  them  as  mediums 
of  the  ghosts,  but  as  old  men  "  who,"  as  my  informant  put  it,  "  are  already  ghosts. 'r 
Likewise,  among  the  Navatusila  tribe  in  Naivudhini,  before  war  each  man  presented 
two  taro  roots  to  each  old  man,  "  that  is  by  reason  of  the  kalou.^  The  old  man 
"  receives  the  offering  ;  the  old  man  is  like  a  kalou  ;  he  is  old.  .  .  .  An  old 
"  man  did  not  plant,  but  stayed  in  the  house  like  a  ghost  ;  he  was  about  to  die.'* 
Every  religious  rite  is  in  the  same  way  presided  over  by  the  old  men,  and  religious 
rites  were  evidently  far  more  important  among  the  hill  tribes  than  on  the  coast,, 
where  attendance  on  the  chiefs  had  absorbed  much  of  the  energies  of  the  tribe.  As 
near  the  coast  as  Na  Mata  it  is  recorded  that  the  offerings  made  to  the  Spirit  were 
diverted  from  him  to  a  noble  lady  from  Mbau,  and  to  her  issue,  who  owed  their 
nobility  to  her. 

In  the  west  of  Viti  Levu  there  are  many  tribes  that  hardly  had  any  chiefs  at 
all.  The  Nggaliyalatina  tribe  lived  dispersed  in  clansj  till  British  rule.  The  Mba 
tribes  were  distinctly  under  the  rule  of  elders,  one  from  each  tribe,  bearing  the  title, 
it  is  said,  of  tui,  these  were  definitely  stated  to  be  "  priests "-  (mbete) ;  they  were 
installed  with  elaborate  ceremonies  called  veimbuli,  a  word  applied  in  the  eastern 
part  to  the  creation  of  chiefs. 

Even  in  the  extreme  east  the  old  men  preside  over  the  ceremonies  that  centre 
round  the  chiefs,  as  in  the  hills  they  controlled  religious  rites.  Under  the  late  High 
Chief  of  Lau  (d.  1903)  they  used  to  spend  much  of  their  time  in  his  house,  gathered 
round  kava  and  discussed  matters,  while  some  young  nobleman  brewed  the  kava 

*  We  shall  find  it  convenient,  I  think,  in  ethnological  discussions  to  distinguish  between  older 
and  senior,  younger  and  junior.  By  senior  we  understand  one  who  ranks  as  older,  and  by  junior 
one  who  is  treated  as  younger,  quite  irrespective  of  the  true  ratio  of  years.  In  the  following  pedigree 

A 
I __ 

I  I 

B  C 


D  E  J  K 

E  is  senior  to  J  though  he  may  actually  be  younger.     In  Fiji  a  distinction  is  hardly  made  between 
seniority  and  age. 

f  Ghost.      See  "On  the  meaning  of  the  Fijian  word,  kalou."     Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.   Inst.,   1912,, 
Vol.  XL1L,  p.  437. 

J  Not  exogamous. 

[     142     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  80-81. 

for  them  and  attended,  all  ears  but  no  tongue.  This  is  indeed  a  familiar  experience 
all  over  Fiji.  In  formal  kava  drinking  the  chief  sits  at  the  top  flanked  by  the 
herald*  ;  on  either  side  sits  a  single  row  of  elders,  while  the  young,  nobles  included, 
huddle  behind  the  kava  bowl  or  help  in  the  making.  When  there  is  a  feast  the 
old  men  of  all  ranks  assemble  in  one  house  and  talk  over  the  kava  with  Olympian 
calm,  while  the  youths  and  middle-aged  men,  nobles  and  commoners,  pile  up  the 
food  outside,  prepare  the  oven,  and  come  to  report  to  the  elders.  At  church  the  elders 
sit  behind  the  pulpit,  while  the  younger  folk  form  the  mass  of  the  congregation. 

The  word  turanga,  therefore,  leads  us  back  to  gerontocracy  ;  it  is  properly  the 
title  of  the  old  men  who  sit  in  informal  council  over  feasts  and  ceremonies,  even  as 
may  be  seen  at  the  present  day.  The  sacrosanct  chiefs  and  their  families  usurped 
their  title  with  part  of  their  functions.  As  chieftainship  goes  by  seniority,  and 
seniority  is  not  distinguished  from  age,  the  transference  of  turanga  to  the  nobility 
was  an  easy  one.  That  is  why  at  the  present  day  turanga  is  used  of  an  old  man, 
a  father,  a  senior,  and  a  nobleman.  A.  M.  HOCART. 


Cape  Colony:  Archseology.  Abbott. 

Pygmy  Implements  from  Cape  Colony.    />'//    /'  •    •/•    Leicis   Abbott.       Q1 

F.R.A.I.,  F.G.S.  01 

Some  two  years  ago  the  veteran  Colonel  Fielden,  of  Arctic  fame,  received  from  Mr. 
J.  M.  Bain,  from  the  base  of  the  Sand-dunes  of  Fishook,  Cape  Colony,  a  series  of  pygmy 
implements  which  are  of  special  interest.  In  Europe  the  pygmy  work  commenced  with 
the  Cave  period  of  France,  where  it  is  marked  by  special  edge-working  of  two  kinds  : 
firstly,  the  diminutive  flaking  (of  which  there  are  several  varieties),  which  was  in 
all  probability  effected  by  a  strip  of  bone  with  a  saw-setter  slot  ;  and,  secondly,  by 
the  removal  of  the  old  edges,  by  one  blow  administered  at  the  point  or  butt,  when 
it  was  desired  to  put  on  a  new  edge.  These  "old  edges,"  as  I  have  called  them 
for  want  of  a  better  name,  have  been  regarded  as  highly  specialized  tools  under 
different  names,  and  the  implements  when  so  treated  have  been  figured  as  "  double 
graving  tools "  ;  but  they  are  in  reality  nothing  more  than  the  products  of  this 
characteristic  method  of  working.  I  have  hundreds  of  them  from  the  French  caves 
and  other  settlements  of  people  who  employed  this  method  of  working.  These  I 
shall  be  pleased  to  describe  on  a  future  occasion. 

So  distinctive  are  these  two  methods  of  working,  that  we  can  trace  the  migra- 
tions of  their  employers  through  time  and  space  ;  we  can  see  them  here  adding  one 
new  form,  and  there  another  ;  here  one  type  dominant,  there  another  one  dying  out. 
Some  races  (or  colonies)  would  develop  diminutive — almost  microscopic — forms  of  a 
certain  group,  such  as  the  tiny  crescents  and  oblique-pointed  lancets  of  Scnnthorpe, 
and  several  localities  in  Cornwall,  where  these  minute  tools  were  sometimes  not 
more  than  3  or  4  mm.  long  ;  or  the  tiny  leaf-shape  things  at  the  Hastings  Kitchen 
Middens,  so  light  that  the  least  breeze  wafts  them  away,  and  the  removed  flakes 
are  not  more  than  a  five-hundredth  of  an  inch  wide.  With  the  succession  of  time 
in  Belgium,  and  other  places  on  the  continent,  we  see  a  similar  addition  of 
characteristic  forms. 

In  this  country  the  pygmies  were  mostly  worked  from  fresh  black  flint  ;  and  in 
many  stations  they  are  almost  as  fresh  to  the  naked  eye  as  if  they  had  been  worked 
but  yesterday.  In  many  cases  they  have  been  in  an  altering  matrix,  and  have 
"  blued,"  whitened,  or  porcelainized  ;  cross-sections  show  the  alteration  in  all  thick- 
nesses, from  partial  surface  covering  to  complete  metamorphosis.  This  state  of 
affairs,  I  believe,  obtains  all  over  Europe.  At  the  north-east  of  Hastings,  in  what  I 
believe  to  be  a  station  of  Magdalinean  age,  large  numbers  of  palaeolithic  implements 

*  See  Journ.  Rvy.  Anthr.  Ingt.,  1913,  Vol.  XLIII,  p.  109. 


No.  81.]  MAN.  [1913. 

occur,  aiul  still  greater  quantities  of  thin  flakes  or  blades ;  they  are  stained  of  a 
uniform  light  orange  brown.  These  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Hastings  Kitchen 
Midden  men,  and  they  re-worked  them  with  their  characteristic  edge-work  into  their 
quaint  shapes.  But  it  is  easy  to  see  the  two  ages  of  the  flakings  and  workings.  In 
India  the  local  varieties  of  silica — semi-opal,  chalcedony,  jasper,  and  other  forms — 
were  employed  in  their  manufacture.  In  some  places  we  find  the  native  rocks  used  ; 
in  others  material  the  locality  of  which  we  do  not  know.  These  now  under  descrip- 
tion from  Fishook  are  made  from  a  very  peculiar  porphyretic  pitchstone,  closely 
approaching  obsidian.  In  colour  it  is  usually  a  very  light  grey,  sometimes  it  is  a 
jasper  red.  At  first  appearance  it  looks  like  a  fine  micro-quartz-porphyry,  with  here 
and  there  evidence  of  flow  structure.  The  enclosed  quartz  occurs  in  quite  minute 
blebs  ;  very  rarely  one  sees  indications  of  crystalline  outline.  The  surfaces  of  the 
implements  have  suffered  a  good  deal  of  absorbtion,  and  in  some  cases  so  much  so 
that  the  interfacettial  ridges  are  by  no  means  sharp,  and  they  are  often  decidedly 
sand-polished,  or  what  would  be  called  patinated.  This  is  only  what  one  would 
expect  from  their  association  with  sand-dunes.  The  little  things  from  the  Culbin 
Sunds  and  other  Scottish  localities  are  in  a  similar  state.  One  also  notices  that  the 
minute  cracks  in  these  South  African  things  often  contain  kaolin.  It  should  not  be 
difficult  to  trace  up  the  rock  from  which  these  are  made,  and  I  hope  that  by  doing 
this  with  all  pygmy  implements,  we  may  be  able  to  trace  the  wanderings  of  their 
users.  The  two  shown  from  Basutoland  are  of  a  dense  black  fine  grain  basalt.  I 
have  had  specimens  of  these  not  more  than  8  mm.  in  diameter. 

Although  the  material  of  the  Fishook  implements  is  of  fairly  even  structure 
throughout,  it  cannot  be  said  to  be  homogeneous,  consequently  it  is  by  no  means  so 
easy  to  work  as  flint,  nor,  indeed  would  it  always  lend  itself  to  the  same  treatment, 
and  here  comes  the  interesting  points  of  racial  conservatism  :  the  forms,  and  with 
these  one  would  think  the  purposes,  whatever  they  were,  for  which  they  were  used, 
were  survivals  in  the  race,  from  the  land  of  flint,  and  closely  allied  varieties  of  silica. 
These  forms  could  not  possibly  have  originated  in  a  land  where  their  attainment  was 
impossible.  In  some  groups,  the  thinness  of  the  flakes  admitted  the  old  slot  method 
to  be  employed,  but  in  others  it  was  quite  impossible,  and  free-flaking  appeared 
uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  people.  But  whatever  the  method,  the  object  was  the 
same,  and  the  desired  forms  the  same.  Very  often  the  material  would  lend  itself  to 
fairly  parallel  flaking,  so  that  blades  20  to  30  mm.  by  3  or  4  mm.  occur  in  fair 
numbers.  These  were  then  worked  with  the  slot -work  into  the  characteristic 
quaint  shapes,  identical  with  European  specimens.  We  note  in  some  of  these  that, 
in  running  the  flaker  up  the  edge  the  backward  and  forward  movement  took  off  the 
the  tiny  flakes  from  both  faces,  giving  rise  to  an  almost  rectangular  edge.  In  others 
the  upper  wall  of  the  flaker  would  only  act  as  a  lever  and  the  arm  working  would 
be  elevated,  so  that  the  cutting-edge  Avould  form  a  more  acute  angle.  There  is  yet 
the  other  great  feature  in  these  South  African  things  that  associates  them  with  the 
European,  viz.,  the  striking  off"  the  worked  edges  when  a  new  edge  or  tang  was  wanted 
and  the  production  of  the  "  old  edges,"  and  "  tanging  pieces." 

DESCRIPTION  OF  SPECIMENS  ILLUSTRATED. 

Nos.  1  and  2  are  excellent  examples  of  posteriorly  approaching  sides  obliquely 
pointed,  lancet  group  ;  they  are  triangular  in  section,  the  third  or  shorter  being  the 
operating  edge.  They  show  work  from  both  upper  and  lower  faces,  and  are  very 
hard  worn. 

Fig.  3  is  another  variety  ;  it  is  triangular  in  section,  as  are  the  last-named  ; 
the  edges  approach  towards  the  point ;  before  meeting  an  oblique  cutting  edge  with 
a  very  sharp  point  was  put  on. 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  81. 


Fig.  4  is  another  variety  of  this  group  ;  the  thin  edge  is  curved,  and  the  cutting 
«dge  oblique. 

Fig.  5  is  a  beautiful  example  of  the  acicular  point  group,  where  an  edge  is 
nearly  or  quite  straight,  with  the  practically  rectangular  work,  and  the  other  more 
bowed  and  thinner.  Its  pink  colouring  and  the  arrangement  of  the  enclosures  cause 
it  to  look  like  a  mierographic  granite.  The  members  of  this  group  are  specially 


interesting,  as  not  only  do  they  agree  in  size  and  characteristic  shape  with  the 
Hastings  Kitchen  Midden  things,  but  they  are  worked  with  the  rectangular,  rectilinear 
work,  with  facets  removed  from  both  faces,  as  is  the  case  with  the  bone-slot  work, 
although  the  worn  condition  precludes  the  preservation  of  the  delicate  work. 

Fig.  6    is    a    beautiful   little    example    of    one    of   those  "  old  edges "  previously 
referred    to,  which    has    been    struck  off   the    implement  when    it  was  desired  to    put 


No.  81.]  MAN.  [1913. 

a  new  edge  upon  it.  It  is,  indeed,  exceedingly  interesting  to  get  this  method  of 
working  associated  with  these  things  in  South  Africa. 

Fig.  8  is  a  nicely  bi-syminetrical,  very  long  thick,  leaf-shape  ;  obtusely  worked  all 
round,  by  a  method  which  does  not  appear  quite  the  same  as  the  foregoing.  But  the 
extent  of  the  sand-polishing  and  surface-alteration  is  so  great  that  the  finer  structures 
are  destroyed. 

The  Crescents. — The  members  of  this  group  are  of  special  interest,  as  it  is  quite 
certain  that  these  implements  could  have  been  used  for  no  purpose  that  has  been 
claimed  for  European  crescents. 

Figs.   19-21   are  worked  from  dorsal-ridged  flakes,  edged  with  the  slot-flaker. 

Fig.  20  shows  a  dorsal  ridge  running  across  the  implement.  The  cutting  edges 
are  produced  by  the  bottom  wall  of  the  slot-flaker. 

Fig.  24  shows  one  of  these  in  the  process  of  making,  one  side  being  quite 
finished. 

Fig.  22  is  worked  from  a  thick  ridge-back  blade,  with  the  chord  beautifully 
worked  (monohedrally)  ;  the  points,  however,  are  put  on  by  percussion,  and  a  good 
portion  of  the  edge  is  left  untouched,  so  that  the  implement  loses  the  pure  crescendo 
form. 

Fig.  23  is  in  every  way  similar,  only  that  it  is  worked  from  a  concave  ridge- 
back  flake. 

Figs.  9-18  show  an  interesting  series  of  the  true  crescents.  It  will  be  seen  that 
these  are  not  worked  from  thin  blades,  nor  brought  into  the  desired  forms  by  the 
slot-flaker,  but  by  percussion,  and  as  it  does  not  appear  that  man  had  yet  learned 
that  too  obtuse  a  striking  angle,  in  relation  to  the  force  employed,  only  caused  the 
flaking-planes  to  resolve,  the  ought-to-have-been  pits-of-percussion  are  absent,  and 
in  their  places  we  have  parallel  resolution  pits,  and  the  whole  surface  is  hackly 
(celoclastic).  It  will  also  be  noticed  that  these  crescents  are  often  not  half  again  as. 
long  as  wide,  and  not  twice  as  wide  as  thick,  which  renders  them  inoperative  and 
inapplicable  for  any  of  the  purposes  which  have  been  claimed  for  the  English 
crescents  ;  but  their  cresoentic  outline  is  maintained  with  less  variation  of  detail  than 
in  the  European  forms. 

Fig.  25  shows  one  in  process  of  being  formed  by  percussion. 

Associated  with  the  pigmy  industry  in  some,  but  not  all,  places  are  minute  more 
or  less  horseshoe  shaped  scrapers,  sometimes  they  become  absolute  circles  ;  they  are 
sometimes  smaller  than  those  shown. 

The  pygmy  industry  is  essentially  a  monohedral  one  (i.e.,  the  flakes  are  all 
removed  from  one  face  only).  Fig.  26,  however,  is  a  disc  worked  by  percussion  from 
both  faces. 

These  latest  additions  to  the  pygmy  industry  open  up  a  fruitful  field  for  thought 
to  every  working  anthropologist.  Of  the  users  of  these  little  things  we  know  nothing, 
but  the  altered  condition  of  the  material,  the  sand  polished  and  worn  edges  and 
kaolin ization,  point  to  a  great  age  ;  even  the  basalt  ones,  which  at  first  glance  might 
appear  fresh  and  sharp,  when  examined  more  closely  are  seen  to  have  been  altered, 
some  very  much  so,  the  iron  oxidized  and  all  the  ridges  rubbed  down. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  prototypes  of  these  shapes  could  not  have  originated  in  a 
country  where  the  native  material  did  not  lend  itself  to  their  manufacture  ;  but  in  one 
where  a  homogeneous  silica,  such  as  flint,  was  the  common  indigenous  material  ;  and 
in  following  up  the  search  for  these  interesting  little  objects,  we  shall  be  getting 
together  the  material  to  show  the  migrations  of  this  old  race  over  the  face  of  the 
earth,  and  perhaps  be  able  to  trace  it  to  its  cradle.  W.  J.  LEWIS  ABBOTT. 

P.S. — Since  writing  the  above  I  have  had  the  surprising  pleasure  of  seeing 
a  collection  of  these  little  things  presented  by  Miss  Nina  Layard  to  the  Ipswich 

[  146  ]  " 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  81  82. 

Corporation.  They  are  not  only  similar  in  shape  and  work,  but  the  material  appears 
the  same  as  those  from  South  Africa.  But  what  is  more  remarkable  still,  they  are 
found  in  Australia  ;  they  carry  the  legend  that  they  "  were  used  200  years  ago  by 
the  natives,"  a  time  long  enough  to  relegate  them  to  the  prehistoric.  I  hope  to- 
be  able  to  find  out  more  about  these  most  interesting  things  from  the  other  end  of 
the  earth,  which  point  to  another  example  of  those  great  migrations  about  which  we 
have  been  learning  of  late  years. — W.  J.  L.  A. 


Japan :  Folklore.  Hildburgrh. 

Seven  Japanese  Variants   of  a  Toothache-charm,    including:  a      OH 

Driven  Nail.     By   W.  L.   Hildburgh.  QL 

An  excellent  example  of  the  variations  of  a  popular  charm,  according  to  the 
district  (or  even  the  part  of  the  district)  where  it  is  practised,  is  afforded  by  certain 
Japanese  forms  of  the  procedure  of  driving  a  nail  or  a  spike  into  some  object  for. 
the  purpose  of  relieving  toothache.  The  series  illustrates  the  difficulty  with  which 
the  folklorist  may  be  faced  when  trying  to  select  the  essential  feature  of  a  charm  of 
which  he  knows  one  or  two  forms  only.  In  each  variant  the  charm  is  given  in  full 
detail,  as  received  by  me  or  as  printed  in  books,  showing  the  ceremonial  which  may 
gather  by  degrees  about  a  simple  performance. 

(a.)  Upon  a  sheet  of  paper  draw  a  diagram  of  the  mouth,  showing  the  tongue 
in  the  centre,  and  representing  each  tooth  by  a  small  mark.  (The  diagram  is  to  be 
drawn  with  the  part  representing  the  left  side  opposite  to  the  actual  left  side,  as  in 
a  mirror,  not  as  in  a  portrait.)  Fasten  this  paper  by  a  number  of  bamboo  spikes, 
either  angular  or  round  (the  paper  must  not  be  pasted  up),  to  the  wall  of  a  room  in 
which  one  is  accustomed  to  spend  much  time — a  bedroom,  or  the  kitchen,  for  example — 
near  to  the  floor.  Then,  with  a  few  light  taps  of  a  hammer,  drive  another  bamboo 
spike  through  the  mark  corresponding  to  the  diseased  tooth,  at  the  same  time  request- 
ing either  Fudo-san  or  Jizo-san  (some  people  favour  one  of  these  deities,  some  the 
other)  to  cure  the  tooth.  Should  the  tooth  continue  to  ache,  drive  the  spike  a  little 
further  into  the  wall,  with  renewed  requests  for  a  cure.  (Recorded  by  me  at  Kyoto.) 

(6.)  A  knife  is  flourished  about  in  front  of  the  patient's  face  (this  action  probably 
corresponds  to  threatening  the  disorder  with  a  knife,  as  is  done  in  some  charms  for  other 
purposes),  and  a  sheet  of  paper  folded  in  a  certain  manner  is  then  cut  along  the  folds 
with  this  knife.  One  of  the  sheets  thus  produced  is  marked  by  biting  upon  it  with 
the  aching  tooth,  and  is  afterwards  returned  to  its  original  position  amongst  the  others. 
Then  all  are  fastened  up  by  several  nails  driven  through  them  in  the  upper  part  of  a 
room.  (Recorded  by  me  at  Nikko.) 

(c.)  Stand,  with  the  feet  together,  upon  a  piece  of  white  paper  placed  on  the 
floor  and  draw  a  line  (which  will  resemble  the  outline  of  a  human  face)  around  the 
outside  of  them.*  Within  this  line  draw  eyes,  a  nose,  and  a  mouth  containing  a  full 
set  of  teeth,  making  the  offending  tooth  quite  black,  and  the  two  teeth  at  its  sides 
slightly  black.  Then  fold  the  paper  in  eight  folds,  drive  a  nail  through  it,  and  finally 
throw  it  into  a  running  stream.  (Quoted  in  The  Sightless  City,  1905.) 

(c?.)  "Inscribe  on  a  slip  of  wood  certain  incantations  (given)  in  the  ordinary 
'  Chinese  character,  in  the  seal  character,  and  in  Sanskrit.  Beside  the  inscription 
"  make  two  circles.  If  the  toothache  is  in  the  upper  jaw  knock  a  new  nail  with  a 
"  purified  hammer  into  the  upper  circle  ;  if  in  the  lower  jaw  into  the  lower  circle. 
"  If  the  pain  does  not  go  away  continue  knocking  the  nail  with  the  hammer.  The 

*  To  cure  toothache  ink  the  sole  of  one  foot  and  take  an  imprint  of  it  upon  a  sheet  of  paper, 
then  paste  the  paper  upon  the  kitchen  door.  For  a  tooth  on  the  right  side  print  the  right  foot ; 
for  one  on  the  left  side  the  left  foot.  (Reported  to  me  as  given  by  an  old  woman  at  Kamakura). 

[     147     J 


No,  82-83,]  MAN.  [1913. 

*'  slip  of  wood  should  be  afterwards  thrown  away  into  a  stream."  (Quoted  in  Aston's 
Shinto,  as  taken  from  Bakiu's  Yenzeki  Zass/ti.) 

(e.)  Write  the  verses  of  a  certain  charm  (given)  upon  a  piece  of  paper,  and  nail 
this  upon  a  pillar.  Whenever  the  tooth  hurts  subsequently  drive  the  nail  a  little 
further  in.  (From  a  book  of  charms  and  recipes  published  at  Kyoto  about  1843.) 

(y.)  A  written  charm,  which  is  rolled  np  so  that  the  writing  is  hidden,  is  pre- 
pared by  a  fortune-teller  and  is  brought  to  the  patient's  home,  where  it  is  transfixed 
by  a  nail.  Should  the  pain  return  the  nail  is  driven  further  into  the  paper. 
(Recorded  by  me  at  Yokohama.) 

(<7.)  "  Sufferers  from  toothache  sometimes  stick  needles  into  the  yanagi  (or  willow) 
"  tree,  believing  that  the  pain  caused  to  the  tree-spirit  will  force  it  to  exercise  its 
*4  power  to  cure."  (Hearn,  Glimpses  of  Unfamiliar  Japan,  pp.  598-599.) 

NOTE. — Amongst  the  Ainu,  "For  toothache  a  nail  is  heated  to  a  white  heat  and 
*'  is  held  on  the  affected  tooth  for  a  few  seconds.  This  is  said  to  kill  the  insects 
*'  which  are  supposed  to  be  the  origin  of  the  malady."  (Batchelor,  The  Ainu  and 
"Their  Folklore,  1901,  p.  293.)  W.  L.  HILDBURGH. 


REVIEWS. 
Religion.  Frazer. 

The  Belief  in  Immortality  and  the  Worship  of  the  Dead.  By  J.  G.  QQ 
Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.  Vol.  I,  The  Belief  among  the  Aborigines  00 
of  Australia,  the  Torres  Straits  Islands,  New  Guinea  and  Melanesia.  London  : 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  Limited,  1913. 

It  is  not  easy  to  offer  any  criticism,  however  modest,  on  this  first  volume  of  a 
new  work  by  Professor  Frazer  without  knowing  somewhat  more  than  he.  is  pleased, 
in  the  preface  and  introductory  lecture,  to  reveal  of  the  plan  and  extent  of  the 
whole.  The  volume  consists  of  the  Gifford  Lectures  delivered  by  the  author  at 
St.  Andrews  in  the  years  1911  and  1912.  "The  theme  here  broached  is,"  as  he 
says,  "  a  vast  one."  Apparently  it  is  his  intention  to  pursue  it  through  the  remaining 
"principal  races  of  the  world  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times."  If  pursued  on 
the  same  scale  he  will  need  the  legendary  age  of  the  ancient  patriarchs  to  complete 
it  and  give  us  his  conclusions  ;  and  we  shall  need  a  still  further  term  to  peruse  and 
consider  them.  It  is,  to  be  sure,  a  subject  of  enormous  interest.  For  that  very 
.  reason  his  readers — many  of  them  at  least — will  be  anxious  rather  to  learn  the 
author's  conclusions  and  see  the  evidence  marshalled  to  reach  them,  in  the  manner 
of  a  considered  judicial  pronouncement,  than  to  busy  themselves  with  the  details 
and  comparative  irrelevancies  that  are  inevitable  in  the  course  of  the  trial.  This 
will  be  more  particularly  the  case  with  those  who  are  not  anthropologists  or 
specially  students  of  comparative  religion  ;  and  of  such  readers  the  attraction  of 
Professor  Frazer's  writing  has  gathered  a  large  and  increasing  number.  But  even 
his  disciples  in  the  study  of  comparative  religion,  to  whom  many  of  the  facts  here 
set  forth  will  be  familiar,  will  prefer  not  to  wait  until  the  twentieth  volume  to 
ascertain  whither  their  master  is  leading  them. 

No  doubt  the  very  details,  and  even  irrelevancies  (if  such  there  be),  are 
abundantly  interesting,  and  are  made  doubly  so  by  the  author's  ma.nner  of  presenta- 
tion. It  would  be  rank  ingratitude  to  forget  this.  No  doubt  also  from  time  to  time 
he  allows  portions  of  his  conclusions  to  peep  through  his  descriptions  or  to  direct 
the  various  and  often  incisive  comments,  both  incidental  and  those  with  which  he 
sums  up  the  practices  of  the  different  peoples  under  review.  So  far  as  they  do  so, 
however,  they  are  fragments  ;  and  we  may  be  pardoned  for  desiring  to  see,  within 
some  period  ordinarily  measurable  to  mortal  men,  the  disjecta  membra  pieced 

[     148     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  83. 

together  and  clothed  with  flesh  and  blood  by  the  consummate  art  displayed  in  other 
works  coming  from  the  same  practised  hand. 

Dr.  Frazer  begins  in  a  business-like  way  by  defining  the  object  and  method 
of  the  work  and  the  terms  he  intends  to  use.  The  method  he  states  is  historical, 
though  in  the  present  volume,  dealing  with  tribes  that  have  no  written  records, 
description  necessarily  takes  the  place  of  history.  Starting  from  the  lowest  known 
savages,  the  rites  and  beliefs  examined  do  indeed  disclose  progress  as  we  go  to  the 
more  advanced.  It  does  not  follow  that  the  more  elaborate  rites  and  higher  beliefs 
have  all  evolved  in  the  same  way,  or  from  exactly  the  same  stage  that  we  find 
among  the  lowest  savages.  Whatever  the  original  germ  was,  its  evolution  has  been 
modified,  if  not  by  what  Dr.  Frazer  calls  the  inward  experience,  at  all  events  by 
the  outward  experience,  of  every  several  people.  In  other  words,  there  is  a  definite 
correlation  between  rite  and  belief  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  organisation,  external 
environment,  and  general  civilisation  of  a  people  on  the  other  hand.  The  author  by 
implication  insists  on  this  repeatedly;  and  it  should  be  remembered,  lest  his  use  of 
the  word  "  historical "  to  designate  his  method  lead  to  misconception. 

Another  term  liable  to  misconception  is  "  immortality."  It  is  perhaps  unfortunate 
that  he  has  chosen  it  to  express  "  life  after  death,"  though  no  other  single  word 
would  convey  the  meaning.  But  he  takes  care  to  explain  that,  as  he  uses  it,  it 
means  simply  the  survival  of  a  conscious  human  personality  after  death,  without  any 
implication  as  to  the  length  of  that  survival.  It  is  one  of  the  inconsistencies  of 
savage  belief  that,  though  many  tribes  do  not  recognise  the  necessity  of  death,  holding 
that  death  is  invariably  due  to  witchcraft  or  to  envious  or  malicious  spirits  (whether 
human  or  non-human),  they  still  vaguely  say  of  the  departed  of  their  own  tribe  whom 
they  have  forgotten,  when  pressed  on  the  subject,  that  they  have  ceased  to  exist,  or 
even  expressly  assert,  like  the  Fijians  here  mentioned,  or  the  Dyaks  of  Borneo,  that 
there  is  a  death  beyond  death,  whereby  the  soul  is  utterly  annihilated. 

Professor  Frazer  points  out  that  he  is  by  no  means  dealing  with  the  whole  of 
savage  religion.  The  cult  of  the  dead  is  only  a  part  of  it.  Concerning  euhemerism 
he  says  :  "  Regarded  as  a  universal  explanation  of  the  belief  in  gods  it  is  certainly 
"  false  ;  regarded  as  a  partial  explanation  of  the  belief  it  is  unquestionably  true  ; 
"  and  perhaps  we  may  even  go  further  and  say  that  the  more  we  penetrate  into  the 
"  inner  history  of  natural  religion  the  larger  is  seen  to  be  the  element  of  truth  con- 
"  tained  in  euhemerism."  Possibly  he  may,  in  the  course  of  future  volumes,  give 
reasons  for  the  faith  that  is  in  him.  Meanwhile  I  may  be  allowed  to  enter  a  caveat- 
so  far  as  concerns  Kibuka,  the  war-god  of  the  Baganda,  to  whom  he  casually  refers 
on  a  later  page.  Admitting  that  this  deity's  story  is  "  more  or  less  mythical,"  as  it 
unquestionably  is,  he  expresses  the  opinion  that  "  his  personal  relics,  which  are  iio*v 
"  deposited  in  the  Ethnological  Museum  at  Cambridge,  suffice  to  prove  his  true 
"  humanity."  That  these  personal  relics  are  of  human  origin  there  need  be  no  doubt. 
But  that  comes  very  far  short  of  proving  the  true  humanity  of  Kibuka.  Europe  in 
both  Pagan  and  Christian  times  swarmed  with  false  relics  ;  and  doubtless  it  has  plenty 
still,  despite  repeated  purifications  in  which  popes,  as  well  as  lesser  ecclesiastics,  have 
taken  part.  I  have  adduced  elsewhere  (xxiii,  Folk-Lore,  136-37)  other  reasons  for 
scepticism  as  to  the  true  humanity  of  Kibuka  and  his  brother  Mukasa.  Here  I  will 
only  insist  that  the  existence  of  alleged  personal  relics  is  an  utterly  insufficient 
proof. 

Passing  from  the  preliminary  lecture,  before  entering  on  the  main  subject,  two 
lectures  are  devoted  to  the  savage  theories  on  the  subject  of  death  and  myths  on 
its  origin.  After  a  careful  analysis  of  these,  the  author  points  out  that  some  eminent 
modern  biologists  have  been  led  by  a  consideration  of  the  lower  organisms  to  agree 

L  149  ] 


No.  83.]  MAN.  [1913. 

with  the  savage  view  that  death  is  not  a  natural  necessity.  This  is  not  the  only 
subject  on  which  scientific  speculation  agrees  with  that  of  the  lower  culture,  though 
of  course  it  is  founded  on  quite  different  considerations.  In  the  present  case  death 
is  held  to  he  an  innovation  for  the  good  of  the  breed,  to  prevent  exhaustion  of  the 
food  supply  and  the  deterioration  of  the  race. 

The  body  of  the  work  is  chiefly  a  reproduction  of  the  accounts  of  missionaries 
»nd  scientific  explorers  of  the  beliefs  of  the  various  peoples  named  on  the  title- 
page,  as  explicitly  stated  by  themselves,  and  of  the  rites  and  practices  from  which 
belief  is  to  be  inferred.  It  need  only  be  said  here  that,  given  the  scale  on  which 
Dr.  Frazer  has  treated  them,  their  treatment  leaves  little  to  be  desired.  We  find  all 
his  conscientious,  even  meticulous  accuracy,  his  care  amid  the  details  to  bring  out 
the  important  aspects,-  and  his  illuminating  and  frequently  humorous  comment. 

There  may  be  some  doubt  whether  the  author  is  right  in  regarding  the  com- 
memorative ceremonies  of  the  Arunta  as  originally  intended  to  multiply  the  totemic 
animal  or  plant.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  magical  ceremonies  are  divorced  from 
the  commemorative  in  the  most  northerly  tribes,  and  that  even  among  the  Warramunga 
the  magical  purpose  said  to  exist  in.  the  minds  of  the  people  is  hardly  visible  in  the 
commemorative  rites  themselves,  the  question  of  the  original  purpose  of  the  com- 
memorative ceremonies  demands  careful  reconsideration.  Here  we  may  note  that 
although  the  cult  of  the  dead  is  in  an  undeveloped  condition  throughout  Australia, 
Messrs.  Spencer  and  Grillen  seem  to  have  somewhat  overstated  the  facts  when  they 
say  that  "  amongst  the  Central  Australian  natives  there  is  never  any  idea  of  appealing 
*'  for  assistance  to  any  one  of  these  Alcheringa  ancestors  in  any  way,  nor  is  there 
"  any  attempt  made  in  the  direction  of  propitiation,"  except  in  the  case  of  the 
Wollunqua  snake.  Their  own  description  of  the  treatment  of  the  churinga,  which 
are  mysteriously  associated  with,  if  not  in  some  sense  an  embodiment  of,  the  ancestors, 
indicates  both  propitiation  and  appeals  for  assistance,  if  in  a  crude  and  rudimentary 
form.  One  thing  that  has  operated  among  the  central  tribes,  if  nowhere  else,  to 
retard  the  evolution  of  the  cult  of  the  dead  has  been  the  highly  systematized  belief 
in  re-incarnation.  Where  such  a  belief  is  less  systematized  it  does  not  seem  to  have 
that  effect. 

Is  the  conjecture  well  founded  that  the  cutting  and  wounding  by  mourners  over 
the  corpse  or  the  grave  in  Australia  and  the  islands  of  Torres  Straits  were  intended 
to  strengthen  the  dead  ?  The  blood  of  sacrificial  victims  is  so  represented  in  Homer  ; 
but.  those  victims  were  not  human,  and  it  was  not  shed  at  a  funeral  ceremony.  The 
twelve  Trojan  youths  whom  Achilles  slew  at  the  pyre  of  Patroklos  were  slaughtered 
out  of  unsatiated  revenge,  or  perhaps  to  accompany  him  as  slaves  to  Hades.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  reason,  we  are  not  told  that  their  blood  was  shed  upon  the  corpse, 
still  less  that  the  ghost  imbibed  it  and  was  strengthened.  We  are  not  even  definitely 
told  that  this  was  the  purpose  of  lashing  the  boys  on  the  grave  of  Pelops.  But 
even  if  we  had  been  told  so,  it  would  not  follow  that  what  was  true  in  Greek 
barbarism  would  be  equally  true  in  a  more  savage  society  and  quite  a  different 
environment.  Moreover,  in  the  final  burial  ceremony  among  the  Arunta,  in  which 
blood  is  freely  spilt  on  the  grave  by  women  who  stand  in  certain  relations  to  the 
deceased,  that  specific  rite  is  immediately  preceded  by  Avhat  Dr.  Frazer  accurately 
describes  as  a  ghost -hunt,  beginning  at  the  camp  where  the  man  died,  chasing 
the  unhappy  ghost  thence  to  the  grave,  and  beating  and  stamping  it  down  into  the 
earth.  When  it  is  over  the  mourning  is  ended,  and  though  the  ghost  is  still  per- 
mitted to  watch  over  his  friends,  guard  them  from  harm,  and  even  visit  them  in 
dreams,  he  must  abstain  from  frightening  them.  It  does  not  look  as  if  the  intention 
were  to  strengthen  him,  but  rather  to  preclude  him  as  far  as  possible  from  any 

.[  150  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  83-84. 

activity  that  may  incommode  the  survivors.  If  the  offering  of  blood  be  meant  to 
do  more  than  unite  the  deceased,  on  the  principles  of  magic,  by  one  more  bond  in 
mystic  relation  with  the  survivors,  before  committing  him  to  his  last  home,  the 
meaning  is  at  least  not  obvious. 

But  to  comment  in  this  way  on  the  various  passages  of  this  profoundly  interesting 
book  that  offer  themselves  to  observation  would  occupy  far  greater  space  than  any 
reasonable  reviewer  would  dare  to  ask.  I  must  content  myself  with  adding  one  or 
two  summary  notes.  I  could  have  wished  that  Professor  Frazer  had  taken  advantage 
of  the  opportunity  to  consider  somewhat  more  fully  the  position  of  that  strange  little 
people,  the  Mafulu,  who  seem  from  Mr.  Williamson's  careful  account  of  them  to  be 
equally  innocent  of  magic  and  religion.  Or  to  put  it  more  exactly,  they  seem,  despite 
a  relatively  advanced  civilisation,  to  have  magic  and  religion  merely  in  germ.  Probablv 
more  exploration  must  be  done  among  themselves  and  their  neighbours  before  we  can 
understand  them  ;  but  we  should  have  been  glad  to  learn  whether  Dr.  Frazer  could 
have  given  us  any  clue  to  their  peculiar  cultural  development.  He  protests  warmly, 
but  not  too  strongly,  against  the  tendency  in  some  quarters  to  deny  reasoning  to  the 
savage.  Such  denial  is  too  often  based  on  insufficient  acquaintance  with  savage 
mentality  and  motives,  and  impatience  with  a  mode  of  reasoning  starting  from  postulates, 
and  therefore  reaching  conclusions,  often  the  opposite  of  ours.  Weighty  incidental 
observations  on  the  economic,  mental,  and  moral  effects  on  humanity  of  the  belief  in 
the  life  after  death  are  scattered  through  the  volume  ;  and  the  final  summing  up  of 
these  effects,  and  of  the  arguments  for  and  against  the  general  truth  of  the  belief,  is 
very  impressive.  On  the  latter  point,  as  on  another  of  equal,  if  not  greater  import- 
ance, the  author  avows  himself  in  that  condition  of  philosophic  doubt  in  which 
probably  many  more  scientific  men  find  themselves  than  care  to  say  so. 

A  tribute,  as  generous  as  it  is  just  and  eloquent,  to  the  late  Andrew  Lang,  at 
the  opening  of  the  tenth  lecture,  should  not  pass  unnoticed. 

E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


Java.  Scheltema. 

Monumental  Java.  By  J.  F.  Scheltema,  M.A.  Pp.  xviii  -f  302,  with 
illustrations  and  vignettes  after  drawings  of  Javanese  Chandi  Ornaments  by 
the  Author.  Price  12*.  6d.  net.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1913. 

The  author  of  this  little  book  deals  in  the  first  part  with  the  history  of  the 
island,  taken  mostly  from  native  sources,  while  in  the  second,  he  gives  a  general 
survey  of  the  various  ruins  dotted  over  Mid  and  Eastern  Java  ;  to  this  is  added 
a  very  short  description  of  the  more  important  buildings,  culminating  with  Boro- 
Boudour,  to  which  he  devotes  two  chapters  at  the  end  of  the  book. 

We  would  hardly  describe  the  temples  of  the  Dieng  Plateau  as  being  the  finest 
in  Java,  although  certainly  they  are  the  oldest.  Fergusson,  writing  on  this  group, 
distinctly  says,  "  They  are  not  remarkable  either  for  their  size  or  the  beauty 
''  of  their  details."  And  again,  it  is  somewhat  misleading  to  say  that  the  ground 
plan  of  the  Chaudi  Kalasan  is  in  the  form  of  a  Greek  Cross  ;  the  photograph  on 
Plate  XIX  shows  that  it  is  square,  with  one  projection  on  each  side,  and  furthermore 
the  building  contains  five,  not  four  chambers,  viz.  :  a  large  square  chamber  in  the 
centre  with  four  small  chapels  round  it.  Access  to  the  large  chamber  is  ouly  gained 
through  the  eastern  one. 

Coming,  on  page  188,  to  Mr.  Scheltema's  comments  on  the  ruinous  state  of  the 
Chandi  Pelahosan,  we  find  the  passage,  "...  part  has  been  broken  to  pieces 
*'  by  treasure-hunters  who  dug  holes  and  sunk  shafts,  disturbing  the  foundations  of 
"  the  Chandi  Plahosan  in  their  inorance  of  the  difference  between  Buddhist 


No.  84.]  MAN.  [1913. 

"  monasteries  and  Hindu  mausolea  built  round  funeral  pits,1'  and  Dr.  Groneman, 
writing  on  this  same  temple,  says,  "  we  are  sorry  to  think  that  they  were  destroyed 
"  or  removed  by  devastating  treasure-seekers  who  broke  the  floors  and  dug  up  the 
"  earth  underneath,  not  knowing  that  there  could  be  .no  graves  in  the  rooms  of 
"  these  monasteries." 

The  author  states  that  the  twenty-two  scenes  on  the  right  and  left  of  the 
staircase  of  Chandi  Mendoot  are  partly  lost  and  wholly  damaged,  but  this  is 
incorrect.  On  the  left  or  north  side  there  are  ten  jatakas  ;  of  these  only  one  is 
wholly  damaged,  two  partly  damaged,  and  the  rest  are  entire.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  the  description  of  this  beautiful  temple  is  so  meagre,  and  that  the  superb 
monolithic  figure  of  the  Buddha — said  to  possess  the  most  perfect  Buddha  face  in 
existence — should  be  disposed  of  in  a  few  lines.  It  is  now  some  five  years  since 
this  statue  was  restored  to  its  original  position,  so  that  neither  the  photograph 
No.  XXV,  nor  the  statement  that  it  has  "slid  down  from  its  pedestal,"  are  quite 
up  to  date. 

Although  Dr.  Groneman  also  uses  the  term  "  polygonous "  to  the  Japanese 
temples,  we  do  not  think  this  is  the  accepted  meaning  of  the  word,  even  if  the 
temples  are  "many-cornered."  The  author  seems  to  have  copied  what  is  obviously 
a  printer's  error  in  Fergusson's  Eastern  Architecture  where  he  writes,  "  Naha  Vihara  " 
for  "  Maha  Vihara."  We  should  like  to  know  what  a  "  stupa-linga "  is,  and  also 
why  Mr.  Scheltema,  who  has  travelled  in  the  East,  and  ought  to  know  better, 
persists  in  calling  a  Chinese  a  u  Chinaman  ? "  We  thought  this  was  a  prerogative 
of  schoolboys  and  comic  singers. 

It  is  only  right  and  proper  that  the  author,  in  dealing  with  Eastern  architecture, 
should  use  Sanskrit  terms,  but  why  introduce  German,  Dutch,  Spanish,  French, 
Italian,  Latin,  and  Greek  ?  On  page  129,  for  instance,  we  find  phrases  in  no  less 
than  five  languages.  Mr.  Scheltema  speaks  of  "  a  Polynesian  bias  to  ancestor- 
worship  "  ;  now  in  the  great  diversity  of  the  religious  beliefs  held  by  these  peoples 
there  is  nothing  to  show  that  they  were  ancestor-worshippers.  In  another  place  he 
deplores  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  Government  and  natives  alike  used  the  ruined 
temples  as  quarries.  But  in  what  country  or  in  what  age  has  this  not  been  done  ! 
Did  not  Cairo  come  from  Cheops  and  Christian  churches  from  Pagan  amphitheatres  ? 

The  best  chapters  are  those  dealing  with  Boro-Boudour  and  its  approach,  and 
the  tribute  Mr.  Scheltema  pays  to  Major  Van  Eerp  is  well  deserved.  The  Dutch 
Government  are  to  be  congratulated  in  selecting  him  to  carry  out  the  strenuous  work 
of  restoring  Boro-Boudour.  This  work  has  now  been  carried  out,  and  in  a  way 
worthy  of  the  best  traditions  of  the  School  of  Archaeology.  A  comparison  of  the 
photographs  Nos.  XXXIX  and  XL  is  a  good  example  of  what  has  been  achieved. 

The  seated  Buddha  figures  (at  Boro-Boudour)  enclosed  in  the  perforated  dagobs  on 
the  three  circular  terraces  suggest,  perhaps,  the  idea  that  the  Buddha  had  now  reached 
a  state  whereby  he  is  now  only  dimly  visible,  as  through  a  mist,  to  his  beholders, 
while  in  the  central  and  crowning  dagob  he  had  passed  altogether  beyond  the  realm 
of  human  vision. 

There  is  a  useful  bibliography  at  the  end  of  the  book,  which,  however,  brings 
out  the  fact  that  there  are  comparatively  few  works  in  the  English  language  on  the 
subject  of  Javanese  archaeology,  so  that  the  present  volume  is  all  the  more  welcome. 
The  addition  of  a  map,  such  as  that  published  by  the  Royal  Packet  Company,  where 
the  ruined  sites  are  marked  in  red,  would  greatly  assist  the  reader  in  seeing  at  a 
glance  the  position  and  distribution  of  these  temples  of  Java. 

J.  COOPER  CLARK. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  K. 


MAN,  1913. 


THE     EARLIEST     PERFECT    TOMBS. 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  85. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Egypt:  Archaeology.  With  Plate  K.  Petrie. 

The  Earliest  Perfect  Tombs.     By  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.    ftC 

While  burials  below  the  surface  abound  in  Egypt  and  most  other  lands,  Ou 
and  have  been  published  by  the  thousand,  the  above-ground  structure  of  tombs  is 
very  rarely  preserved.  In  the  great  cemetery  of  Tarkhan,  forty  miles  south  of  Cairo, 
which  I  have  excavated  during  the  past  two  years,  some  tombs  of  the  1st  Dynasty 
(5500  B.C.)  have  the  upper  structures  in  perfect  preservation,  owing  to  having  been 
quickly  buried  in  drifted  sand.  Three  of  these  are  here  illustrated. 

At  the  top  are  shown  two  brick  tombs  with  curved  tops  (Nos.  2,039,  2,040), 
dating  from  the  time  of  King  Zet,  the  middle  of  the  1st  Dynasty.  On  the  right  is 
seen  a  part  of  the  large  mastaba  of  brick  (No.  2,038)  with  recessed  facing.  In  the 
recess  nearest  to  the  spectator  is  the  flooring  of  wood  remaining,  which  marks  the 
main  recess  for  offerings.  To  the  left  of  the  face  is  the  gangway  around  the  mastaba  ; 
to  the  left  of  that  is  the  fender  wall  which  runs  around  the  whole.  In  the  gangway 
of  this  and  another  mastaba  (each  over  100  feet  long),  were  several  tombs  of  the 
dependants.  The  two  shown  here  are  built  of  brick,  plastered  with  mud%  and  white- 
washed. On  the  top  of  each  are  two  slight  recesses  in  the  form  of  a  doorway,  by 
which  the  soul  was  supposed  to  go  out  and  in. 

On  cutting  these  tombs  open  at  the  top  (carefully  leaving  the  sides  perfect),  it 
was  found  that  the  bricks  had  been  laid  over  a  pile  of  sand,  which  supported  them 
when  plastered.  Ou  digging  down  there  were  first  three  or  four  jars  lying  at  the 
sides,  about  3  feet  down.  Below  these  was  a  papyrus  sleeping  mat,  too  long  to  go 
into  the  pit,  and  therefore  turned  up  about  2  feet  at  one  end.  Under  the  mat  was 
a  lid  of  loose  boards  laid  over  a  roughly-made  box  coffin,  in  making  which  old  house 
timber  had  bean  used  up.  The  burials  were  contracted,  head  north,  face  east,  on 
left  side,  accompanied  by  some  small  pottery  and  gazelle  bones. 

In  the  middle  view  is  a  small  mastaba.  The  four  pots  standing  upright  in  the 
large  square  are  those  found  in  the  anciently-robbed  grave  which  is  beneath  them. 
The  whole  square  was  originally  filled  with  sand,  forming  a  mound  banked  round 
by  a  brick  wall  about  a  foot  high.  Such  is  the  type  of  the  Royal  Tombs  of  the 
1st  Dynasty  on  a  larger  scale.  The  view  is  taken  with  the  sand  emptied  out  so  far 
to  show  the  depth  of  the  wall.  Nearer  the  spectator  is  the  little  court  for  offerings, 
only  2  or  3  feet  square.  The  original  whitewash  covering  may  be  seen  still  on 
parts  of  the  wall.  In  the  tomb  wall  are  two  slits,  at  which  the  offerings  were  pre- 
sented, for  their  virtue  to  descend  to  the  dead.  Outside  of  the  offering  court  are  the 
rough  pots  in  which  offerings  had  been  brought  at  the  various  festivals  ;  the  jars 
were  then  left  derelict  at  the  place.  This  mastaba  (No.  740)  dates  from  sequence 
date  78 — just  before,  or  early  in  the  reign  of,  Mena,  the  beginning  of  the  1st  Dynasty. 

The  lower  view  shows  a  perfect  burial  (No.  1,845),  slightly  earlier,  sequence 
date  77,  rather  before  the  1st  Dynasty.  Here  the  whole  of  the  sand  filling  has  been 
removed,  and  the  body  is  seen  lying  quite  perfect,  head  south,  face  west,  contracted. 
The  jars  are  around  it,  and  between  the  knees  and  the  arms  is  an  alabaster  bowl  with 
a  slate  palette  upon  it.  Outside  of  the  mastaba  wall,  at  the  right,  is  seen  at  the  back 
the  offering  court,  with  pans  lying  upside  down  in  it ;  nearer  is  the  stack  of  jars  left 
from  the  offerings.  Pottery  of  this  type  is  seldom  found  in  the  graves  ;  while  the 
types  found  in  graves  are  not  found  in  stacks  of  offerings.  From  the  contemporary 
pottery  of  this  town  at  Abydos  we  see  that  the  grave  pottery  was  that  in  common 
use ;  the  stack  pottery,  left  subsequently,  was  apparently  only  made  for  such  a 
transient  purpose. 

From  over  a  thousand  graves  cleared  this  year  of  Dynasties  0  and  1,  the  British 
School  has  secured  measures  of  over  600  skeletons  (taken  by  Mr.  Thompson),  the 

[  153  ] 


No.  85-86.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


largest  group  all  within  a  century  that  has  been  recorded.  These  indicate  that  the 
population  of  females  was  homogeneous,  while  the  males  are  of  two  groups,  one  about 
a  tenth  of  the  other.  It  appears  that  from  prehistoric  days  there  had  been  a  slow 
mixture  of  the  dynastic  race,  shortening  the  male  statue  from  about  69^  to  67^  inches, 
and  then  came  in  the  pure  dynastic  clan  of  only  66^  inches.  Subsequently  these 
gradually  mixed  with  the  older  race,  and  the  stature  rose  to  about  69  inches  again  in 
the  6th  Dynasty.  Seventy  skulls  have  been  preserved  by  soaking  in  paraffin  wax  ;  the 
bones  were,  unfortunately,  too  fragile  to  be  lifted,  and  were  all  measured  as  they  lay 
in  the  earth.  The  results  will  all  be  published  in  Tarkhan  II. 

A  large  cemetery  of  the  12th  and  13th  Dynasties  has  also  been  excavated  by 
the  British  School  this  year,  finding  many  important  objects,  including  very  fine 
inlaid  jewellery.  These  results  will  appear  in  Riqqeh  and  Memphis  VI. 

W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE. 


Borneo,  British  North.  Evans. 

On    a   Collection    of  Stone   Implements  -from    the   Tempassuk 
District,  British  North  Borneo.     By  Ivor  H.  N.  Evans,  B.A. 

The  series  of    stone  implements  with  which  this  article  deals  were  collected  by 
the  writer  during  the  year  1911  while  he  was  stationed  at  Kotabelud,  the  Government 


FIG.  I. 


post  in  the  Tempassuk  district  of  British  North  Borneo.  All  the  specimens  figured  in 
Figs.  I.  and  II.,  with  the  exception  of  Fig.  I.,  No.  4,  and  possibly  Fig.  II.,  No.  3, 
appear  to  have  been  intended  for  use  as  adze-heads.  The  materials  from  which  the 
implements  are  manufactured  are  of  various  kinds,  Nos.  1,  2,  and  5  of  Fig.  I.  being 

[    154    ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  86. 


of  hornstone  ;  No.  3  of  Fig.  I.,  Nos.  1  anil  2  of  Fig.  II.,  and  Xo.  2  of  Fig.  H!A.  of 
basalt  ;  and  Nos.  4,  6,  7,  and  8  of  Fig.  I.  of  soft  claystone,  such  as  is  common  in  the 
district.  These  are,  as  far  as  the  writer  knows,  the  first  stone  implements  which  have 
been  recorded  from  British  North  Borneo,  although  some  had  been  previously  reported 
from  Sarawak  by  Dr.  A.  C.  Haddon  and  Dr.  C.  Hose,  the  latter  having  made  an 


FIG.  II. 

excellent  collection  containing  fifteen  specimens.  All  the  examples  described  in  the 
present  article  were  obtained  from  either  Bajaws  or  Illanuns,  divisions  of  which  two 
races  inhabit  the  coast  and  lower  river  reaches  of  the  Tempassuk  district.  Before 
proceeding  to  describe  the  specimens  in  detail  it  may  be  as  well  to  make  a  few 
remarks  as  to  the  native  ideas  concerning  the  origin  of  such  stones.  It  must  be 
understood  that  no  worked  stone  implements  are  now  in  use  in  the  district,  and  those 
found  are  thought  by  the  natives  to  have  fallen  from  the  skies  as  thunderbolts. 
"  Gigi  guntor,"  the  name  given  to  them  by  the  Bajaws,  signifies  thunder  teeth,  and 
the  writer  has  seen  an  old  native  placing  the  implements  in  his  mouth,  saying,  "  Yes, 
"  this  stone  would  probably  have  been  a  front  tooth,  and  this  a  back  tooth  of  the 
"  spirit  of  thunder."*  In  consequence  of  their  supposed  celestial  origin,  it  need 
hardly  be  said  that  stone  implements  are  highly  valued  as  charms  and  amulets,  and 
that  sometimes  an  owner  will  not  part  with  his  specimen,  however  tempting  an  offer 


FIG.  III. 

may  be  made  him.  There  seems,  moreover,  in  many  cases  a  positive  dislike  on  the 
part  of  the  possessor  to  showing  them.f  One  native  who  had  refused  to  name  a 
price  for  a  specimen  said  to  the  writer  :  "  I  only  let  you  see  it  because  you  are  the 

*  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  reference  to  a  meteoric  origin  of  implements  and  other  stones 
which  appear  to  have  been  derive!  from  sources  not  clearly  suggested  by  anything  found  in  the 
district  is  prevalent  in  many  widely  separated  countries.  The  Greeks  gave  the  name  Kipawin 
\iOoc  to  the  stone  hatchets  which  they  found  sporadically  on  the  surface  of  the  ground.  They 
sometimes  carved  gnostic  characters  on  them,  and  the  implements  appear  in  the  cult  of  Zeus.  In 
our  own  country  the  belemnite  of  the  midland  counties  and  the  lumps  of  marcasite  in  the  chalk 
are  to  the  workmen  "  thunderbolts." 

f  Possibly  owing  to  some  idea  that  letting  others  see  th~>  charm  would  diminish  its  potency. 

C    155    ] 


No.  86.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


"  Tuan  ;  if  it  was  anyone  else  I  would  not  show  it";  and  on  going  outside  was 
heard  to  say  to  a  friend  :  "  How  could  I  possihly  wish  to  sell  my  talisman  ?  "  A 
collection  cannot,  therefore,  he  got  together  without  a  good  deal  of  trouhle  and  some 
expense.  Stone  implements  are  used  as  charms  in  various  manners  ;  sometimes  they 
are  worn  stitched  into  a  special  sash  which  is  tied  round  the  waist,  and  sometimes 
they  are  kept  in  the  large  tancobs  or  store  vessels  for  unhusked  rice  which  are 
found  in  every  native  house,  their  office  apparently  being  to  guard  the  padi  and  to 
keep  it  in  good  condition.  When  the  young  rice  is  just  in  leaf,  water  in  which  a 
stone  implement  has  been  placed  is  often  sprinkled  over  it  to  insure  the  success  of 
the  crop.  The  small  adze-head  No.  1  of  Fig.  II.  is  said  to  have  been  used  in  the 
last  epidemic  of  small-pox  in  the  district,  when  water  in  which  it  had  been  placed 
was  given  to  the  patients  to  drink  as  a  remedy.  In  cock-fighting,  stone  implements 
are  much  used  as  charms,  for  it  is  said  that  the  spurs  of  a  cock  which  have  been 
rubbed  with  the  charm  must  cause  deep  wounds  in  the  opposing  bird,  while  krisses 

also  which 
have  been 
treated  in 
a  similar 
manner  are 
credited 
with  always 
i  n  fl  i  c  t  i  n  g 
very  serious 
w  o  u  u  d  s. 
The  collec- 
tion shows 
a  curious 
assemblage 
of  type?, 
for  instance, 
No.  2  of 

Fig.  I.,  if  no  locality  Avere  given,  might  well  be  ascribed  to  the  Hervey 
Islands. 

The  question  of  the  use  of  implements  of  soft  stone,  such  as  Nos.  4,  6,  7,  and  8 
of  Fig.  I.,  is  extremely  interesting.  They  are  found  in  many  countries,  Great 
Britain  included,  and  are  often  stated  to  have  been  used  for  ceremonial  purposes. 
Possibly  in  some  cases  they  were  buried  with  corpses  or  placed  on  the  grave,  taking 
the  place  of  the  more  valuable  hard  stone  implements  of  the  deceased  with  which 
the  heirs  did  not  wish  to  part.  This  substitution  of  valueless  copies  is  common  in 
many  parts  of  the  world,  notably  in  China  ;  and  undoubtedly  the  valuables  of 
deceased  persons  were  at  first  buried  with  them,  until  cupidity  invented  the  excuse 
that  a  spirit  being  only  a  shadowy  sort  of  individual,  shadowy  belongings  were  quite 
good  enough  for  his  use  in  the  next  world.  In  some  cases  implements  of  soft  stone 
were,  however,  probably  used  for  light  work,  and  possibly  No.  4  of  Fig.  I.  may  have 
been  used  for  scraping  out  the  pith  of  the  sago  palm.  It  is  noticeable  that  the 
implements  figured  on  Fig.  I.  all  show  a  similarity  of  design,  and  appropriate  to 
what  Dr.  Haddon  has,  rather  happily,  termed  the  roof  type,  from  its  resemblance  to 
the  roof  of  a  house  viewed  from  above  (No.  1). 

Nos.  1  and  2  and  the  wooden  model  No.  3  of  Fig.  III/v.  are  very  curious 
examples,  since  they  have  at  one  end  two  cutting  edges  separated  by  a  groove  ; 
these  would  form  a  double  cutting  edge  if  they  were  used  as  adzes.  This, 
however,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  case,  since  No.  2  has  "  grip-marks," 

[     156    ] 


FIG.  1IU. 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  86, 


which  seem  to  be  either  depressions  made  by  the  constant  friction  of  the  hands  of 
many  generations  on  the  stone  in  using  it  or  else  purposely  made  for  affording  a 
good  grip  of  the  implement.  The  writer  inclines  to  the  former  opinion.  If  the 
depressions  are  grip  marks  the  method  of  their  formation  is  of  less  importance  than 
the  manner  in  which  the  implements  were  held  and  the  purpose  for  which  they 
were  used.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  possible  that  these  marks  show  where  the 
instrument  was  lashed  into  a  haft  ;  though  it  is  hard  to  see  for  what  purpose  an 
axe  of  this  description  could  ever  have  been  used. 

Returning  to  the  "  grip  mark  "  theory  ;  the  depression  a,  from  its  shape,  seems 
to  have  been  made  by  (or  for)  the  base  of  the  thumb,  Avhile  those  marked  b  and  c 
were  formed  by  (or  for)  the  fingers,  the  small  ridge  d  between  them  corresponding 
to  the  space  between  the  second  and  third  fingers.  The  model  No.  3  of  Fig.  III. 


4 


FIG.  IV. 

has  also  a  depression  for  the  base  of  the  thumb  and,  as  in  No.  2,  a  slightly  convex 
surface  on  one  side,  which,  on  the  above  assumption  as  to  the  method  of  holding, 
would  be  directed  towards  the  palm  of  the  hand.  With  regard  to  the  large 
specimen,  No.  1  of  Fig.  IIlA.,  it  is  probably  a  partly  finished  implement  which  has 
b-aen  to  some  extent  used.  The  reasons  for  the  latter  conclusion  will  be  found  given 
below.  Mr.  J.  Jennings,  of  Newmarket,  when  he  saw  the  model,  suggested  that  the 
implements  had  probably  been  used  for  rubbing  down  and  finishing  coir  or  other 
rope  which  had  been  newly  dressed  with  a  resinous  gum  ;  stating  that  during  his 
residence  in  the  New  Hebrides  he  had  seen  lengths  of  bamboo  with  forks  cut  in 
them  used  for  the  same  purpose.  On  examining  the  specimens  Nos.  1  and  2  it 
was  found  that  the  proximal  portion  of  the  groove  (i.e.,  the  portion  of  the  groove 
nearest  the  body  of  the  holder)  was  considerably  more  worn  in  both,  than  the  distal. 

[     157     ] 


No.  86-87.]  MAN.  [1913. 

This  is  not  shown  in  the  model,  but  it  is  possibly  due  to  unfaithful  copying. 
Taking  into  consideration  the  evidence  that  the  implements  Avere  used  in  the  way 
indicated,  and  the  uneven  wear  of  the  groove,  the  theory  does  not  seem  at  all 
improbable. 

On  Fig.  4  are  shown  various  flakes  of  red  chert  together  with  one  core  of  the 
same  material.*  These  flakes  are  extremely  abundant  in  the  lower  portions  of  the 
Tempassuk  district,  and  can  be  found  in  numbers  on  the  smaller  foot-hills.  No.  1  is, 
however,  the  only  specimen  of  a  core  which  the  writer  has  seen,  nor  has  he  yet  come 
across  a  completed  implement  in  this  material.  Chert,  which  is  named  by  the 
natives  "  batu  api "  (fire  stone),  is  used  to  the  present  day  for  striking  a  light. 
Natives,  on  being  asked  in  what  way  the  stone  is  dressed  for  the  tinder-box,  replied 
that  either  a  convenient  piece  was  picked  up  from  the  ground  or  a  large  lump 
thrown  against  a  rock,  when  any  suitable  fragments  could  easily  be  collected.  This 
seems  to  dispose  of  the  possibility  of  the  flakes  and  cores  being  of  modern  origin. 
The  majority  of  the  flakes  show  an  extremely  well-developed  bulb  of  percussion. 

IVOR  H.  N.  EVANS. 


America,  South  :  Chile.  Evans. 

A  Note  on  the  Occurrence  of  Turquoise  in  Northern  Chile.     By       Q"J 

Oswald  H.  Evans,  F.G.S.  Of 

The  turquoise  has  long  been  associated  as  a  gem-stone  with  the  pre-European 
culture  of  Mexico,  where  it  was  extensively  employed  for  inlaid  work  in  stone,  bone, 
and  wood,  and  its  use  in  the  same  manner  has  continued  to  the  present  day  among 
the  Pueblo  folk  of  the  northern  continent. 

The  rarer  occurrence  of  the  turquoise,  used  for  similar  purposes  in  pre-Spanish 
Peru,  as  exampled  in  objects  discovered  in  the  Macabi  Islands  and  elsewhere,  has 
inevitably  suggested  a  communication  with  the  advanced  cultures  of  the  north, 
especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  turquoise  was  not  known  to  exist  in  western 
South  America. 

It  is,  therefore,  of  some  interest  to  record  the  information  that  turquoise  occurs 
well  within  the  limits  of  the  ancient  Peruvian  culture  region,  and  that  there  is  direct 
evidence  of  its  use  by  the  early  inhabitants  of  the  district  surrounding  the  point  of 
origin  of  the  'material. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  Domeyko  (Jfm.,  Ed.  Ill)  "refers  to  turquoise  as 
"  an  earthy  cupriferous  aluminium  phosphate  from  San  Lorenzo,  Chile "  (Dana, 
Mineralogy,  6th  Edition),  but  this  substance  cannot  be  classed  as  a  gem-stone. 

The  material  to  which  I  desire  to  call  attention  is  found  in  northern  Chile, 
inland  from  the  port  of  Chanaral  de  las  Animas,  at  a  place  called  Cerro  del  Indio 
Muerto,  in  the  mining  district  of  Pueblo  Hundido.  The  turquoise,  which  is  not  of 
high  quality,  is  found  here  in  a  true  vein,  and  the  numerous  Indian  graves  which 
have  been  opened  in  the  neighbourhood  by  treasure  seekers  have  yielded  abundant 
evidence  of  the  use  of  the  stone  in  personal  ornament. 

The  turquoise  occurs  in  the  graves  in  the  form  of  rounded  pellets,  pierced  for 
suspension  as  beads,  and  also  in  perforated  cylinders  "  like  pieces  of  pipe-stem." 
Arrow  heads  and  broken  pottery  are  to  be  met  in  profusion  as  in  most  centres  of 
former  Indian  activity  throughout  this  region. 

I  am  indebted  to  my  friend  Mr.  John  Southward,  for  some  time  a  resident  in 
Chanaral,  for  the  above  details.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  turquoise  formed  part 
of  the  tribute  exacted  from  the  desert  tribes  by  their  Peruvian  masters,  although 

*  I  have  to  thank  Dr.  Marr  and  Mr.  J.  Romanes,  of  the  Cambridge  University  Geological 
Museum,  for  identifying  as  a  radiolarian  chert  the  rock  which  forms  the  material  of  the  cores  and 
flake-, 

[     158     ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  87-88. 


I  have  no  direct  evidence  that  it  was  so.  I  may  state,  however,  that  I  found  a 
material  which  was  probahly  turquoise  (although  at  the  time  I  did  not  recognise  it 
as  such)  in  small  fragments  in  a  grave  in  Hueso  Parado,  Taltal,  described  by  me  in 
MAN,  1906,  12.  OSWALD  H.  EVANS. 


Bates. 


Africa :  Marmarica. 
Nomad  Burials  in  Marmarica.     By   Oric  Bates,  B.A.,  F.R.G.S. 

The  traveller  in  Marmarica,  or  in  the  desert  hinterland  of  Cyrenaica,  from 
time  to  time  encounters  small  stone  structures  which  prove,  upon  examination,  to 
be  sepulchral.  Some  of  these  monuments — probably  the  greater  part  of  them — are 
of  recent  date,  others  belong  to  a  period  at  least  as  early  as  Roman.  The  present 
paper,  the  materials  for  which  were  collected  iu  1910,  is  a  brief  description  of  graves 
of  both  classes. 

I.    The  Recent  Burials. — To    excavate  a  grave    for    the    interment    of   an    adult 
human  body  is  in  the  desert  parts  of  Marmarica  a  task  beyond  the  energies  or  skill 


FIG.  1. 


u 


FIG.  2. 


of  the  nomadic  inhabitants,  owing  to  the  hardness  of  the  miocene  limestone  of  the 
Libyan  plateau.  The  bodies  of  those,  therefore,  who  have  died  at  a  distance  from 
the  oases  or  the  fertile  littoral  zone,  are  protected  by  being  enclosed  within  walls 
made  of  small  surface  stones.  These  walls  are  generally  about  75  to  125  cms.  high, 
and  are  usually  circular  or  elliptical  in  plan  (Figs,  la,  \b  ;  2a,  26).  It  often  happens, 
especially  near  the  regular  halting  places,  that,  to  economise  labour,  one  or  more 
graves  are  built  against  one  already  existing,  the  result  being  a  poly-cellular  structure 
such  as  that  shown  in  Figs.  3a,  36. 

A  flat  stone  in  or  on  the  grave  wall  often  bears  rudely  incised  markings  indicating 
the  tribe  to  which  the  dead  man  belonged.  As  far  as  I  had  an  opportunity  for 
observing,  these  inscribed  stones  were  placed  in  the  south-westerly  part  of  the  wall, 
and  they  were  of  considerable  interest,  as  the  signs  cut  on  them  recalled  strongly, 
now  those  of  the  Tifinagh  alphabet  of  the  West,  and  now  those  of  the  minor  Semitic 
alphabets  (Safaitic,  Tharnudenian,  Libyanic)  of  the  East.  A  large  collection  of  these 
signs  would  have  considerable  archaeological  interest ;  the  few  which  I  was  able  to 
copy  are  presented  in  Fig.  4a,  &c.* 

*  For  others,  see  J.  M.  S.  Scholz  :  Voyage  d'Alez-andrie  a  Par&tonium,  Leipzig,  1822,  pp.  53,  56,  57. 

[    159    ] 


No.  88.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


The  bodies  in  the  grave  enclosures,  wrapped  in  cloths,  were  laid  on  the  back, 
fully  extended  in  the  orthodox  Moslem  manner,  with  the  face  turned  towards  Mekkah. 
Over  the  body  was  regularly  deposited  a  thin  layer  of  coarse  gravel  and  pebbles, 
scraped  up  from  the  ungenerous  surface  of  the  desert.  The  rest  of  the  enclosure, 
when  near  a  haftiah^  was  often  seen  to  be  filled  up  with  brush  or  thorn,  to  keep 
off  the  foxes  and  jackals. 

In  some  cases  in  which  the  occupant  of  a   grave  was  in  reality,  or  has  in  time 

come  to  be,  venerated 
as  a  sheikh,  the  lonely 
grave  is  marked  with  a 
pennon  —  a  rude  wand, 
brought  from  an  oasis 
or  from  the  coast,  has 
had  tied  to  one  end  a 
square  or  irregular  strip 
of  white  cotton,  which 
flutters  above  the  grave 
in  memory  of  the  virtue 
and  piety  of  the  de- 
ceased. Such  signals 
are  common  in  Africa 
Minor  and  the  Sudan. 
In  Marmarica  the  pass- 
ing cameleer  often  stops 
to  pray  at  a  sepulchre 
of  this  sort,  and  near 
FiG-  3,  Bir-el-Kenais  I  saw  one 

I/       of    my    men     stand    by 

such  a  grave,  draw  his  hands  downwards  over  his  face  several  times,  and  then  rap 
smartly  thrice  with  his  camel-stick  on  the  wall  of  the  grave. 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any  of  the  graves  of  the  type  just  described 
are  pre-Islamic,  the  evidence  all  pointing  to  their  having  been  constructed  since  the 
Mahomedan  conquest  of  Africa. 

II.  The  Ancient  Burials. — Besides  the  Grasco-Egyptian  rock-cut  tombs  found  in 
all  the  habitable  oases  of  the  Si  wan  group,  there  are  at  several  places  small  cemeteries 
of  ancient 

graves  of  the      A  4-  >  O  —  O  O 

type  known 
in  the  Alge- 
rian Sahara 
as  the  regem- 
t  y  p  e  (plur. 
a  r  g  e  m  )  . 

These  more  nearly  resemble  in  form  the  Moslem  burials  described  above  than  they 
do  any  of  the  grave  forms,  ancient  or  modern,  employed  by  the  sedentaries  of  the 
oases.  Graves  of  a  very  similar  character,  and  of  the  same  date  as  those  in  ques- 
tion, have  been  found  here  and  there  within  a  few  hours  west  of  the  Nile  Valley, 
and  according  to  native  information  occur  on  the  northern  confines  of  the  Libyan 
plateau. 

f  From  La*  e  superiore  loco  in  inferiorem  deposuit :  "  an  alighting  place."  A  "  clean-up  "  in  the 
plateau,  in  which  there  grow  scantily  clumps  of  gazelle-grass,  camel-thorn,  &c.  Such  places,  affording 
a  little  grazing  and  being  free  from  stones,  are  if  possible  chosen  for  halts  when  on  the  march. 

[    160    ] 


d 

FIG.  4. 


-h 


h 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  88. 


The  graves  of  this  type  which  I  myself  saw  were  at  Gerbah  oasis,  some  15  miles 
\\.X.W.  from  Siwah  town.  This  oasis  serves  as  a  camping  ground  for  the  southern 
camel  patrols  of  H.H.  Egyptian  Coast  Guards,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  being 
there  for  some  time  as  the  guest  of  Major  L.  V.  Royle,  of  that  service.  It  was 
through  this  officer's  kindness  that  I  had  at  my  disposal  men  to  open  the  graves 
I  wished  to  examine,  and  was  able  during  my  stay  to  record  a  number  of  them. 
The  graves  were  regularly  placed  on  the  edge  of  the  plateau  which  encircles  the 
oasis.  Often  there  were,  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  Graeco-Egyptian  rock  tombs 
excavated  in  the  cliff;  but  from  the  general  distribution  of  the  argem-type  throughout 
Eastern  Libya,  and  from  the  poverty  of  many  of  the  rock  tombs,  I  incline  to  believe 
that  the  argem  are  the  graves  of  nomads  who,  like  the  modern  Arabs,  periodically 
visited  the  oases,  rather  than  the  graves  of  poor  sedeutaries. 

As  typical  examples  of  these  Gerbah  burials  the  following  may  be  cited  : — 

No.  1.  N.E.  part  of  Gerbah,  on   cliff.     Plundered    grave,  consisting  of   a   cairn, 

elliptical  in  plan,  made  of  small  flat  stones,  700  x  600  x  135  (lit.)  cms.  (Figs.  5o,  56). 

The  upper  stones   had   been  partly  removed,  and  beneath   those  which  remained  was 

found  a  sort  of  cist,  200  X  50  cms.,  rectangular  in  plan,  built   on  the  major  axis  of 


Infant 


FIG.   6. 


FIG.  5. 


FIG.  7. 


the  cairn  (Fig.  5«).  The  sides  of  the  cist  were  made  of  flatfish  stones  set  on 
edge.  These  were  roofed  by  others  like  them,  laid  flat  across.  Major  axis,  S.E. 
and  N.W. 

No.  2.  S.  part  of  Gerbah,  behind  Coast  Guard  camp,  on  spur  of  cliff.  Same 
type  as  preceding.  Cairn,  550  X  500  x  65  (ht.)  cms. ;  cist,  190  X  70  cms. ;  major 
axis,  E.  and  W.  Burial  of  an  adult  woman,  on  back,  head  west,  hands  folded  on 
pelvis.  Plundered  at  head,  which  suggests  that  bead  necklaces  are  sometimes  found 
on  these  bodies.  Outer  body  wrappings  of  coarse  linen  cloth  of  simplest  weave  ;  on 
removal,  a  long  splint  (the  mid-rib  of  a  palm-frond)  was  seen  at  each  side,  bound 
with  bands  of  linen  (tied  in  reef  knots)  across  the  body  and  feet,  as  shown  in  Fig.  6. 
The  inner  wrappings,  round  which  passed  the  bands  just  mentioned,  were  of  the 
same  coarse  fabric  as  the  outer  cloths,  but  fringed.  Lying  inside  the  cist  with  the 
woman,  at  her  feet,  was  the  body  of  a  child  under  a  year  in  age.  On  the  woman's 
right  hand  were  the  two  base  silver  rings  shown  in  Figs.  7a,  7b.  One  of  these  rings 
was  a  mere  wire,  the  other  had  on  it  a  blunt  depression  imitating  the  intaglio  of  a 
signet. 

No.  3.  Same  location  as  No.  2.  Large  cairn,  700  x  600  x  200  cms.  ;  cist, 
200  X  95  cms.,  placed  at  right  angles  to  the  major  axis  of  the  cairn  (E.  and  W.), 


No.  88-89.]  MAN.  [1913. 

not  in  the  centre,  but  nearer  the  west  end  (see  Fig.  8).  Body  of  man,  same  position 
as  body  in  No.  2,  head  south.  Reduced  to  skeleton  ;  traces  of  wrappings  on  bones. 
Skull  a  well-defined  quadrated  ellipsoid  ;  teeth  good. 

No.  4.  A  little  S.E.  of  the  Coast  Guard  camp,  on  spur  of  cliff.  Same  type  as 
No.  1.  Cairn,  400  X  250  x  150  cms.  ;  cist,  in  middle,  along  major  axis  of  cairn, 
120  x  50  cms.  Burial  of  male  (?),  body  on  back,  head  west.  Wrappings  of  coarse 


+  3m 


FIG.  S. 
FIG.  8. 

linen,  pinned  over  breast  with  neatly  made  little  pegs  of  wood,  square  in  cross-section. 
Skull,  acute  pentagonoid. 

No.  5.  Same  location,  same  type  as  preceding,  and  approximately  same'  size. 
Burial  of  old  woman,  body  on  back,  head  west.  Outer  wrappings  pinned  ;  inner,  as 
shown  in  Fig.  9. 

Because  of  their  distribution  and  their  conformity  to  the  well  recognised  "  regem- 
type,"  I  am  inclined  to  consider  that  these  cairn-and-cist  burials  were  erected  by 
poor  nomads  of  Libyan  stock.  The  period  to  which  the  graves  are  to  be  assigned 
is  indicated  by  the  discovery  of  the  base  silver  rings  mentioned  above,  and  by  the 
shards  of  pottery  which  are  not  infrequently  associated  with  the  cairns.  Both  the 
shards  and  the  rings  are  late  Roman  or  early  Byzantine.  The  graves  therefore 
belong  to  the  fourth  or  fifth  centuries  of  the  present  era.  ORTC  BATES. 


Abyssinia :  Archaeology.  Thesiger. 

Account  of  the  Newly-discovered  Ruins  at  Sellali.     By  Wilfred  G. 
Thesiger. 

For  many  years  past  it  has  been  known  by  the  local  inhabitants  that  the  present 
little  round  church,  built  in  the  usual  Abyssinian  style  with  thatched  roof  and  mud 
walls,  stood  on  the  ruins  of  an  older  church  destroyed  during  the  Mohammedan  invasion 
of  Mohammed  Grain,  and  from  time  to  time  there  was  even  talk  of  digging  there  to 
see  what  could  be  found.  Nothing  was,  however,  done  until  August,  1912,  when  Dejaz 
Kassa,  the  present  chief  of  this  country,  made  trenches  along  the  south  wall  of  the 
main  building,  where  traces  of  the  old  building  were  most  visible,  and  also  along  the 
south  wall  of  the  first  enclosure. 

These  trenches,  which  are  about  three  feet  deep,  laid  bare  the  base  of  a  square 
building,  on  which  was  carved  the  pattern  of  interlaced  arches,  marked  I  on  the 
enclosed  drawings.  The  carving  is  in  low  relief  on  large  square  slabs  of  stone  some 
four  inches  thick,  which  were  fixed  in  some  way  to  the  face  of  the  wall,  which,  so 
far  as  one  can  judge,  must  have  been  about  four  feet  in  width.  The  pattern  of 
inverted  steps  and  the  moulding  on  which  both  rest  is  carved  on  smaller  stones, 
square  cut  and  well  fitting,  but  I  could  find  no  traces  of  lime  or  cement  having  been 
used.  Pattern  No.  I  is  found  on  the  south  wall  on  either  side  of  the  steps,  and 
probably  runs  all  round  the  base  of  the  building. 

The  patterns  marked  Nos.  II,  III,  and  V  are  found  on  small  fragments  of  stone 
set  in  the  side  Avails  of  the  flight  of  stairs  which  led  down  from  the  south  door  to 
the  inner  courtyard,  but  are  evidently  not  in  their  original  position,  as  each  pattern 
is  found  on  a  single  stone  irregularly  placed  and  broken,  and  the  corresponding  stones 

[     162     ] 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  89, 


Ground  Plan  of  Bains  at  Tchegi 


on  either  side  show  no  signs  of    the  carving    having  been  continued.       These  stones 

belonged  evidently  to  another  part  of  the  destroyed  building,  but  one  cannot  say  by 

whom  or  when  they   were    placed    in  their    present    position,  as  the  priests    declared 

everything  remains  as  found  when  the  excavations  were  made  in  August,   1912. 

The  original  church  was  surrounded  by  a   square  walled  enclosure  some   36  feet 

distant    from    the   building    itself  with  an 

opening    opposite    the     steps    and    south 

door,  on    the    inner    side    of   which    there 

are   traces  of  moulding  such  as  is   shown 

in  Pattern  IV.     This  wall  can  be  traced 

on  all  four  sides.      Some  60  feet   outside 

the  first  wall  are  the  remains  of  a  second 

rectangular  enclosure,  marked  by  mounds 

of  grass-grown  debris,  on    the   south  and 

east    sides,  but   without    further    excava- 
tions it  is  impossible  to  say  if  it  also  was 

built  of  cut  stone. 

Plentiful  remains  of  charcoal  and  cal- 
cined stone  go  to  prove  that,  as  rumoured, 

the  church  was   destroyed   by  fire.      The 

priests  showed  me  several  long  nails  and 

iron  clamps  all  rusted  and  corroded  which 

were  dug   up  in  excavating   the    trenches 

which  are  marked  on  the  plan  by  a  dotted 

line.     The  whole  site  of  the  ruin  is  covered 

with    enormous  olive   and    juniper  trees,  none    of  which  can    be   less    than  300  years 

old,  and  many  of  which  grow  actually  on  old  ruined  walls. 

Of  the  history  of  the  original  church  one  could  gather  only  very  scanty  details. 

It  is  reported  to  have  been  built,  not  by  the  king,  but  by  a  bishop,  hence  the  name 

which  it  still  bears — Itchege.      Whether  it   had    anything  to    do  with  the  monastery 

of  Debra  Libanos,  which  is 
oniy  gome  five  hours  dis- 
tant, they  could  not  tell 
me,  but  it  is  said  always 
to  have  been  a  place  of 
especial  sanctity. 

This  ruin  appears  to 
me  to  have  three  special 
points  of  interest  —  firstly, 
its  position  so  far  to  the 
south,  where  with  the 
exception  of  the  ancient 
establishment  of  Debra  Li- 
banos no  other  ruins  of  a 
similar  kind  are  known  to 
exist  ;  secondly,  the  excel- 


ExcavationsMarked Ihus 


lence   of   the    carved   work, 
~  which    I  believe   would   be 

noticeable  even  in  the  north,  and  the  fact  that  the  pattern  of  interlaced  arches, 
although  often  found  in  early  European  buildings,  has  not  as  yet,  so  far  as  I  can 
ascertain,  been  found  on  any  other  ruins  in  this  country ;  and  thirdly,  that  the 
evidence  of  the  date  of  its  destruction  tends  to  prove  the  impossibility  of  the 

[     1G3     ] 


No.  89-90.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Portuguese  having  had  any  hand  in  building  it,  unless  it  was  designed  by  the 
painter  Branca  Leon  or  the  Portuguese  ambassador,  Peter  Corvilla,  both  of  whom 
arrived  in  Abyssinia  about  1470,  but  there  appear  to  be  no  records  of  their  having 
done  any  work  of  this  kind,  although  the  former  decorated  existing  churches  and 
gave  great  offence  by  not  adhering  to  local  convention.  The  mission  of  Koderigo 
de  Lima,  which  remained  in  this  country  from  1520  to  1525,  were  certainly  other- 
wise occupied  than  in  building  churches  for  a  king  Avho  would  neither  do  business 
with  them  nor  allow  them  to  depart,  and  in  1527  the  province  of  Selluli  was  laid 
waste  by  Mohammed  Grain,  which  is  probably  the  date  at  which  this  church  or  some 
later  construction  raised  on  the  same  site  was  destroyed. 

I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Mohamed  Grain 
the  original  building  was  already  a  mere  ruin  on  the  debris  of  which  the  Abyssinians 
had  built  a  church  of  their  own,  as  had  such  buildings  as  this  evidently  was  still  been 
standing  in  1527,  it  appears  to  me  impossible  that  even  the  memory  of  them  should 
by  the  beginning  of  the  next  century  have  died  out  so  completely  that  the  con- 
struction of  the  convent  and  palaces  of  Father  Peter  Paez  in  1604  should  have 
struck  the  Abyssinians  with  the  wonder  and  even  terror  which  are  reported  by 
Bruce. 

This  supposition  might  account  for  the  steps  having  been  at  some  time  roughly 
repaired  from  the  debris  of  the  old  ruins  by  a  people  ignorant  of  building,  as  is 
shown  by  their  having  been  unable  to  replace  the  steps  themselves  and  only  capable 
of  making  of  the  old  stairway  an  inclined  slope  to  give  access  to  the  newer  church 
placed  on  the  mound  formed  by  the  ruins  of  the  old  one. 

If  true  this  account  would  put  the  date  of  the  original  building  back  to  a  much 
earlier  date,  probably  to  about  the  llth  or  12th  century,  which  period  1  believe  I 
am  right  in  thinking  the  style  of  carving  corresponds. 

WILFRED  G.  THESIGER. 


REVIEWS. 
Africa,  North  :  Anthropology.  Bertholon  :  Chantre. 

Recherches  Anthropologiques  dans  In  Berberie  Orientale  (Tripolitaine,  Of) 
Tunise,  Algerie),  par  L.  Bertholon  et  E.  Chantre.  Tome  Premier  :  Anthropo-  Ull 
metric,  Craniometrie,  Ethnographic.  Pp.  662  (fol.),  385  figs.,  and  five  maps  in  colour. 
Tome  Deuxieme  :  Album  de  174  portraits  ethniques.  Frontispiece  in  photochrome. 
A.  Key,  Lyon,  1913. 

North  Africa,  according  to  the  authors  of  this  splendid  monograph,  has  the 
lines  of  an  ancient  galley  with  her  prow  to  the  east,  her  poop  to  the  west,  and 
her  keel  stranded  on  the  sands  of  the  Sahara.  She  has  been  boarded  on  all  sides, 
by  the  negroes  from  the  south,  by  peoples  of  Asia  from  the  east,  and  by  the 
Mediterranean  and  European  races  from  the  north.  This  ancient  galley — if  we 
may  continue  the  simile — has  been  recently  boarded  by  the  gallant  authors,  who 
have  subjected  the  motley  crew  to  a  long  and  accurate  investigation,  the  results  of 
which  are  contained  in  these  two  artistic  and  pictorial  volumes.  The  authors  were 
well  qualified  for  their  task.  Dr.  Bertholon  has  seen  Barbary  for  many  years  with 
the  eyes  of  an  expert  medical  man,  and  as  secretary  of  the  Institute  of  Carthage,  while 
his  collaborator,  Dr.  Chantre,  is  a  well-known  anthropologist  of  Lyons.  An  anthro- 
pological investigation  of  over  8,000  of  the  inhabitants  of  Barbary  has  led  the 
authors  to  distinguish  three  chief  types  of  man  in  North  Africa — (1)  short,  dark- 
complexioned  long-headed  people,  members  of  the  Mediterranean  race  ;  (2)  short, 
dark-complexioned,  brachycephalic  people  of  less  certain  affinities  ;  (3)  tall,  long- 
headed, rather  fair  people,  probably  descendants  of  a  north  European  stock.  Besides 

L     !6*     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  90-91. 

these  three,  there  is  an  important  fourth  type,  the  negro  or  negroid.  There  are 
also  minor  types  which  the  authors  suspect  to  be  due  to  intermixture  of  the 
chief  types.  Numerous  portraits  and  complete  measurements  are  given  of  large 
groups  of  individuals  of  all  of  these  types.  The  results  of  their  ethnographic 
survey  is  quickly  grasped  from  the  coloured  charts  which  accompany  their  statistics 
and  statements. 

The  story  of  North  Africa  as  revealed  in  these  volumes  is  that  of  every 
country  which  has  been  thoroughly  investigated,  a  story  of  persistence  of  human 
type.  "  Centuries  have  passed,"  the  authors  write  in  their  summary,  "  ideals  have 
*'  changed,  but  the  skeleton  has  passed  from  generation  to  generation  unchanged." 
The  delicately  modelled  negro  type  of  to-day  has  its  ancient  precursor  in  the 
neolithic  burial  places  of  the  country  ;  in  burials  of  the  same  remote  period,  occur 
the  skeletons  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  which  still  forms  the  main  population  of 
littoral  settlements  and  cities  ;  in  the  dolmen  of  Rokina  occur  the  short-headed 
dark-complexioned  type  which  now  abounds  in  Carthage  and  in  the  Island  of  Gerba. 
The  tall  long-headed  rather  blonde  people  now  found  occupying  the  plateaux  of  the 
interior  are  found  in  the  megalithic  monuments.  According  to  the  authors,  they 
entered  Africa  from  Spain  subsequent  to  the  settlement  of  the  other  types. 

Physical  anthropology  forms  only  a  section  of  this  work  ;  the  authors  have 
construed  anthropology  in  its  widest  sense,  and  included  all  that  relates  to  the 
cultural  and  psychical  life  of  the  people.  The  picture  they  have  drawn  represents 
North  Africa  as  an  intrinsic  part  of  the  Mediterranean  region  from  the  most  ancient 
times,  and  participating  in  all  the  cultural  waves  which  have  spread  along  the 
Mediterranean  shores,  from  the  Levant  to  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  since  the  earliest 
dawn  of  civilisation.  In  many  respects  Barbary  has  preserved  to  a  greater  degree 
than  any  other  region  traces  of  civilisations  which  reached  its  shores  from  Egypt, 
Cyprus,  Greece,  thousands  of  years  ago.  The  native  lustrous  polychrome  pottery 
with  geometrical  designs  is  regarded  by  the  authors  as  similar  to  that  found  by 
Petrie  and  Quibell  at  Nagada,  arid  in  Cyprus  by  Richter,  and  belonging  to  a  period 
of  about  2,500  B.C.  This  monograph  will  prove  of  the  greatest  value  to  those  who 
are  seeking  to  restore  the  history  of  the  ancient  civilisation  of  the  Mediterranean 
basin.  The  authors  have  earned  the  thanks  of  their  colleagues  in  all  lands  for  the 
able  way  they  have  carried  out  a  very  heavy  and  difficult  task.  A.  KEITH. 


New  Zealand:  Mythology.  Smith.. 

The  Lore  of  the  fVhare-  Wananga  ;  or,  Teachings  of  the  Maori  College,  on  Q1 
Religion,  Cosmogony,  and  History,  written  down  by  H.  T.  Whatahoro,  from  U I 
the  Teachings  of  Te  Matorohanga  and  Nepia  Pohuhu,  Priests  of  the  JVhare- 
Wannnaa  of  the  East  Coast,  Neiv  Zealand.  Translated  by  S.  Percy  Smith, 
President  of  the  Polynesian  Society.  New  Plymouth,  1913.  Pp.  xvii  +  193. 
Price  10*. 

The  title  of  the  above  volume  explains  shortly  the  contents  of  Part  I.,  which 
has  been  published  as  Vol.  III.  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Polynesian  Society,  and  of 
Part  II.,  which  is  to  follow  when  funds  permit. 

The  two  priests  had  taught  in  the  Whare- Wananga  "  long  before  the  influence 
"  of  Christianity  reached  their  tribe,"  and  it  is  a  matter  of  congratulation  that  their 
knowledge  was  transmitted  to  paper  before  their  deaths,  which  occurred  respectively 
in  1884  and  1882. 

Te  Whatahoro  had  written  down  this  knowledge,  from  their  dictation,  50  years 
ago,  and  the  whole  is  contained  in  several  volumes  deposited  in  the  Dominion  Museum, 
Wellington.  Much  of  the  information  contained  in  these  volumes  has  recently  been 
copied  by  the  Tribal  Committee,  known  as  "Tane-nui-a-rangi."  The  Polynesian 

[  165  ] 


No.  91-92.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Society  has  obtained  access  to  these  writings,  and  the  present  volume  is  a  translation 
by  their  President,  the  well-known  Maori  scholar,  Mr.  Percy  Smith. 

The  writings  are  divided  into  "  Things  Celestial"  and  "  ThingsTerrestial."  Part  I. 
contains  the  former,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  funds  will  very  shortly  be  forthcoming 
to  enable  the  Society  to  publish  the  remaining  part.  A  glance  at  the  list  of  members 
of  the  Society  shows  how  very  meagrely  it  is  supported  from  this  country  (9). 

To  enable  the  reader  better  to  understand  the  translation,  Mr.  Percy  Smith  has 
added  copious  footnotes,  and  he  rightly  remarks  in  his  introduction  that  "assuredly 
"  these  ancient  beliefs  of  a  people  that  was,  less  than  one  hundred  years  ago,  in  the 
"  Stone  Age  will  offer  to  the  student  of  comparative  mythology  an  additional  light 
"  on  the  working  of  the  mind  of  primitive  man."  This  is  the  more  so  in  the  case 
of  the  Maori,  when  one  considers  how  absolutely  his  island  home  was  cut  off  from 
outside  influence  for  a  period  which  Mr.  Percy  Smith  puts  down  at  over  two  thousand 
years.  To  those  interested  in  the  migrations  of  the  various  races  of  the  Pacific  Ocean 
this  book  makes  interesting  and  instructive  reading.  J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. 


Physical  Anthropology.  Wrig-ht. 

The  Origin  and  Antiquity  of  Man.  By  Fred  G.  Wright,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  QO 
F.G.S.A.  London  :  John  Murray,  1913.  Pp.  547.  Price  8*.  Ut 

It  is  always  pleasant  to  meet  with  a  writer  whose  conceptions  are  definite, 
dogmatic,  and  clearly  expressed — especially  when  the  writer  has  earned  the  right, 
by  years  of  observation,  to  be  counted  an  authority  on  his  subject.  Dr.  Wright  has 
entitled  his  work  the  Origin  and  Antiquity  of  Man,  but  although  there  is  much 
that  concerns  the  antiquity  in  this  book,  there  is  very  little  that  throws  light  on 
his  origin.  Dr.  Wright  is  convinced  that  we  reached  our  human  estate  with  the 
Pleistocene  period — which  probably  began  not  more  than  80,000  years  ago — "  certainly 
not  100,000." 

It  is  strange  that  one  Avho  has  studied  for  so  many  years  the  glacial  and 
Pleistocene  geology  of  North  America  should,  on  the  ample  evidence  at  his  disposal, 
reach  a  conclusion  so  different  to  that  of  Penck,  who  has  calculated,  from  his 
observations  in  Europe,  that  the  Pleistocene  period  may  have  lasted  even  1J  millions 
of  years.  As  our  knowledge  of  man's  early  traces  increases  it  becomes  more  and 
more  urgent  to  obtain  a  Pleistocene  time  chart,  but  from  the  statements  just  cited 
it  is  clear  that  much  has  yet  to  be  done  before  the  geologist  can  supply  our  needs. 
The  lifting  of  the  last  ice  sheet  from  North  America,  in  Dr.  Wright's  opinion, 
occurred  at  a  comparatively  recent  date.  He  thinks  the  early  civilisations  of  Babylon 
and  of  Egypt  may  have  been  in  their  heyday  while  still  great  areas  of  America 
and  Europe,  now  densely  populated,  were  buried  under  an  ice  sheet  hundreds  of 
feet  deep.  If  that  is  so,  and  it  is  hard  to  explain  away  the  evidence  Dr.  Wright 
produces  of  the  recent  disappearance  of  glacial  conditions — then  there  must  be  some 
factor  which  has  a  powerful  influence  on  our  climate  and  of  which  we  know  nothing 
as  yet. 

The  author  is  a  "  paroxysmalist."  He  refuses  to  accept  what  happens  in  the 
present  as  a  clue  or  key  to  what  has  happened  in  the  past.  "  The  wise  evolutionist," 
he  says,  "  leaves  the  field  open  for  catastrophes — periods  of  rapid  transformation." 
He  believes  that  the  evolution  of  man  may  have  occurred  in  bounding  starts  ;  new 
species  may  arise  in  a  few  hundred  years,  all  the  races  of  mankind  may  have  been 
differentiated  in  a  few  thousand  years,  civilisations  and  languages  may  appear  with 
a  rapidity  not  less  astonishing  than  the  growth  of  Jonah's  gourd.  The  author 
quotes  with  approval  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Bartlett  as  regards  the  origin  of  woman, 
namely,  that  she  was  the  result  of  "  direct  creation."  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
Dr.  Wright  has  just  as  implicit  faith  in  miracles  as  in  science.  A.  KEITH. 

[  166  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  93-94. 

Religion  and  Folklore.  Blinkenberg-. 

The    Thunder    Weapon   in    Religion   and   Folklore,     By  Chr.  Bliukeuberg.      QO 
Cambridge  University  Press.  UU 

In  this  excellent  and  unpretentious  little  work  the  author  sets  oat  to  trace  the 
history  of  the  thunder  weapon  as  it  figures  at  various  periods  in  Greek  Art  and 
Literature.  To  do  so  he  has  gone  far  afield  and  gathered  evidence  from  remote 
and  unexpected  sources,  much  of  it  from  modern  Denmark,  India,  and  even  Thibet  ; 
but  he  uses  it  with  discretion  and  restraint. 

He  distinguishes  two  primitive  conceptions  of  the  force  which  is  active  in  the 
thunder-stroke,  or  more  strictly  in  the  lightning.  In  the  first  and  more  widely 
spread  the  stroke  is  dealt  by  something  conceived  as  resembling  a  human  weapon. 
Hence  comes  the  belief  in  "thunder-stones,"  still  locally  surviving.  These  in 
modern  times  take  various  shapes,  but  the  weapon  was  most  often  conceived  as  an 
axe,  at  first  naturally  of  stone,  then  later  of  bronze.  In  later  times  this  is  of  course 
the  weapon  of  a  thunder-god,  but  before  anthropomorphic  religion  it  is  itself  the 
god,  if  the  word  may  be  used,  and  worshipped  accordingly.  These  facts,  which 
seem  well  established,  throw  a  welcome  light  on  the  axes  which  figure  so  largely 
as  objects  of  worship  in  the  recent  finds  in  Crete.  They  appear  to  represent  the 
earlier,  as  the  axe  of  Zeus  Labraundeus,  in  the  author's  opinion,  represents  the  later 
stage  of  the  conception. 

In  the  second  conception,  Avhich  seems  to  have  prevailed  chiefly  in  Mesopo- 
tamia, attention  is  concentrated  rather  on  the  lightning  itself  than  on  its  effect. 
Hence  we  have  as  its  symbol,  not  an  axe,  but  a  conventional  representation  of 
lightning  ;  some  form  of  zigzag  pattern,  developing  later  into  a  pronged  weapon. 
This  reappears  in  Greece  as  the  trident  of  Poseidon,  and  with  a  reduplication  of 
the  prongs,  which  is  found  also  in  Assyria  and  elsewhere,  as  the  familiar  keraunos 
of  Zeus.  Once  more  the  evidence  is  good,  and  it  is  characteristic  of  the  writer's 
sanity  that  he  does  not  attempt  to  prove  that  the  trident,  whatever  its  origin,  was 
not  a  fish-spear  in  the  eyes  of  the  classical  Greek. 

The  book  contains  much  other  matter  of  interest  and  well  deserves  study. 

F.  R.  EARP. 


Festival  Volume.  Various  Authors. 

Festskrift  tillegnad  Edvard  Westermarck  i  anledning  av  hans  F.entio&rsdag  Q  J 
den  20.  November  1912.  Helsingfors,  1912.  •  UT 

It  is  a  pity  that  we  have  not  in  English  a  word  to  translate  the  German  word 
Festschrift.  'It  denotes  a  German  custom  that  has  been  found  so  pleasant  and  useful 
as  a  means  of  expressing,  on  some  appropriate  occasion,  congratulation,  friendship, 
gratitude,  admiration,  and  at  the  same  time  of  having  a  little  say  on  a  pet  subject, 
that  it  has  been  adopted  almost  everwhere.  One  of  the  recent  examples  is  this 
Festschrift  presented  to  Professor  Westermarck  on  his  fiftieth  birthday  by  some  of 
his  pupils  and  friends.  It  contains  a  number  of  interesting  articles  not  only  in 
Swedish,  but  also  in  English  and  German,  an  appropriate  polyglot  recognition  of 
the  value  of  his  wide  anthropological  researches.  To  select  a  few  of  them  here  as 
likely  to  be  attractive  to  British  readers  must  not  be  held  to  indicate  any  want  of 
appreciation  of  the  rest. 

Dr.  Haddon  describes  the  houses  of  New  Guinea  with  care,  and  as  minutely  as 
his  space  and  the  accounts  of  his  authorities  allow.  Nothing  is  lacking  but  a  little 
touch  of  the  professional  enthusiasm  of  the  house  agent  to  hurry  the  reader  into 
househunting  in  that  paradise  for  himself.  He  is,  however,  simply  laying  the 
foundation  for  an  extended  enquiry  into  the  racial  and  cultural  relations  of  the 
different  forms  of  houses  on  that  great  island.  The  points  to  which  he  finally  directs 

[  167  ] 


No.  94-95.]  MAN.  [1913 

attention  do  not  specifically  include  the  relation  of  house-form  to  social  structure, 
though  this  problem  does  appear  to  be  implied  in  the  text  of  the  article,  and  he  is 
far  too  scientific  an  anthropologist  to  overlook  it.  He  suggests,  by  the  way,  that 
tree-houses  may  have  originated  from  pile-houses  ;  is  not  the  converse  also  possible  ? 

A  most  suggestive  paper,  the  fruit  of  careful  observation  and  research,  is  that 
by  Dr.  Rivers  on  "  The  Disappearance  of  Useful  Arts  in  Oceania."  More  will  be 
heard  of  it  hereafter ;  and  the  application  of  his  reasoning  to  other  cultures  is 
certain. 

Mr.  Malinowski,  writing  on  "  The  Economic  Aspect  of  the  Intichiuma  Ceremonies," 
is  undoubtedly  right  in  asserting  that  without  the  study  of  religious  and  magical 
influences  any  evolutionary  scheme  of  economics  must  be  incomplete.  Economics  are 
inseparably  interwoven  with  religion  and  magic.  But  whatever  may  be  the  economic 
effect  of  the  Intichiuma  ceremonies  as  a  collective  and  organised  activity,  the  sus- 
picion will  recur  that  their  economic  intention  is  secondary,  and  not  primary.  Many 
peoples  perform  ceremonies  for  the  increase  of  the  food  supply.  Such  ceremonies 
are  nowhere  so  intimately  bound  up  with  the  totemic  organisation,  and  at  the  same 
time  form  so  large  a  part  of  the  collective  activities — in  other  words,  are  so  much 
emphasized — as  among  the  Arunta  and  their  immediate  neighbours,  the  Kaitish  and 
Unmatjera.  These  are  precisely  the  tribes  among  which  the  Central  Australian 
totemic  system  is  in  process  of  disintegration.  It  looks  as  though  the  consciously 
economic  purpose  is  developing  at  the  expense  of  the  religious  purpose  in  their 
Intichiuma  ceremonies. 

As  some  of  the  first-fruits  of  his  recent  expedition,  Dr.  Landtman  recounts  the 
Kiwai  legend  of  Sido  (the  Sida  of  the  Reports  oj  the  Cambridge  Expedition  to 
Torres  Straits),  and  exhibits  its  connection  with  the  beliefs  of  the  Kiwai-speaking 
peoples  in  reference  to  the  life  after  death  and  the  wanderings  of  the  departed. 

Mr.  Holsti's  long  article  on  "  Superstitions,  Customs,  and  Beliefs  in  Primitive 
Warfare,"  lays  a  greatly  needed  stress  on  a  side  of  savage  life  apt  to  be  ignored  by 
evolutionist  arguments  on  the  competition  involved  in  the  struggle  for  existence.  The 
merely  materialistic  view  is  shown  to  ignore  elements  equally  important  and  far-reaching. 

These  and  other  contents  of  the  volume  deserve  perusal  and  consideration  on 
the  part  of  anthropological  students.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   NOTE. 

THE  instructions  to  selected  candidates  for  the  Indian  Civil  Service  of  1913  AC 
have  now  been  issued.  The  leading  characteristics  of  racial  types  and  their  UU 
distribution  in  India  are  to  be  studied  in  connection  with  and  as  part  of  Indian 
History.  Reprints  of  the  articles  in  the  Imperial  Gazetteer  on  Ethnology  and  Caste, 
Languages,  Religions,  and  Vernacular  Literature  will  be  distributed  to  the  future 
rulers  of  India.  The  article  on  Ethnology  and  Caste  is  by  the  late  Sir  Herbert 
Risley,  and  summarises  the  views  which  he  published  in  the  Census  Report  for  1901, 
Chapter  XI.  These  views  have  been  subjected  to  severe  criticism,  even  as  lately  as 
the  recent  meeting  of  the  British  Association.  The  chapters  on  languages  and  the 
vernacular  literature  are  by  Sir  George  Grierson,  while  Mr.  Crooke  has  written  the 
chapter  on  religion.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  this  is  a  great  step  forward,  and 
there  is  reason  to  hope  that  at  long  last  the  pertinacity  of  the  Institute  is  to  be 
rewarded,  and  that  in  recognition  of  the  practical  value  and  direct  importance  of  a 
sound  knowledge  of  the  ideas  and  ideals  of  Indian  society  and  of  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  peoples  of  India,  selected  candidates  will  be  required  to  possess  a 
competent  knowledge  of  these  subjects  before  they  are  absorbed  into  the  great  machine. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  L. 


MAN,  1913. 


CO 

u. 
u. 
< 

CO 

o 

o 

z 
o 

I 

CO 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[No.  96. 


Scott  Macfie. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Africa,  West.  With  Plate  L. 

Shongo  Staffs.     Ry  J-    W.   Scott  Macfic,  M.A.,  JB.Sc. 

Very  long  ago,  so  tradition  relates,  Shongo,  the  god  of  thunder  and  lightning, 
visited  the  earth  in  the  person  of  an  old  man.  He  carried  for  his  support  a  staff, 
the  height  of  a  man's  shoulder,  on  the  head  of  which  were  carved  two  faces.  A 
reduced  copy  of  this  staff  is  still  used  in  the  rites  of  Shongo. 

During  my  residence  at  Ilorin,  Northern  Nigeria,  in  1912,  I  was  fortunate 
enough  to  see  two  of  these  staffs  and  to  obtain  the  following  notes  regarding  their 
use.  The  first  was  obtained  at  Iloffa,  an  Igbona  town  in  the  south-eastern  part  of 
Ilorin,  by  Mr.  P.  M.  Dwyer,  the  resident  in  charge  of  the  province,  whose  knowledge 
of  the  customs  of  the  native  peoples  is  unique,  and  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  much 
interesting  information  concerning  the  worship  of  Shongo.  This  staff  was  30  cm. 
long,  and  consisted  of  a  short  handle  and  a  Janus-like  head  carved  out  of  a  single 
piece  of  soft  wood.  In  the  free  end  of  the  handle  a  small  hole  had  been  pierced. 
The  head  was  flattened  laterally,  and  was  carved  with  two  human  faces  placed  back 
to  back,  and  each  surmounted  by  a  curious  peaked  projection.  In  a  lateral  view  the 
staff  looked  like  an  X  resting  on  the  top  of  an  I,  the  peaked  projections  and  the 
profiles  of  the  faces  representing  respec- 
tively the  upper  and  the  lower  parts  of 
the  limbs  of  the  X,  and  the  common  neck 
and  the  handle  of  the  staff  forming  the  I. 
Between  the  peaked  projection  and  the  brow 
of  each  face  there  intervened  a  broad  fillet 
marked  with  a  number  of  vertical  cuts 
which  probably  represented  hair,  and  on 
each  side  of  the  staff,  from  the  point  where 
these  fillets  would  have  met  down  to  the 
root  of  the  neck,  extended  a  vertical  band 
carved  with  horizontal  lines.  The  faces 
were  remarkable  inasmuch  as  they  were 
certainly  not  negroid.  The  noses  were 
prominent,  the  profile  of  the  brow  continuous 
with  the  line  of  the  bridge  of  the  nose,  the 
lips  thin  and  pouting,  and  the  chins  narrow. 
It  is  difficult  to  determine,  however,  to 
what  extent  these  features  were  the  result 

of  design,  as  the  carver  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  shape  of  the  block 
of  wood  on  which  he  was  at  work.  On  each  cheek  there  were  three  incisions 
similar  to  the  Yoruba  tribal  markings,  but  these  varied,  it  was  said,  in  different 
districts. 

The  second  staff  (Plate  L)  was  brought  to  me  from  Oke  Odde,  and  like  the  first 
had  been  carved  out  of  a  single  piece  of  wood.  It  measured  37  cm.  in  length,  and 
consisted  of  a  head,  a  body,  and  a  handle.  The  head,  as  in  the  previous  example, 
consisted  of  two  faces  looking  in  opposite  directions,  each  surmounted  by  a  peaked 
projection.  In  this  case,  however,  the  faces  were  grotesque,  with  enormous  misplaced 
ears  and  slanting  eyes.  The  body  was  formed  by  two  figures  placed  back  to  back, 
and  facing  in  directions  at  right  angles  to  those  of  the  faces  on  the  head.  The  one 
figure  represented  a  man  playing  a  flute,  and  the  other  a  bearded  woman  kneeling  and 
holding  forward  her  breasts.  The  latter  the  natives  called  by  the  Hau&a  name, 
maiyi*  affirming  that  they  feared  bearded  women  greatly  because  they  killed  men 

*  Probably  m-iyi,  sorcerer  ;  fern,  mii/la. 
[     169     ] 


No.  96.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


r 


whilst  they  slept  ami  ate  them.      There  were  no  tribal  marks    on  the  cheeks  of    the 
four  faces  of  this  staff. 

My  native  dresser,  an  intelligent  Yornba  of  Ilorin,  on  being  shown  one  of  these 
staffs  culled  it  osi,  and  gave  me  the  following  account  of  its  uses  which  was  afterwards 
confirmed  both  by  other  natives  and  by  Mr.  Dwyer.  If  a  woman  were  barren,  he  said, 
she  would  pray  to  Shongo  for  a  child.  Should  she  thereafter  conceive,  the  child 
when  born  would  be  dedicated  to  Shongo.  At  about  the  age  of  puberty  he  would 
be  dressed  in  fine  clothes  and  taken  to  one  of  the  shrines  of  Shongo  by  his  mother, 

who  would  say  ;  "  Look,  Shongo,  this 
is  the  child  you  gave  me."  A  ram 
would  then  be  killed,  and  for  seven 
days  there  would  be  feasting  ;  and 
the  child  would  be  smeared  with 
camwood,  his  head  covered  with 
indigo,  and  he  would  be  given  a  staff 
and  enjoined  to  keep  silent  for  a 
period  variously  stated  as  seven  days, 
one  month,  and  three  months.  During 
this  period  nothing  would  induce  him 
to  speak  ;  should  he  be  accosted  he 
would  simply  hold  up  his  staff  as  a 
sign  that  he  might  not  answer. 

Adults  also  carry  these  staffs. 
For  example,  my  dresser  said  that  if 
he  himself  were  ill  he  would  go  to 
a  man  in  the  town  who  would  make 
juju  and  might  advise  him  to  "  get 
Shongo."  In  this  case  he  Avould 
procure  a  staff  and  carry  it,  never 
speaking  all  the  time.  At  the  end 
of  a  certain  period,  being  better,  he 
would  take  some  special  stones  and 
put  them  with  the  staff  in  a  wooden 
vessel  shaped  like  a  mortar,  and 
would  kill  a  ram  or  a  goat  beside 
the  vessel,  and  pour  the  blood  over 
the  stones  in  it,  and  for  seven  days 
there  would  be  feasting.  He  would 
not  part  with  the  staff,  but  he  might 
lend  it  to  his  children  "for  Shongo." 
The  stones  used  in  this  rite  proved  to 
be  "  celts,"  which  are  venerated  as 
thunderbolts  from  Shongo,  and  some 
of  those  I  procured  bore  traces  of  blood.  In  Fig.  1  one  of  the  wooden  vessels 
referred  to  above  is  seen.  The  centre  was  hollowed  out  and  in  shape  it  resembled 
the  wooden  mortars  in  which  yams  are  pounded,  but  from  the  positions  of  the 
rude  figures  carved  on  it,  it  was  evidently  intended  to  stand  bottom  uppermost. 
Two  "  Shongo  stones,"  "  celts,"  are  shown  lying  on  it. 

Fig.  2  illustrates  what  appear  to  be  developments  of  the  smaller  staffs.  These 
staffs  are  not  carried  in  the  hand,  but  are  kept  in  the  houses  of  the  worshippers  of 
Shongo.  I  was  told  that  a  ram  or  a  sheep  was  sacrificed  before  them,  and  that 
thereafter  they  Avere  considered  as  juju.  Their  owners  were  certainly  loth  to  part 

[     170     ] 


FIG.  2. 


1913.] 


MAN. 


[Nos.  96-97. 


with  them,  and  owing  to  this  prejudice  I  was  unable  to  obtain  specimens  actually 
taken  from  the  houses  of  natives,  the  two  illustrated  being  freshly  carved.  Each 
consisted  of  a  terminal  portion  which  was  especially  pointed  out  to  me  as  indicative 
of  Shongo,  a  short  handle,  and  an  intermediate  curved  and  painted  part.  The  latter 
portion  was  decorated,  from  above  downwards  in  the  one  case  with  figures  representing 
a  man  with  a  drum,  a  leopard,  a  bird  feeding  another  bird,  and  a  coiled  snake  ;  and 
in  the  other  a  man  riding  a  horse  and  holding  in  his  right  hand  a  long  snake - 
headed  stick,  a  bird,  a  monkey,  and  two  little  drummers  placed  back  to  back.  The 
taller  of  the  two  staffs  measured  83  cm.  and  the  shorter  71  cm. 

J.  W.  SCOTT  MACFIE,  M.A.,  B.Sc. 


New  Zealand.  Keith. 

Moriori  in  New  Zealand.     By  Arthur  Keith.  M.D.,  F.R.S.  Q"l 

On    his    present  visit    to    England,  the    Rev.  H.  Mason,  of  New  Zealand,     Uf 
brought  with  him  two  human  skulls  which  were  found  in  an  old  deposit  at  Wanganui, 


FIG.  1.— PROFILE  DRAWING  OF  THE  CRANIUM 
OF  THE  WOMAN'S  S/JJLL  (J  NAT.  SIZE). 

of   the 


FIG.  2. — FULL  FACE  DRAWING  OF  THE 

SAME  (^   NAT.   SIZE). 

Royal 


near  the  south  end  of  the  North  Island.  The  crania  were  sent  to  the 
Anthropological  Institute  for  examination  and  report.  The  crania  belonged 
takably  to  the  Moriori  race,  and  differ  markedly 
from  the  crania  of  the  Maori.  Although  the  exact 
degree  of  antiquity  which  must  be  ascribed  to  tbe 
two  crania  is  not  at  present  ascertainable,  all  the 
evidence  points  to  their  belonging  to  a  pre-Maori 
date.  Mr.  Mason's  discovery  thus  supports  the 
contention  that  the  Moriori,  now  confined — a  mere 
remnant — to  the  Chatham  Islands,  were  the  in- 
habitants of  New  Zealand  before  the  arrival  of 
the  Maori. 

Of  the  two  skulls,  one  is  of  an  adult,  a 
woman  ;  the  other  is  the  cranium  of  a  child 
about  eight  or  nine  years  of  age.  The  drawings 
of  the  skull  of  the  adult  (Figs.  1,  2,  3)  show 
the  very  distinctive  race  marks  of  the  Moriori — 
as  pointed  out  some  years  ago  by  Dr.  Duckworth 
— the  narrow,  rather  receding  forehead,  and  the 

extremely    prominent    characteristic    parietal    emi- 

T>U     j  ..  -i        i  ^  FlG-  3.— VERBEA  VIEW  OF  THE  SAME 

nences.      1  he  details  relating  to  the  measurements  ~~~TT~NAT"  SIZE) 


Nos.  97-98,] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


can  be  obtained  from  the  drawings  (Figs.  1,  2,  3).  The  maximum  length  of  the 
woman's  skull  is  185  mm.  ;  the  width,  130  mm.  ;  the  relation  of  width  to  length 
(cephalic  index),  70' 3  per  cent.;  the  supra-auricular  height,  114  mm.;  the  cubic 
capacity,  1,150  cc. — a  small  amount.  The  cranial  capacity  of  the  child  is  1,130  cc.  ; 
the  upper  face  length  is  short,  60  mm.  ;  bnt  the  face  is  wide — the  bizygomatic 
diameter  being  127  mm.  The  neck  was  narrow  from  side  to  .side — the  bima/Jhord 
width  being  118  mm.  The  nose  is  moderately  wide  (26  mm.),  and  high  (50  mm.); 
the  margins  of  the  nasal  aperture  are  sharp,  and  the  nasal  spine  is  moderately 
marked.  The  supra-orbital  ridges  are  rather  unduly  developed  for  a  woman.  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  Moriori  are  free  from  negroid  characters  ;  from  the  con- 
formation of  their  crania  one  would  suspect  that  the  Maori  have  a  much  nearer 
affinity  to  the  negroid  stock.  The  Moriori  are  related  evidently  to  some  of  the 
Polynesian  and  South  American  races  ;  at  least  it  is  amongst  those  races  one  finds 
cranial  forms  which  are  comparable. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Mason  informed  the  writer  that  the  two  skulls — possibly  of 
mother  and  daughter — were  found  in  a  stratum  of  fine  sand,  about  6  feet  to  8  feet 
in  depth.  This  stratum  occurs  at  the  base  of  a  cliff  near  the  estuary  of  a  stream. 
The  cliff  is  about  36  feet  high.  The  upper  stratum,  8  feet  thick,  is  composed  of 
clay  ;  then  follows  a  stratum,  20  feet  in  depth,  of  hard  shell  rock,  and  then  the 
stratum  of  sand  in  which  the  crania  were  found  at  the  base  of  the  cliff  and  near 
the  bank  of  the  stream.  It  is  likely  that  the  crania  were  buried  in  the  stratum  of 
sand  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff;  they  are  too  fresh  in  structure  and  appearance  to  be 
of  the  age  of  the  stratum  in  Avhich  they  were  found.  It  is  hoped  that  further 
exploration  may  reveal  facts  and  data  from  which  a  more  exact  estimate  may  be 
formed  of  the  date  at  which  these  peculiar  people  lived  at  Wanganui. 

Mr.  Mason  has  deposited  the  crania  in  the  Museum  of  the  Royal  College  of 
Surgeons,  England.  A.  KEITH. 


Edge-Partington. 


New  Zealand. 

An  Unusual  Form  of  Tiki.     By  J.  Edge -Par  ting  ton. 

Mr.   Willi  Fels,  of  Dunedin,  has  sent  me  a  photograph  of  a  very  unusual 


form  of  Tiki  in  his  collection. 


The  head  of  the  figure,  instead  of  being  to  the  right 
or  left,  is  in  an  erect  position.  It  is  cut  from  a 
particularly  fine  piece  of  greenstone  and  is  of  excellent 
workmanship.  The  original  hole  for  suspension  has 
broken  away,  and  another  has,  at  some  early  date,  been 
rebored  from  the  back,  slightly  inclining  upwards,  by 
Maori  implements.  It  was  dug  up  at  Ruapekapeka, 
128  miles  north  of  Auckland,  about  1908.  Another 
very  interesting  point  in  this  specimen  is  that  it 
has  indications  of  tattooing  on  head,  shoulder,  and 
legs,  and  the  edge  is  ornamented  with  notches. 
Similar  notches  are  found  on  adze  blades.  Mr.  Fels 
raises  the  question  as  to  whether  these  notches  are 
for  any  practical  use  or  only  for  ornamentation.  I 
certainly  can  never  remember  having  seen  a  Tiki 
so  notched.  Mr.  Hamilton,  the  Director  of  the 
Dominion  Museum,  Wellington,  N.Z.,  knows  of  only 
one  other  genuine  specimen  of  this  type. 

J.  EDGE-PARTINGTON. 


[     172     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  99-100. 

REVIEWS. 
Ethnology.  Reid. 

Illustrated  Catalogue  of  the  Anthropological  Museum,  Marischal  College,  QQ 
University  of  Aberdeen.  By  Professor  It.  W.  Reid,  M.D.  1912.  Is.  UO 

It  is  not  generally  known  what  an  excellent  museum  Professor  Reid  has  succeeded 
in  establishing  in  the  University  of  Aberdeen,  so  the  capital  illustrated  catalogue  of 
it  which  he  has  published  will  come  as  a  revelation  to  most  of  his  colleagues.  The 
museum  is  evidently  arranged  on  broad  lines,  and  it  already  possesses  a  great  variety 
of  specimens  which  form  an  admirable  basis  for  demonstrations  of  material  culture  of 
various  peoples,  past  and  present. 

In  the  section  dealing  with  the  British  Isles  the  objects  range  from  palteoliths 
to  those  which  are  still  employed  by  the  folk  or  which  have  recently  become  obsolete. 
There  is  quite  a  respectable  collection  of  Egyptian  antiquities.  In  the  collections 
from  various  parts  of  the  world  there  are  several  specimens  of  considerable  interest, 
such,  for  example,  as  the  war-god  of  wicker-work,  decorated  with  red  feathers, 
from  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  the  kayak  described  in  Vol.  XLII.  of  the  Journ. 
Anthr.  Inst.  (p.  511). 

Curators  are  always  liable  to  be  led  astray  by  erroneous  labels.  A  collector 
says  he  obtained  a  given  specimen  at  a  certain  place,  and  he  may  have  done  so,  but 
it  does  not  always  follow  that  it  was  made  there.  During  the  last  century  there 
has  been  so  much  going  to  and  fro  on  the  earth  that  one  has  to  keep  a  sharp  look- 
out for  discrepancies.  Professor  Reid  has  in  a  very  few  cases  fallen  a  victim  to  the 
inaccuracy  of  his  informants,  and  his  forgiveness  is  requested  for  pointing  out  some 
of  them  :  Fig.  30,  p.  242,  is  a  Mangaian  paddle  ;  Fig.  40,  p.  244,  appears  to  be  an 
Australian  spear-thrower  ;  the  upper  specimen,  at  all  events,  of  Fig.  140,  p.  265,  is 
surely  Australian  ;  Fig.  30  (left  hand),  p.  285,  is  not  a  Fiji  club. 

It  is  very  "  sporting  "  of  the  university  to  publish  a  catalogue  and  to  provide 
it  with  so  many  illustrations.  These  will  be  useful  alike  to  the  students  of  the 
university  and  to  ethnologists  elsewhere.  A.  C.  HADDON. 


Java.  Scheltema:  Cooper  Clark. 

Monumental  Java. 

(To  the  Editor  of  MAX,  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  50,   Great  Russell 

Street,  London,    W.C^) 

12,  Nelson  Street,  Edinburgh. 

SIR, — I  am  grateful  for  Mr.  J.  Cooper  Clark's  suggestive  review  of  my 
Monumental  Java  in  the  current  issue  of  MAN,  but  beg  leave,  while  answering  his 
questions,  to  remonstrate  against  some  of  his  strictures  and  dicta. 

I  said  in  my  book  that  the  temples  still  standing  on  the  Die'ng  plateau 
"  belong  to  the  oldest  and  finest  if  by  no  means  the  largest  of  Java,"  not  that  they 
are  the  finest,  as  he  makes  me  say,  which  would  hardly  be  doing  justice  to  the 
architectural  gems  of  Central  Java,  the  Boro  Budoor,  the  Mendoot  and  the  groups 
clustered  in  the  plain  of  Prambanan,  not  to  mention  the  chandi  Panatarau  and 
several  others  in  East  Java.  Neither  can  they  pass  with  certainty  for  the  oldest,  as 
he  seems  to  believe  ;  the  few  dates  so  far  discovered  do  not  warrant  such  a  sweeping 
conclusion. 

Though  the  ground-plan  of  the  chandi  Kalasan  admits,  indeed,  of  a  more  felici 
tous  description  than  consistent  with    comparing  its    form    to    that  of    a  Greek  cross, 
there  were  actually  but  four  chapels,  including  the    principal    middle   chamber.      The 
eastern  projection,  not  consecrated  to  religious  purposes,  was  simply  a  portal  or  porch 
giving  access  to  that  inner  sanctum. 

[     173     ] 


No,  100.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Whatever  the  condition  of  the  bas-reliefs  on  the  staircase  to  the  entrance  of  the 
c/<fiji/li  Mendoot,  the  story  of  the  turtles  and  the  vulture,  represented  in  one  of  them, 
now  almost  entirely  lost,  is  no  jataka  tale,  as  might  be  inferred  from  Mr.  Cooper 
Clark's  comment.  Dr.  Brandes  demonstrated  that  the  sculptor  took  his  subject  from 
the  prose  version  of  the  Tantri,  an  old  Javanese  collection  of  fables,  which,  however, 
clearly  reveals  its  Indian  origin  and  an  abundant  measure  of  Buddhist  influence 
to  boot. 

Availing  myself  of  the  ready-coined  compound  term  stupa-linga,  I  endeavoured 
to  express  the  ultra-syncretic  character  of  that  strange  creation,  the  chandi  Chupuwatu, 
whose  master-builder  tried  to  reconcile  the  homage  due  to  the  memory  of  Buddha, 
the  most  chaste,  with  a  deep-seated  reverence  for  Siva's  supreme  virility. 

Finally,  I  read  with  astonishment  Mr.  Cooper  Clark's  statement  that,  "  in  the 
"  great  diversity  of  the  religious  beliefs  held  by  these  (the  Malayo-Polynesian) 
"  peoples  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  they  were  ancestor-worshippers."  To  con- 
fine ourselves  to  Malaysia,  it  is  contradicted  by  the  many  indications  we  find  of  a 
long-lingering  belief  in  the  efficacy  of  sacrifice  to  the  spirits  of  the  departed  and  of 
ancient  rites  in  honour  of  deified  forefathers.  With  regard  to  Java  in  particular,  I 
need  only  refer  to  the  traditional  ceremonial  of  the  ivayang  performances. 

The  "School  of  Archaeology"  alluded  to  is  probably  a  lapsus  calami  for  the 
Archaeological  Commission  now  in  course  of  transformation  into  a  full-fledged 
Archaeological  Service. 

Thanking  you  for  your  courtesy,  I  am,  Sir,  yours  faithfully, 

J.    F.    SCHELTEMA. 


(The  Editor  q/'MAN,  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  50,  Great  Russell  Street, 

30,  Trevor  Square,  Knightsbridge.  S.W. 

18th  September   1913. 

DEAK  SIR, — I  am  in  receipt  of  your  favour  of  9th  inst.,  enclosing  a  letter  from 
Mr.  J.  F.  Scheltema  regarding  my  criticism  of   his  book  entitled  Monumental  Java, 

an(^  *n  reP'v  w*"  answer  his  remonstrances  in  the  order 
l—,  they  occur  in  the  letter:— 

1.  I  agree  with  Mr.   Scheltema    when    he  says  that 
the    group    of    temples    on    the    Die'ng  Plateau  "  belong 
"  to    the    oldest     ...     of   Java,"    but     not    with    the 
qualification    "and  finest,"    and    I    quoted    my  authority 
for  saying  so  at  the  time. 

2.  With    regard    to  the  chandi  Kalasan,  the  accom-. 
panying  drawing  is  a  rough  ground  plan  of  the  building, 
and'  I  leave    the    reader    to  decide  for   himself  whether 

"  the  building,  in  the  form  of  a  Greek  cross,  had  four  apartments." 

3.  On    the   20th  April    1908,  it  was    my  good  fortune    to    be    taken   to    see    the 
chandi   Mendoot  by  Major  Van    Eerp.     The    temple    had    then   been    partly  restored 
(the   roof   had    yet   to    be   finished)   and   when  taking   exception    to   the    statement  as 
to   the  condition  of   the  sculptures   on   the  staircase,  I  referred  to   the  exterior  north 
wall  ;    and    further,  my   remarks    were    not    written   from    memory,  but   from    a    large 
photograph    of    the    wall    in    question.     I    do    not    understand    why    Mr.    Scheltema 
should    mention  the  story  of   the  turtles  and   the  vulture — I  certainly  did   not.     This 
fable    is   on    the    south  side,  and,  therefore,  is    not    one  of  the  eleven  jatakas  on  the 
exterior  north  wall. 

4.  I    criticised    Mr.    Scheltema's    reference    to    a    "  Polynesian    bias    to    ancestor 
worship "   (the  italics   are  mine).     Had   he   written   Malaysian   (or  better   Indonesian) 
in  the  first  place,  naturally  the  criticism  would  have  been  out  of   place,  but  he  uses 

[     174     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  100-101. 

the  word  with  no  qualificatory  reference  to  Malays,  and  this  was  the  point  to 
which  my  criticism  was  directed.  The  feature  of  Polynesian  religion  was  the  worship 
of  high  gods  rather  than  of  ancestors. 

5.  I  am  sorry  I  have  been  misunderstood  in  the  expression  the  "  School  of 
Archaeology."  I  used  the  term,  not  in  reference  to  any  definite  organisation,  but 
in  its  widest  sense — the  study  of  Archaeology  as  an  exact  science. 

I  am,  Dear  Sir,  yours  truly,  J.  COOPER  CLARK. 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  SOCIETIES. 
Anthropology.  British  Association. 

Anthropology  at  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  4 114 
Birmingham  Meeting,  September  \Qth  to  llth,  1913.  Report  of  Proceedings  IUI 
in  Section  H  {Anthropology). 

The  Anthropological  Section  met  under  the  presidency  of  Sir  Richard  Temple, 
Bart.,  C.I.E.,  who  in  his  presidential  address  dealt  with  the  administrative  value  of 
Anthropology.  The  address  is  published  in  full  in  Nature,  Vol.  XCIL,  p.  207. 

PHYSICAL  ANTHROPOLOGY. 

HARRY  CAMPBELL,  M.D. —  The  Factors  ichich  have  determined  Mail's  Evolution 
from  the  Ape. — Man's  evolution  from  the  ape  has  essentially  been  a  mental  evolution. 
Brain  and  mind  have  evolved  parri  passu  by  the  continued  selection  of  favourable 
hereditable  variations.  Mental,  like  morphological,  evolution  proceeds  just  so  far  as, 
but  no  further  than,  is  needful  for  adaptive  service. 

In  order  that  an  advance  in  intelligence  may  enhance  the  chance  of  survival, 
the  individual  manifesting  the  advance  must  be  endowed  with  the  means  of  turning 
it  to  practical  account.  Only  a  being  possessed  of  prehensile  hands,  capable  of  giving 
effect  to  the  dictates  of  mind,  could  evolve  into  man.  It  was  the  abandonment  of 
an  arboreal  for  a  terrestrial  life,  in  the  search  after  animal  food,  which  determined 
man's  evolution  from  the  ape. 

Other  contributory  factors  in  furthering  man's  mental  evolution  were  :  (1)  Poly- 
gamy ;  (2)  Inter-tribal  warfare  ;  (3)  Factors  influencing  the  evolution  of  the  feelings. 

PROFESSOR  CARVETH  READ. —  On  the  Differentiation  of  Man  from  the  Anthro- 
poids. [  To  be  published  in  MAX.] 

PROFESSOR  H.  J.  FLEURE  and  T.  C.  JAMES. — Ethnography  of  Wales  and  the 
Border. — About  2,300  individuals  have  beeu  examined.  Chief  types  : — 

1.  An  ancient  type  (pre-Mediterraneau  ?)  with  large,  very  long  head,  index  71, 
prognathous,  strong  eyebrows,  receding  forehead,  dark  colouring. 

2  and  3.  Mediterranean  types  with  characters  recalling  Mongoloid  and  Negroid 
types  respectively. 

4.  The    average    Mediterranean    type — long    head,    index     72-79    (average     75), 

strong    occipital    protuberance,  nose    straight,    slightly    prognathous,   slightly 
under  average  stature,  dark  colouring. 

5.  Smooth-contoured  Mediterranean  type. 

6.  Supposed    diluted  Mediterranean    types — often    have    grey  eyes,  less    occipital 

protuberance,  no  prognathism. 

7.  Tall,  fair,  light-eyed,  long  or  medium-headed  men,  without  prognathism,  may 

be  considered  Nordic. 

8.  Tall,  fair,  light-eyed,  broad-headed,  short-faced,  and  frequently  aquiline-nosed 

types,  may  be  considered  Alpine-Nordic. 

9.  Dark,  bullet-headed,  short,  thick-set  men,  usually  considered  Alpine. 
10.  Powerfully  built,  intensely  dark,  broad-headed,  and  broad-faced  men. 

[     175     ] 


No.  101.]  MAN.  [1913. 

11.  Tall,  powerfully  built  men,  with  broad  head,  high  forehead,  strong  eyebrows; 
usually  medium  brown  haired,  light  eyes,  rufous  beard. 

In  addition  to  the  above  types,  there  are  distinctly  red-haired  individuals, 
Tregaron,  in  Cardiganshire,  being  a  marked  centre  for  this  character.  Women  fall 
into  approximately  the  same  types,  though  No.  8  is  very  rare  among  them  ;  they 
are  distinctly  darker  than  the  men,  and  types  4-6  are  specially  predominant. 

PROFESSOR  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S. — Early  Egyptian 
Skeletons. — In  the  First  Dynasty  at  Tarkhan  the  female  hnmerns,  radius,  and  clavicle 
only  show  the  normal  distribution  curve  of  a  single  variable.  The  similar  male  curves 
all  show  two  superposed  variables.  The  bigger  one  is  proportional  to  the  female; 
the  smaller  type  has  no  distinct,  female  parallel. 

The  female  and  male  curves  superposed  show  the  male  minority  clearly.  Besides 
the  clear  male  minority,  there  is  a  suggestion  of  a  high  and  a  low  group  of  both 
male  and  female  of  about  six  or  seven  per  cent,  of  the  whole  people.  That  this  is 
due  to  racial  mixture  is  shown  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  a  much  smaller  type 
superposed  on  the  others  in  the  First  Dynasty. 

This  minority  of  invaders  was  about  one-ninth  of  the  males  in  the  capital.  In 
the  first  generation  each  had  three  native  females,  and  in  the  next  generation  two, 
in  excess  of  the  normal  female  numbers.  [  To  be  published  by  the  British  School 
of  Archeology  in  Egypt.~\ 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Organisation  of  Anthropometric  Investigation 
in  the  British  Isles. 

DR.  L.  ROBINSON. —  The  Relations  of  the  Lower  Jaw  to  Articulate  Speech. — The 
author  said  his  object  was  to  try  to  explain  why  man  had  a  chin,  and  to  show 
whether  man's  peculiar  gift  of  articulate  speech  would  not  throw  some  light  on  the 
extraordinary  differences  between  man  and  the  anthropoids.  The  advantage  of  a 
chin  was  not  merely  aesthetic,  it  was  not  outside  but  inside.  In  the  jaws  of 
Europeans  there  were  distinct  tubercles.  First  of  all  the  whole  jawbone  had 
dropped  downwards  and  then  on  the  inner  side  tubercles  had  developed.  In  almost 
every  scund  uttered  by  the  tongue,  the  genio-glossal  muscle  came  into  play. 
Among  the  lower  races,  and  particularly  those  with  imperfect  speech,  the  tubercle 
was  practically  absent.  In  French  and  Italian  jaws  the  tubercle  was  more 
symmetrical  than  in  English  jaws,  and  in  Irish  jaws  it  was  very  much  more 
developed.  The  genio-glossal  muscle  was  not  necessary  to  speech,  but  in  the  higher 
races  where  speech  meant  much  it  was  more  highly  developed. 

ETHNOGRAPHY  AND  ETHNOLOGY. 

PROFESSOR  W.  J.  SOLLAS. —  The  Relative  Age  of  the  Tribes  with  Patrilineal 
and  Matrilineal  Descent  in  the  South-East  of  Australia. — If,  as  appeared  probable, 
Tasmania  was  peopled  by  immigration  from  Australia,  and  Australia  by  immigration 
from  New  Guinea,  traces  of  the  more  primitive  people  would  be  found  in  the  south 
rather  than  in  the  north  of  the  continent.  Observation  showed  that  this  was  the 
case.  The  people  of  Victoria  and  South  Australia  were  distinguished  by  a  greater 
simplicity  in  many  directions,  and  some  of  them,  such  as  the  Kurnai,  spoke  a 
language  which  found  its  closest  ally  in  Tasmanian.  Flat-headeduess,  a  primitive 
character  prevalent  among  the  Tasmanians,  was  increasingly  present  from  north  to 
south  ;  in  Queensland,  only  3  per  cent,  were  platycephalic  ;  in  New  South  Wales, 
33  per  cent.  ;  in  Victoria,  46  per  cent.  ;  and  in  the  south  of  South  Australia, 
76  per  cent.,  or  1  per  cent,  more  than  in  Tasmania,  where  the  proportion  was  75  per 
cent.  Possibly  these  southern  people  were  no  less  primitive  in  other  matters,  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  rule  of  patrilineal  descent  ;  and  it  was  difficult  to  resist  the 
suggestion  that  the  evolutional  change  had  been  from  Kurnai  through  Kulin  to 

[     176     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  101. 

Narrinyeri    by  the    acquisition    of    new    social   characters    rather  than    in  the    reverse 
direction,  aud  by  the  loss  of  these  characters. 

DISCUSSION. —  The  practical  application  of  Anthropological  Teaching  in  Unircr- 
sities.  [Published  in  MAN,  1913,  102.] 

E.  S.  HARTLAND. —  The  Historical  Value  of  the  Traditions  of  the  Baganda. 
[To  le  published  in  the  Journ.  R.  Anthr.  Inst.~\ 

REV.  GEORGE  HALL  and  W.  H.  R.  RIVERA  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S.— A  Gypsy 
Pedigree  and  its  Lessons. — An  analysis  of  the  pedigree  of  a  well-known  family 
extending  over  six  generations  shows  a  great  increase  in  the  proportion  of  marriages 
outside  the  gypsy  community  in  the  later  as  compared  with  the  earlier  generations 
of  the  family,  and  a  large  proportion  of  marriages  between  relatives.  In  the  earlier 
generations  there  is  one  case  of  marriage  with  a  half-sister,  and  two  between 
uncle  and  niece.  Marriages  between  cousins  of  various  kinds  occur  throughout,  but 
less  frequently  in  proportion  to  the  total  number  in  the  later  generations.  In  the 
cases  of  the  marriage  of  first  cousins  the  children  of  two  brothers  have  married  more 
frequently  than  the  children  of  brother  and  sister  or  of  two  sisters.  Several  cases  of 
polygamy  are  recorded,  and  an  examination  of  the  marriages  of  widows  and  widowers 
show  no  trace  of  the  Levirate,  and  only  one  case  of  marriage  with  the  deceased 
wife's  sister. 

T.  W.  THOMPSON,  M.A. — Gypsy  Taboos  and  Funeral  Rites. — A  woman's  dress 
must  not  touch  any  article  of  food,  or  any  vessel  in  which  food  is  prepared  or  from 
which  it  is  eaten.  There  are  many  other  similar  prohibitions,  multiplied  and 
intensified  on  the  occasion  of  child-birth,  based  on  the  belief  that  the  same 
contaminating  influence  emanates  from  anything  used  in  the  washing  of  apparel  or 
of  the  person,  and  anything  connected  with  the  toilet  or  with  the  bed  ;  also  from 
any  sick  person,  together  with  spells  and  bad  luck,  which  cling  to  and  are  conveyed 
in  clothing.  This  seems  to  throw  some  light  on  the  custom  of  burning,  or  otherwise 
destroying,  the  effects  of  a  dead  person,  which  is  the  main  feature  of  gypsy  funeral 
rites.  Fear  of  the  ghost  doubtless  underlies  the  prohibition  on  the  use  of  the  name 
of  the  dead  person,  and  on  the  indulgence  in  his  favourite  food  or  drink  or  form  of 
amusement.  It  probably  accounts  for  the  now  extinct  customs  of  burying  the  body 
in  an  isolated  place  or  in  a  ditch,  and  of  planting  thorns  over  the  grave. 

Dread  of  contamination  is  perhaps  responsible  for  the  fact  that  offences  against 
chastity  used  to  be  punished  by  death,  or  by  branding  and  expulsion  from  the  band, 
and  this  same  dread  seems  to  underlie  their  one-time  aversion  from  marriage  in 
churches. 

The  variety  and  instability  of  their  marriage  rites  as  contrasted  with  the  unity 
and  persistence  of  their  funeral  rites  suggest  that  they  originally  had  none  at  all, 
but  acquired  such  as  they  have  practised  from  time  to  time  by  borrowing  from 
European  peoples. 

MRS.  CHARLES  TEMPLE. — Social  Organisation  amongst  the  Primitive  Tribes  of 
Northern  Nigeria. — The  basic  principle  of  all  the  institutions  of  these  tribes  was  to 
place  the  interests  of  the  community  first  and  those  of  the  individual  second. 

Land  tenure  :  They  realised  that  it  was  essential  that  each  individual  should 
have  the  right  to  occupy  sufficient  land  for  his  needs  and  for  that  of  his  family, 
but  that  there  should  be  no  individual  monopoly. 

Unoccupied  lands  are  jealously  claimed  and  protected.  Land  cannot  be  bought, 
sold,  or  mortgaged,  for  the  living  individual  has  a  right  of  occupancy  only. 

Every  able-bodied  male  is  expected  to  turn  out  for  common  defence.  A  man 
with  his  wife  and  children  does  not  live  to  himself  for  his  own  aggrandisement  or 
theirs,  but  as  a  unit  of  a  larger  family,  owing  allegiance  to  the  senior,  or  patriarch, 

177 


No=  101,]  MAN.  : 

who  is,  as  a  rule,  the  oldest  male  member  of  a  generation.  There  is  no  "  socialism  " 
or  "  collectivism."  Besides  blood  relations  the  family  consists  of  dependants  and 
slaves,  who  all  owe  allegiance  to  the  Family  Head.  In  many  tribes  these  patriarchs 
formed  a  council  of  elders  and  together  directed  the  affairs  of  the  community, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  one  of  their  number.  Those  tribes,  however,  who  had 
united  for  purposes  of  defence  and  expansion,  recognised  one  tribal  chief,  and  he 
would  often  appoint  sub-chiefs  with  jurisdiction  over  certain  clearly  defined  areas. 

Sometimes  the  chiefs  also  performed  the  duties  of  high  priest  ;  sometimes 
however,  others  were  appointed  to  this  office.  Punishment  for  crimes  inflicted  by 
the  communal  authority  generally  takes  the  form  of  compelling  the  -criminal  to  com- 
pensate the  injured  party,  though  amongst  certain  communities  habitual  malefactors 
are  sold  out  of,  or  banished  from,  their  tribe.  In  doubtful  cases  ordeal  is  employed, 
when,  e.g.,  the  accused  is  invited  to  establish  his  innocence  by  drinking  water 
poisoned  with  sasswood,  the  elders  having  already  decided  the  effect  it  is  to  produce. 
Death  by  ordeal  is  therefore  a  mode  of  execution  like  any  other. 

MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARXE,  M.A. — Some  Notes  on  Hausa  Magic. — Love- 
charms  consist  of  decoctions  which  must  be  eaten  by  the  person  desired,  and  there 
is  usually  some  spittle  of  the  amorous  swain  contained  in  them.  Wives  can  deceive 
their  husbands  Avith  complacence  by  using  the  eartli  from  a  grave,'  or  the  hand  of  a 
corpse,  which  produce  a  soporific  effect.  The  most  common  amulet  against  the  evil 
eye  or  evil  mouth  is  the  hand  or  "  five  "  (fingers).  A  shred  of  the  clothing  or  some 
other  article  of  the  evil  wisher  neutralises  the  influence. 

If  the  Arab  prayers  fail  to  have  any  effect  upon  a  drought,  the  Hausas  go  in 
procession  to  a  shrine  on  a  hill  near  the  city,  and  there  offer  a  sacrifice,  summon 
the  bori,  and  perform  the  takai  dance. 

Sacrifices  are  offered  to  Uwar-Gwona  (Farm-Mother)  when  the  corn  begins  to 
appear,  and  she  increases  the  crops  of  her  worshippers. 

Hunters  and  warriors  can  make  talismans  which  confer  invisibility,  and  if  a 
young  girl  with  her  first  teeth  helps,  the  wearer  will  -be  protected  against  all  ; 
but  boys  with  their  first  teeth  can  wound  persons  protected  only  by  ordinary 
charms. 

W.  J.  PERRY,  B.A. —  The  Orientation  of  the  Dead  in  Indonesia.  \_To  be. 
published  in  Journ.  R.  Anthr.  Insf.^ 

W.  H.  R.  RIVERS,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.S. — Sun-cult  and  Megaliths  in  Oceania. — 
It  can  be  established  either  by  direct  evidence  or  by  inference  that  there  was  a 
seasonal  character  attached  to  the  cult  of  the  Areois  in  the  Marquesas,  and  the 
celebrations  of  Melanesian  secret  societies,  such  as  the  Dukduk  of  New  Britain,  the 
Matambala  of  the  Solomon  Islands,  and  the  Tamati  of  Southern  Melanesia. 

The  representation  of  the  movements  of  the  sun  by  such  a  simile  as  that  of 
birth  and  death  suggests  that  these  beliefs  and  practises  were  brought  by  immigrants 
from  some  northern  latitude. 

There  is  a  striking  correspondence  in  the  distribution  of  the  secret  societies  of 
Oceania  and  the  presence  of  structures  constructed  of  large  stones,  as  e.g.,  in  Tahiti 
and  the  Marquesas.  The  islands  in  which  Oceanic  stonework  Jhas  reached  its  highest 
development  are  the  Carolines,  and  both  here  and  in  the  neighbouring  Marianne 
Islands  there  were  societies  whose  name  and  functions  show  them  .to  havp  been 
closely  akin  to  the  Areois  of  Eastern  Polynesia. 

In  Melanesia  structures  made  of  worked  stone  have  been  found  in  only  three 
places — the  Banks  and  Torres  Islands  and  Ysabel,  in  the  Solomons.  The  Banks  and 
Torres  Islands  are  strongholds  of  the  secret  cults,  and  there  is  a  definite  tradition 
that  the  Matambala  of  the  Solomons  came  originally  from  Ysabel.  If  there  should 
be  established  the  presence  of  a  sun-cult  as  the  main  underlying  purpose  of  the 

[  178  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  101. 

secret  societies  of  Oceania,  the  correspondence  of  their  distribution  with  that  of 
megalithic  structures  would  provide  evidence  of  great  value  in  relation  to  the 
problem  of  the  unity  of  the  megalithic  culture.  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that 
we  have  no  evidence  of  any  cult  of  the  sun  in  Tonga,  the  megalithic  structures  of 
which  resemble  most  closely  those  of  other  parts  of  the  world. 

Miss  C.  S.  BURNE. —  Souling,  dementing,  and  Catterning :  Three  November 
Customs  of  the  Western  Midlands. — Early  calendar  festivals  were  at  once  religious, 
social,  and  economic.  The  Celtic  and,  maybe,  the  Teutonic  year  also,  began  and 
ended  in  November.  It  was  a  season  of  social  enjoyment  and  also  a  Feast  of  the 
Dead.  In  Cheshire,  North  Shropshire,  and  North  Staffordshire,  on  November  1st, 
children  beg  for  cakes,  ale,  and  apples.  This  they  call  "  Souling."  But  in  South 
Staffordshire  the  dole  of  ale  and  apples  is  solicited  on  St.  Clement's  Day,  November 
23rd  ;  in  North  Worcestershire  on  St.  Katharine's,  November  25th.  The  name 
varies  accordingly.  The  observances  as  practised  to-day  show  traces  of  early  agri- 
cultural custom,  of  successive  importations  of  foreign  culture,  and  of  the  growth  and 
decay  of  early  economic  institutions.  [To  be  published  in  Folklore.~\ 

Miss  M.  A.  MURRAY. —  Evidence  for  the  Custom,  of  Killing  the  King  in  Ancient 
Egypt.  [  To  be  published  in  MAN.] 

J.  H.  POWELL.  —  Hook-swinging  in  India.  —  Hook-swinging  is  still  practised 
in  certain  villages  of  Chota  Nagpur.  Two  hooks  with  rope  attached  to  each  are 
inserted  in  either  side  of  the  victim's  back.  He  is  then  conducted  to  a  raised 
platform  bound  to  a  long  cross-pole  pivoted  on  a  tall  upright  post,  elevated  to  the 
necessary  height,  and  then  rotated.  A  careful  examination  of  records  goes  to  show 
that  it  is  a  Dravidiau  and  not  a  Hindu  rite. 

Hook-swinging  is  not  synonymous  with  swinging  on  hooks.  Suspension  and 
rotation  are  the  essential  features  of  the  ceremouy.  There  are  grounds  for  supposing 
hook-swinging  to  be  a  commuted  form  of  human  sacrifice.  Further,  if  we  examine 
the  well-known  Meriah-  sacrifice  of  the  Khands,  we  find  that  rotation  of  the  victim 
was  in  certain  places  a  very  common  feature  of  the  ritual,  and  it  is  probable  that 
from,  such  form  of  human  sacrifice  hook-swinging  has  descended.  [  To  be  published 
in  full  in  Folklore.~\ 

W.  CROOKE,  B.A'. —  The  Stability  of  Tribal  and  Caste  Groups  in  India.  \_To 
be  published  in  Journ.  R.  Anthr.  InstJ] 

MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARXE,  M.A. —  The  Bori  Cult  in  Tunis  and  Tripoli. — 
There  are  two  principal  classes  of  bori — those  of  the  city  and  those  of  the  forest — 
the  former  being  mostly  Arab  jinns,  and  regarded  as  disease  spirits,  the  others  pagan 
nature-gods.  Generally  speaking,  the  spirits  have  human  forms  with  cloven  hoofs, 
though  they  can  assume  any  form  at  will.  All  bori  move  like  the  wind. 

The  bori  live  in  Jan  Gari,  the  Red  City,  which  is  alleged  to  be  situated  between 
Air  and  Aghat.  Soothsaying  is  one  of  the  functions  of  the  masu-bori.  Each  member 
of  the  sect  specialises  in  certain  spirits.  The  male  performers  are  known  as  "horses," 
the  female  as  "  mares  "  of  the  bori.  Each  temple  in  Tunis  and  Tripoli  is  a  long, 
narrow  room  in  an  Arab  house,  in  which  are  hung  the  trappings  of  the  dancers  and 
offerings  to  the  bori.  Kuri's  private  apartment  is  screened  off,  and  must  not  be  entered 
except  by  the  Arifa,  the  chief  priestess,  being  a  veritable  holy  of  holies.  At  the 
dances  an  altar  is  erected  and  a  he-goat  (after  having  been  censed  and  specially  fed) 
and  a  cock  are  sacrificed  in  front  c»f  it.  Then  the  bori  ride  the  mounts,  and  the 
dances  begin,  each  performer  making  some  characteristic  movements,  and  then  sneezing 
and  expelling  the  spirit. 

DR.  G.  LANDTMAN. —  The  Ideas  of  the  Kiwai  Papuans  regarding  the  Soul. — The 
Kiwai  Papuans  use  the  same  word  for  "soul,"  "shadow,"  "reflection  in  the  water," 

[  179'  ] 


NO.  lot]  MAN.  11913. 

and  "  picture  "  ;  of  these  the  shadow  in  particular  is  associated  with  the  soul.  Soul 
and  body  are  to  a  considerable  extent  independent  of  each  other.  The  soul  when 
separated  from  the  body  appears,  sometimes  at  any  rate,  as  rather  a  corporeal  being, 
which  can  be  seen  and  touched,  and  in  the  legends  a  ghost  is  often  mistaken  for  a 
living  person.  Dreams  are  attributed  to  the  soul  wandering  about  and  seeing  various 
things. 

The  souls  of  sick  people  in  particular  are  in  danger  of  being  removed  by  male- 
volent spirits  or  otherwise,  for  which  reason  the  sick  are  watched  over  by  their  friends, 
and  certain  rules  have  to  be  observed  for  their  protection.  In  a  case  of  a  very  severe 
illness  the  spirit  of  the  sick  person  is  thought  to  wander  about,  and  several  means 
exist  for  bringing  it  back.  In  the  excitement  of  a  fight  the  soul  of  a  man  may  jump 
out  of  his  body,  as  shown  by  the  fury  of  those  fighting,  and  it  has  in  certain  cases  to 
be  brought  back.  For  the  same  reason  the  soul  of  a  murderer  comes  out  of  his  body 
and  is  thought  to  follow  the  ghost  of  his  victim  at  night.  People  who  have  been 
killed  by  a  crocodile  or  snake,  and  also  suicides,  try  to  lure  their  friends  into  a  death 
similar  to  their  own  by  first  carrying  away  their  souls. 

The  appearance  of  the  soul  of  a  living  man  constitutes  an  omen,  and  therefore 
the  old  men  watch  in  the  night  before  a  fight.  If  they  recognise  some  warrior's  soul 
that  man  must  not  take  part  in  the  forthcoming  fight  or  he  will  be  killed.  The  soul 
of  a  man  does  not  necessarily  leave  the  body  at  the  moment  when  he  is  being  killed 
but  some  time  previously,  in  a  sort  of  presentiment.  A  man  may  sometimes  see  his 
own  soul,  which  forebodes  his  death. 

Pigs  and  dogs  have  souls,  and  at  all  events  in  some  cases  when  killed  go  to 
.4.diri,  the  land  of  the  dead. 

Miss  M.  A.  CZAPLICKA. — The  Influence  of  Environment  upon  the  Religious  Ideas 
and  Practices  of  the  Aborigines  of  Northern  Asia. — In  Northern  Asia  or  Siberia  there 
are  two  main  types  of  geographical  environment,  with  corresponding  variations  in 
the  forms  of  shamanism  observed  there.  These  types  may  be  termed  northern  and 
southern. 

1.  Along    the  whole   northern   section,  a    boundless    lowland    zone,  consisting  of 
tundra,  fishing  and  hunting  can  be  carried  on  in  summer  only,  and  reindeer-breeding 
is  scarcely  possible,  owing  to  the  deficient  vegetation.     The  people  live  for  nine  months 
of  the  year  in  underground  or  half-underground  houses. 

2.  Farther  south  the  land  rises  to  the  Siberian  highlands.     Here  the   inhabitants 
of  the  steppes  lead    an  open-air,   nomadic,  pastoral,  or  hunting    life.     The   climate  is. 
"  Continental." 

I.  In  the  north  we  see  the  influence  of  darkness,  cold,  and  scarcity  of  food  on  the 
religious  ideas  of  the  people.  There  is  a  religious  dualism,  but  the  worship  of  "  black  " 
spirits  prevails.  Family  shamanism  is  more  important  than  professional  shamanism, 
since  the  environment  does  not  encourage  social  aggregation.  The  animals  on  which 
the  people's  livelihood  depends  are  the  objects  of  cult,  inanimate  objects  of  worship 
being  generally  symbols  of  them.  There  is  no  clear  idea  of  an  anthropomorphic  god  ; 
the  distinction  between  men  and  animals  disappears  in  myths  and  in  representations 
of  superior  beings.  Ceremonials  are  almost  exclusively  seasonal,  and  are  connected 
with  the  food  supply  and  with  the  expulsion  of  the  bad  spirits. 

;  II.  In  the  south  we  find  a  religious  dualism  in  which  the  "  white "  element 
prevails.  Life  amid  open  country  and  mountains. has  led  to  worship  of  the  sky  and 
heavenly  bodies.  Animals  are  respected,  but  not  worshipped.  In  the  mythology  it  is 
the  man  that  plays  an  heroic  part.  Comparative  abundance  of  food  permits  certain 
spontaneous  ceremonial  expressions  of  religious  feeling  not  necessarily  connected  with 
the  food  supply.  The  shaman  is  a  professional.  Bloody  sacrifices  predominate  in  the 

[     180    ] 


1913J  MAN.  [No.  101. 

south.     The  ongon  is  not  merely  a  fetish,  but  the  image  of  a  god.     [  To  be  published 
in  Folklore.] 

PROF.  T.  WITTOX  DAVIES. —  The  Female  Magician  in  Semitic  Magic. 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Production  of  Certified  Copies  of  Hausa 
Manuscripts. 

ARCHEOLOGY. 

R.  R.  MARETT,  M.A.,  D.Sc. — Recent  Archaeological  Discoveries  in  the  Channel 
Islands. — 1.  In  continuing  the  excavation  of  the  cave  known  as  La  Cotte  de  St. 
Brelade,  and  the  neighbouring  area,  the  entrance  of  a  second  cave — or,  possibly,  of 
a  cave  running  right  round  the  back  of  the  ravine  continuous  with  La  Cotte — was 
discovered.  Here  a  Mousterian  floor  with  characteristic  implements  was  reached  at 
a  depth  of  27  feet. 

2.  Exploration   of   a   dolmen,  containing   interments,   pottery,  &c.,  at  Les  Monts 
Grantez,  at  St.  Ouen's,  Jersey. 

3.  Discovery  and  examination  of  a  cist  or  dolmen  of  a  type  novel  to  the  island, 
with  surrounding  stone  circles  and  graves,  at  L'Islet,  St.  Sampson's,  Guernsey. 

4.  Other    recent    finds,    ranging    from    alleged    eoliths    (Jersey)    and    palaeoliths 
(Guernsey)  to  a  stone  object  resembling  a  mould,  found  in   the  Lower  Peat — i.e.,  at 
the  neolithic  level — but  more  probably  belonging  to  a  later  period  (Jersey). 

W.  DALE,  F.S.A. — Flint  Instruments  found  in  the  County  of  Hampshire. — A 
series  of  "  celts  "  from  the  county  of  Hants,  found  in  the  surface  soil,  or  never  at 
a  greater  depth  than  two  feet,  was  exhibited  which  might  be  classed  as  Neolithic. 
A  study  of  the  forms  of  the  implements  abroad  belonging  to  the  later  ages  of  the 
Palaeolithic  period  and  a  comparison  with  implements  found  on  well-known  British 
sites,  such  as  Grimes's  Graves  and  Cissbury,  have  resulted  in  the  opinion  that  many 
of  the  chipped  celts  found  at  the  places  named  and  elsewhere  should  be  considered 
late  Palaeolithic  rather  than  Neolithic. 

J.  P.  BusHE-Fox. — Excavations  on  the  Site  of  the  Roman  Town  of  Viroconium, 
at  Wroxeter,  Salop. — The  area  within  the  walls  amounted  to  about  170  acres — about 
one-third  larger  than  Silchester.  The  site  appears  to  have  been  inhabited  from  the 
earliest  days  of  the  Roman  conquest.  Tombstones  of  soldiers  of  the  Fourteenth 
Legion  have  been  found  in  the  cemetery.  The  town,  situated  at  the  junction  of 
two  of  the  main  Roman  roads,  appears  to  have  grown  into  one  of  the  largest 
Romano-British  centres. 

Although  all  the  buildings  found  differed  considerably,  yet  their  general  arrange- 
ment was  similar.  They  appeared  to  have  been  large  shops,  with  dwelling-rooms 
at  the  back  and  wooden  or  stone  verandahs  or  porticoes  in  front,  under  which  ran 
a  continuous  pathway  parallel  to  the  street.  One  house  showed  as  many  as  five 
distinct  constructions,  which  had  been  superimposed  one  on  the  other. 

Among  small  objects  found  are  engraved  gems  from  rings,  brooches  of  different 
metals — one  set  with  stones  and  others  enamelled — portions  of  two  small  statuettes 
of  Venus  and  one  of  Juno  Lucina  ;  also  a  small  pewter  statuette  of  Victory.  One 
of  the  most  interesting  was  a  pewter  circular  bronze  disc  with  a  device,  in  different 
coloured  enamels,  of  an  eagle  holding  a  fish.  Nothing  similar  to  it  of  the  Roman 
period  in  Britain  appears  to  have  been  found  before. 

Pottery  of  every  description  came  to  light,  including  specimens  from  most  of 
the  principal  Roman  potteries  on  the  Continent.  The  coins  ranged  from  Claudius 
to  Gratian  (A.U.  41  to  A.D.  383). 

This  year  a  temple  has  been  uncovered.  It  consisted  of  a  podium  measuring 
25  feet  by  31  feet,  the  walls  of  which  were  formed  of  large  blocks  of  red  sandstone. 


No.  101.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Enclosing  walls  surrounded  the  podium.  The  entrance  into  a  courtyard  in  front  was 
from  the  main  street  under  a  portico  of  six  columns.  The  whole  structure  measured 
94  feet  deep  by  55  feet  wide. 

Areas  to  the  north  and  west  of  the  temple  buildings  are  now  being  excavated. 

The  coins  found  number  over  200  and  date  from  the  Republican  period  to 
Theodosius  I.  \_To  be  published  in  ArchceologiaJ] 

T.  A.SHBY,  M.A.,  D.Litt. —  The  Via  Appia. — The  Via  Appia  played  a  very 
important  part  in  the  advance  of  the  Roman  power  into  South  Italy.  As  far  as 
Beneventum  its  course  is  certain,  and  considerable  remains  of  it  exists  ;  but  beyond 
this  town  there  is  considerable  doubt  about  its  course. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Bari,  in  the  territory  traversed  by  the  Via  Traiana,  are 
the  only  dolmens  and  menhirs  to  be  found  in  Italy,  except  the  group  in '  the  Terra 
d'Otranto,  and  a  somewhat  unexpected  discovery  Avas  that  of  a  group  of  four  hitherto 
unknown  menhirs  close  to  the  road. 

T.  ASHBY,  M.A.,  D.Litt. —  The  Aqueducts  of  Ancient  Rome. — The  principal 
supplies  of  water  were  derived  from,  the  upper  valley  of  the  Anio.  The  second,  of 
the  aqueducts,  constructed  in  272-269  B.O.,  drew  its  water  and  its  name  from  the 
river  itself ;  while  the  third,  the  Aqua  Marcia,  built  in  144-140  B.C.,  made  use  of  some 
very  considerable  springs  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river.  During  the  following 
century  use  was  made  of  various  springs  in  the  more  immediate  neighbourhood  of 
the  city  ;  bat  Caligula's  engineers  returned  to  the  Anio  Valley,  and  the  Aqua  Claudia 
and  Anio  Novus,  both  completed  in  A.D.  52,  drew  their  water  respectively  from  the 
springs  which  the  Marcia  had  already  tapped  and  from1  the  river.  The  remains  of 
these  four  aqueducts  are  very  considerable  and-  comparatively  little  known,  and  by 
careful  research  on  the  spot  it  has  been  possible  to  determine  their  course  with  fair 
accuracy  from  the  springs  to  the  city,  even  in  the  portion  where  they  ran  underground 
through  the  lower  slopes  of  the  Alban  Hills. 

DR.  WILLOUGHBY  GARDNER. — Excavations  at  the  Hill-foot  in  Parc-y-Meirc 
Wood,  Kenmell  Park,  Abcrgcle.  [  To  be  published  in  Report  Brit.  Assoc.,  as  an 
Appendix  to  the  Report  of  the  Committee  to  co-operate  in  Excavations  on  Roman 
Sites  in  Britain."] 

R.  CAMPBELL  THOMPSON,  M.A. — A  Discussion  on  a  Neio  System  of  Decipher- 
ment of  the  .Hittite  Hieroglyphs  lately  published  by  the  Society  of  Antiquaries. — 
[For  full  account  of  the  System  of  Decipherment,  see  Archceologia,  Vol.  LXIV.~\ 

R.  CAMPBELL-THOMPSON,  M.A. — Ancient  Assyrian  Medicine. — There  are  about 
500  tablets  or  fragments  of  tablets  unpublished  in  the  British  Museum.  They  relate  to 
diseases  of  the  head,  hair,  eyes,  nose,  ears,  mouth,  teeth,  stomach,  and  other  organs  ; 
the  treatment  of  pregnancy  and  difficult  travail  ;  poultices,  potions,,  and  enemas  ;  and 
the  assuaging  of  snake  bites  or  scorpion  stings.  The  drugs  in  use  can  be  numbered 
by  the  score.  Several  have  already  long  been  satisfactorily  identified..  I  believe 
that  I  have  been  able  to  identify  two  narcotics^  one,  the  "  Heart-plant,"  as  one  of. 
the  Hyoscyami,  some  years  previously  ;  the  other  as  the  mandrake,  to  be  used  in 
allaying  headache  by  continuous  applications  to  the  head  and  neck. 

In  the  tablets  relating  to  eye  diseases,  the  lish-a-bar  is  a  drug  of  fairly  common 
occurrence,  and  from  its  connection  with  the  mineral  a-bar  (probably  antimony)  I  see 
in  it  the  well-known  stibium  used  by  Orientals.  Another  mineral  in  use  for  eye 
troubles  is  copper  dust,  in  which  we  may  see  the  forerunner  of  the  more  modern 
sulphate  of  copper. 

PROFESSOR  J.  L.  MYRES.— A  Contribution  to  the  Archaeology  of  Cyprus. — 
A  recent  re-examiuatiou  ,of  the  Cesnola  collection  x>f  Cypriote  antiquities  in  the 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  101. 

Metropolitan  Museum  of  New  York  had  extended  the  upward  limit  of  time  for  the 
great  series  of  votive  statues,  belonging  to  a  period  in  which  the  Assyrian  influence, 
which  characterised  the  early  half  of  the  seventh  century,  was  not  yet  fully  developed, 
and  Syro-Cappadocian  affinities  were  seen.  Minoan  types  of  costume,  introduced  in 
the  later  Bronze  Age,  remained  in  ceremonial  use,  and  probably  also  iu  daily  life,  far 
into  the  .historical  period.  The  Cypriote  script  began  to  show  forms  linking  it  with 
the  TMinoan.  A  fragment  of  an  engraved  bowl  of  Oriental  design  repeated  the  subject 
of  the  well-known  hunting  bowl  found  near  Rome,  and  was  probably  from  the  same 
hand  and  workshop,  thus  showing  the  wide  distribution  of  these  works  of  art  and  the 
probability  that  they  were  the  output  of  a  few  closely  related  centres  of  industry. 
One  of  those  centres  might  very  likely  have  been  in  Cyprus. 

Gr.  A.  WAIXWRIGHT. —  The  People  of  Keftiu  and  the  Isles  from  the  Egyptian 
Monuments. — Hitherto  the  people  of  Keftiu  and  the  Isles  have  been  regarded  as  one, 
and  as  the  equivalent  of  Cretans.  But  on  analysis  the  greater  part  of  the  Keftiuan 
civilisation  is  not  Cretan  but  Syrian.  The  Philistine  confederacy  consisted  of  a 
group  of  allied  tribes,  the  name  of  one  of  which  (Cherethites)  is  translated  in  the 
LXX  as  Cretans.  The  Caphtorim  are  translated  as  Cappadocians.  Hence  Caphtor 
is  probably  Asia  Minor,  and  in  Rameses  Ill.'a  sculptures  of  the  Pnlosatu  or  Philistines 
they  are  shown  with  an  Asia  Minor  dress  and  equipment.  Therefore  the  identification 
of  both  Keftiu  and  Caphtor  witli  Crete  has  come  about  owing  to  the  presence  of 
Cretans  with  each  of  them  ;  these  being  the  People  of  the  Isles  with  the  Keftiuans, 
and  the  Cherethites  with  the  Caphtorim  or  Philistines  proper.  Keftiu  then  appears 
to  be  Cilicia. 

For  a  view  of  her  civilisation  it  is  necessary  to  isolate  it.  To  do  this  a  corpus 
of  that  of  each  extreme — Syria  and  the  Isles — is  taken.  Out  of  the  eighty-seven 
Keftiuau  objects  available  for  study  sixty  are  found  to  be  of  Syrianising  types,  while 
twenty-seven  are  peculiar  to  Keftiu. 

PROFESSOR  W.  M.  FLINDERS  PETRIE,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S. — Recent  Discoveries 
of  the  British  School  in  Egypt. — A  valley  at  Tarkhan  was  cleared  and  found  to 
contain  some  800  more  graves  closely  grouped  on  each  side  of  an  axial  road. 
Thousands  of  well-to-do  people  were  buried  here  within  two  or  three  generations, 
and  w£  must  regard  this  as  the  pre-Memphite  capital  of  Egypt,  the  critical  meeting 
point  of  the  earliest  historical  race  of  Egypt  with  the  prehistoric  peoples. 

The  earliest  stage  of  the  mastaba  and  tomb  chapel  can  here  be  seen  in  perfection. 
In  the  graves  were  large  numbers  of  alabaster  vases,  slate  palettes,  and  pottery  vases  ; 
the  types  of  these  serve  to  date  the  graves  to  the  various  reigns  shortly  before  and 
after  Mena.  Several  blue  glazed  vases  were  found,  showing  that  such  glazing  was 
commonly  in  use. 

Another  site,  at  Gerzeh,  a  few  miles  further  south,  has  given  good  results  of  the 
Twelfth  and  Eighteenth  Dynasties.  Large  cemeteries  were  cleared  and  some  immense 
stone  tombs  with  chambers  as  large  as  those  of  pyramids.  The  finds  included  a 
gold  pectoral  inlaid  with  coloured  stones,  like  the  pectorals  of  the  celebrated  jewellery 
of  'Dahshur  in  the  Cairo  Museum.  With  it  was  part  of  a  similar  jewel  of  Senusert  II. 
and  a  gold  shell  of  Senusert  III. 

At  Memphis  more  statuary  and  sculpture  of  the  Eighteenth  and  Nineteenth 
Dynasties  have  been  found.  Some  workshops  have  yielded  all  the  various  stages 
of  the  manufacture  of  stone  vases  ;  other  shops  contained  a  great  variety  of 
coloured  stones  brought  from  the  Eastern  Desert  and  from  abroad,  including  the 
beaniifnl  bright  green  felspar  in  granite,  not  known  before.  A  remarkable  standard 
measaire  was  found  of  .Ptolemaic  age,  the  accuracy  of  which  is  finer  than  a  hundredth 
of  an  inch;  the  ^taojdard  is  a  cubit  of  26'8  inches,  known  in  Egvpt  under  the 

it    -183    3 


No.  101.]  MAN.  [1913. 

Eighteenth    Dynasty,    and    used    in    Asia    Minor,    classical    Germany,  and    mediaeval 
England.     \_To  be  published  by  the  British   School  of  Archeology  in  Egypt. ~\ 

DR.  CAPITAN. — Les  dernieres  Decouvertes  d'CEuvres  d'Art  Paleolithiques  dans 
les  Cavcrncs  de  la  Garth. — Depuis  quelqnes  mois  nos  decouvertes  en  Dordogne  avec 
Peyrony  et  Bouyssonie  ont  montre  qu'il  existait  une  antre  variete  d'ouvres  d'art 
quaternaires.  Ce  sont  des  gravures  executees  sur  des  dalles  ou  des  blocs  de  pierre 
trreguliers  de  20  cm.  a  70  cm.  de  largeur  rencontres  au  milieu  des  foyers  de  1'epoque 
magdalenienne  a  La  Madeleine  et  a  Limeuil  (Dordogne).  Ces  tres  belles  gravures 
non  encore  ptibliees  sont  d'un  art  tres  remarquable.  Elles  representent  surtout  des 
rennes,  des  chevaux,  des  bouquetins.  Quelques  tres  belles  sculptures  en  ivoire  de 
petite  dimension  accompagnaient  ces  pieces. 

T.  C.  CANTRILL,  B.Sc.,  F.G.S. — Stone  Boiling  in  the  British  Isles. — Throughout 
the  British  Isles  few  ancient  sites  have  been  explored  that  have  not  yielded  occasional 
burnt  stones,  which  have  no  doubt  rightly  been  regarded  as  pot  boilers  or  as  heaters 
employed  in  some  form  of  oven.  But  large  heaps  of  burnt,  cracked,  and  broken 
stones,  minged  with  charcoal  dust,  although  frequent  near  springs  and  streams  in 
districts  devoid  of  other  evidences  of  ancient  occupation,  such  as  camps,  villages,  or 
hut  circles,  have  seldom  been  recorded,  and  if  noted  have  not  always  been  understood. 
In  Great  Britain  a  growing  volume  of  evidence  supports  the  view  that  the  practice 
of  stone  boiling  once  ranged  from  the  Shetlands  to  the  English  Channel. 

It  is  evident  from  previous  records  that  in  some  cases  heaps  of  pot  boilers  have 
been  mistaken  for  burial  mounds  and  for  primitive  smelting  places.  The  boiling 
troughs,  where  of  wood,  have  been  supposed  to  be  canoes,  and  where  of  stone,  have 
been  assumed  to  be  sepulchral  cists.  Sometimes  the  hearth  or  floor  of  the  cooking 
place  was  roughly  pared  with  stone  slabs  and  fenced  with  a  low  stone  wall,  and 
these  features  have  been  mistaken  for  "  stone  circles,"  or  for  the  lower  courses  of 
beehive  huts. 

DR.  T.  J.  JEHU  and  A.  J.  B.  WAGE,  M.A. — Excavations  in  the  Kinkell  Cave, 
St.  Andreivs. — A  raised  beach  records  an  uplift  of  land  after  the  appearance  of 
neolithic  man.  The  cave  had  been  inhabited  in  Roman  and  early  Christian  times. 
The  central  date  is  given  by  a  sherd  of  terra  sigillata  (Samian  ware),  fofind  half-way 
down  the  desposit.  Quantities  of  shells  and  animal  bones  were  discovered,  all  the 
remains  of  food.  On  the  top  of  this  stratum  a  slab  of  red  sandstone  with  incised 
crosses  was  discovered,  which  probably  belongs  to  the  early  Christian  period. 

PROFESSOR  G.ELLIOT  SMITH,  F.R.S. —  The  Evolution  of  the  Dolmen.  [To  be 
published  in  MAN.] 

H.  J.  E.  PEAKE. —  The  Early  Bronze  Age  in  the  Lower  Rhone  Valley. — A 
survey  of  the  implements  found  in  the  lower  valley  of  the  Rhone  shows  that  the 
inhabitants  of  this  part  of  France  were  only  slightly  acquainted  with  the  use  of 
metal  during  the  earlier  phases  of  the  Bronze  Age.  A  map  showing  the  distribution 
of  flat  celts  throughout  this  area  seems  to  indicate  that  during  the  first  Bronze 
Period  the  people  were  in  a  neolithic  state  of  culture,  though  a  few  bronze  imple- 
ments had  reached  the  edge  of  the  area  either  from  Switzerland  or  from  the  north- 
west. More  than  one  line  seem  to  radiate  from  the  pass  of  Mont  Genevre,  the  most 
conspicuous  of  these  passing  to  the  south-west  in  the  direction  of  Narbonne.  This 
seems  to  indicate  a  line  of  trade  between  the  Po  Valley  and  the  copper  mines  of 
Spain. 

O.  G.  S.  CRAWFURD,  M.A. —  Trade  between  Britain  and  France  in  the  Neolithic 
and  Bronze  Ages. — With  the  discovery  of  green-stone  axes  in  a  county  like  Hamp- 
shire (where  no  such  rock  occurs)  resembling  in  shape  those  made  in,  e.g.,  Brittany, 

[    184    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos,  101-102. 

where  the  stone  occurs  naturally,  we  may  infer  intercourse,  probably  commercial, 
between  Brittany  and  England.  The  evidence  for  bronze  axes  rests  mainly  upon 
the  type,  but  this  is  very  clearly  marked.  Since  the  publication  of  Ancient  Bronze 
Implements  in  1881  numerous  additions  have  been  made  to  the  number  of  axes  of 
French  type  found  in  Britain.  [Published  in  LAnthropologieJ\ 

REV.  F.  SMITH. — Palaeolithic  "Guillotine"  Trap-stones. — If  prehistoric  man 
were  a  strategic  hunter,  we  may  naturally  assume  that  very  early  in  his  career  he 
learned  to  throw  down  his  "  missile  "  upon  a  passing  quarry  or  enemy,  and  that  it 
became  in  time  a  heavy  pointed  stick,  and  finally,  with  greatly  enhanced  effect,  a 
pointed  stone.  , 

It  is  suggested  that  in  the  abnormally  large  palaeolithic  implements  we  have 
examples  of  trap-stones,  too  large  for  use  in  the  hand,  used  in  similar  fashion  to 
the  suspended  block  of  wood  armed  with  a  knife  now  in  use  among  many  primitive 
races. 

A.  IRVIXG,  D.Sc.,  B.A. — Prehistoric  Horse  Remains  in  the  Stort  Valley,  S>c. — 
Teeth  and  limb  bones  have  come  to  hand  which  fall  into  two  series  :  (1)  those  of 
a  horse  of  the  Stortford-Grimaldi-Starnberg  type  ;  (2)  those  which  answer  to  the 
"Solutrean"  (Equus  robustus)  type  of  Professor  J.  C.  Ewart.  They  have  been 
found  for  the  most  part  in  and  under  the  bottom  of  the  "  Rubble-Drift "  of  the 
valley. 

Report  of  the   Committee  on  the  Age  of  Stone   Circles. 

Report  of  the   Committee  on  Prehistoric  Site  at  Bishop's  Stortjord. 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  Palceolithic   Sites  in  the    West  of  England. 

Third  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Artificial  Islands  in  the  Lochs  of  the 
Highlands  of  Scotland. 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Lake  Villages  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Glastonbury. 

British  Association.  Sir  R.  Temple  and  others. 

Report  of  a  Discussion  on  "  The  Practical  Application  of  Anthropological 
Teaching  in  Universities"  held  in  Section  H  of  the  British  Association,  at 
Birmingham,  Friday,  September  \2th,  1913. 

SUGGESTIONS   FOR    A    SCHOOL    OF    APPLIED    ANTHROPOLOGY. 
By  SIR  RICHARD  C.  TEMPLE,  BART.,  C.I.E. 

The  object  of  this  paper  is  to  provide  a  basis  for  a  discussion  on  the  advisability 
and  on  ways  and  means  of  establishing  a  School  of  Applied  Anthropology. 

In  the  course  of  my  Presidential  Address  to  Section  H  (Anthropology),  it  is 
explained  that  the  desire  of  teachers  and  students  of  Anthropology  is  to  acquire  and 
impart  abstract  knowledge  about  human  beings  which  men  of  affairs  and  commerce 
can  confidently  apply  in  the  daily  business  of  practical  life  to  the  benefit  of  themselves 
and  of  those  with  whom  they  come  in  contact,  such  knowledge  being  based  on 
inquiries  methodically  conducted  on  lines  which  experience  has  shown  will  lead  to 
the  minimum  of  error  in  observation  and  record. 

It  is  pointed  out  that  it  is  not  enough  in  the  case  of  mankind,  or,  indeed,  of 
almost  any  living  thing,  to  study  physical  structure  only,  but  that  the  product  of  the 
mind,  as  shown  in  habits  of  thought  and  action,  must  also  be  studied.  The  anthro- 
pologists have,  therefore,  divided  their  subject  into  the  two  main  heads  of  Physical 
and  Cultural  Anthropology,  the  former  being  concerned  with  the  structure  of  the 
body,  and  the  latter  with  manners  and  customs  and  other  results  of  mental  activity. 

L  185  ] 


No.  102.]  MAN.  [1913. 

When  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  British  Empire  is  examined,  it  becomes 
apparent  that  the  complexity  of  the  Empire  and  its  distribution  over  the  world  makes 
the  subject  of  its  administration,  both  officially  and  commercially,  an  immensely 
important  one  for  the  British  people.  As  the  Empire  is  governed  from  the  British 
Isles,  it  is  inevitable  that  a  large  number  of  young  men  must  be  sent  out  annually 
to  its  various  component  parts,  and  be  entrusted  in  due  course  with  the  adminis- 
trative, commercial,  and  social  control  over  many  alien  races.  If  their  relations  with 
the  foreign  peoples  with  whom  they  come  in  contact  are  to  be  successful,  they  must 
acquire  a  working  knowledge  of  the  habits,  customs,  and  ideas  that  govern  the 
conduct  of  those  peoples,  and  of  the  conditions  in  which  they  pass  tlieir  lives.  All 
those  who  succeed  find  out  these  things  for  themselves,  and  discern  that  success  is 
dependent  on  the  knowledge  they  may  attain  of  those  with  whom  they  have  to 
deal.  They  set  about  learning  what  they  can,  but  of  necessity  empirically  and  as  a 
side  issue,  as  it  were,  in  the  immediate  and  imperative  business  of  their  lives.  But 
the  man  who  is  obliged  to  obtain  the  requisite  knowledge  empirically,  and  without 
any  previous  training  in  observation,  is  heavily  handicapped  indeed  in  comparison 
with  him  who  has  already  acquired  the  habit  of  right  observation,  and,  what  is  of 
much  more  importance,  has  been  put  in  the  way  of  correctly  interpreting  his 
observations  in  his  youth. 

To  put  the  proposition  in  its  briefest  form,  in  order  to  succeed  in  administrative 
or  commercial  life  abroad  a  man  must  use  tact.  Tact  is  the  social  expression  of 
discernment  and  insight,  qualities  born  of  intuitive  anthropological  knowledge,  and 
that  is  what  it  is  necessary  to  induce  in  those  sent  abroad  to  become  eventually  the 
controllers  of,  and  dealers  with,  other  kinds  of  men.  What  is  required,  therefore,  is 
that  in  youth  they  should  have  imbibed  the  anthropological  habit,  so  that,  as  a  result 
of  having  been  taught  how  to  study  mankind,  they  may  learn  what  it  is  necessary  to 
know  of  those  about  them  correctly  and  in  the  shortest  possible  time.  The  years  of 
active  life  now  unavoidably  wasted  in  securing  this  knowledge,  often  inadequately  and 
Incorrectly,  even  in  the  case  of  the  ablest,  can  thus  be  saved. 

The  important  point  to  bear  in  mind  is.  that  in  dealing  with  men  "intellect 
"  is  all  very  well,  but  sympathy  counts  for  very  much  more."  And  so  the  anthro- 
pologists desire  to  instil  into  the  minds  of  those  at  home,  who  guide  the  work  of 
representatives  abroad,  that  the  sound  administration  of  the  affairs  of  men  can  only 
be  based  on  cultured  sympathy,  springing  in  its  turn  from  sure  knowledge,  compe- 
tent study,  and  accurate  inquiry  conducted  on  a  right  method,  itself  the  result  of 
continuous  experience. 

Incidentally  anthropological  inquiry  is  an  intensely  interesting  occupation  to  those 
who  have  mastered  the  preliminary  study,  and  no  better  way  of  filling  up  the  leisure 
hours  of  a  European  in  a  foreign  country  could  be  found,  especially  in  remote  and 
lonely  localities. 

The  situation  has,  for  some  years  past,  been  appreciated  by  those  who  have 
occupied  themselves  with  Anthropology  as  a  science,  and  several  efforts  have  been 
made  by  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  and  the  Universities  of  Oxford,  Cam- 
bridge, and  London,  at  any  rate,  to  bring  the  public  benefits  accruing  from  the 
establishment  of  anthropological  schools  before  the  Government  and  the  people  of  this 
country.  With  the  co-operation  of  some  of  the  Colonial  Governments,  practical  work 
has  been  done  by  all  these  bodies  towards  teaching  Anthropology  to  probationers  and 
candidates  for  the  Civil  Services  in  Africa,  India,  and  elsewhere,  and  it  is  a  matter 
of  public  importance  that  great  centres  of  education  and  commerce  should  give 
practical  encouragement  to  the  study  by  the  establishment  of  a  School  of  Applied 
Anthropology,  with  a  special  museum  and  library  attached.  These  last  are  necessary, 
because  the  kind  of  students  desired  need  not  only  competent  teachers  to  guide  them, 

[  186  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  102. 

bat  also  a  library  and  a  museum  close  at  hand,  where  they  can   find  the  information 
they  want  and  the  illustration  of  it. 

t  venture  to  suggest  that  the  City  of  Birmingham,  with  its  university,  possesses 
peculiar  facilities  for  the  formation  of  a  School  of  Applied  Anthropology  and  also  of 
its  library  and  museum,  as  the  city  has  all  over  the  empire  its  commercial  representatives, 
who  can  collect  the  required  museum  specimens  on  the  spot.  The  financial  labours 
also  of  those  who  distribute  these  men  over  greater  Britain,  and,  indeed  all  over  the 
world,  produce  means  to  create  the  library  and  the  school,  and  their  universal  interests 
provide  the  incentive  for  securing. for  those  in  their  employ  the  best  method  of 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  men  that  can  be  turned  to  useful  commercial  purpose. 


After  his  opening  statement,  the  President  read  the  following  extracts  from 
letters  received  from  those  who  had  been  invited  to  take  part  in  the  discussion  but 
were  unable  to  attend  :  — 

From  LIEUT.-GENERAL  SIR  REGINALD  WINGATE,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  Sirdar 
Egyptian  Army  and  Governor-General  of  the  Sudan. 

.  .  .  I  am  in  entire  sympathy  with  every  word  you  say,  and  in  the  evidence 
I  gave  before  the  Commission  for  the  Establishment  of  a  School  of  Oriental  Languages 
in  London,  under  the  Presidency  of  the  late  Sir  Alfred  Lyall,  I  briefly  referred  to 
the  great  importance  of  the  study  of  Anthropology,  not  only  for  administrators,  but 
also  for  merchants,  missionaries,  and  others  whose  lives  are  spent  in  our  Colonies, 
Dependencies,  and  Protectorates.  ...  So  impressed  also  was  I  with  the  impor- 
tance of  the  study  of  Anthropology  that  I  arranged  for  anthropological  lectures  to 
be  given  to  probationers  to  the  Sudan  Civil  Service  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  and, 
in  order  to  provide  material  for  these  lectures  and  to  assist  in  anthropological 
research  in  the  Sudan,  we  have  obtained  the  services  of  Dr.  Seligmann,  who,  accom- 
panied by  Mrs.  Seligmann,  has  already  carried  out  one  or  two  journeys  in  the  Sudan, 
and  is,  I  believe,  now  occupied  in  the  preparation  of  a  book  on  his  discoveries. 

From  SIR  FRAXK  SWETTENHAM,  G.C.M.G.,  late  Governor  of  the  Straits  Settlements 
and  High  Commissioner  of  the  Federated  Malay  States. 

I  have  read  your  *'  suggestions "  with  much  interest,  and  if  you  will 
allow  me  to  say  so,  I  cordially  concur  with  all  you  say.  Such  a  school  as  you 
suggest  would  no  doubt  be  extremely  useful,  but,  if  instituted  mainly  with  the  idea 
that  it  would  help  our  young  administrators  to  a  right  knowledge  of,  and  sympathy 
with,  the  people  they  may  be  sent  to  govern  or  to  minister  to  in  other  ways,  then 
I  confess  that  I  should  put  the  study  of  Oriental  and  other  languages  and  the  study 
of  administration,  especially  the  administration  of  Eastern  peoples,  first.  I  mention 
Eastern  peoples  because  we  have  300,000,000  subjects  in  British  India,  a  million 
Chinese  in  British  Colonies  and  Protected  States  in  the  East,  and  about  a  million 
Malays  in  the  same  places,  to  say  nothing  of  the  population  of  Ceylon — Sinhalese 
and  Tamils.  Until  this  country  founds  and  supports  a  School  of  Oriental  Languages  I 
hardly  see  how  the  student  is  to  arrive  at  a  real  knowledge  of  Oriental  people.  Until 
we  teach  the  art  of  administration,  we  can  only  rely  upon  the  genius  of  our  race  to 
fit  our  young  men  to  administer  properly  and  sympathetically  the  affairs  of  Eastern 
and  other  alien  peoples.  I  admit  that  we  have  been  successful  in  the  past,  but  I  also 
know  that  knowledge  has  often  been  gained  at  the  expense  of  those  we  rule.  We 
send  men  to  teach  them,  but  the  teachers  must  begin  by  learning  almost  everything 
that  makes  for  really  successful  work.  You  cannot  teach  sympathy,  but  without 
that  the  rest  will  never  give  the  best  results. 

f     187     1 


No.  102.]  MAN.  [1913. 

From  PROF.  C.  G.  SELIGMANX,  the  London  School  of  Economics. 
I  have  read  the  abstract  of  Sir  Richard  Temple's  paper  with  a  great  deal  of 
interest,  and  it  summarises  the  matter  so  ably  that  there  seems  little  left  to  add. 
But  I  should  like  to  say  that  what  Sir  Richard  has  written  about  the  drawback  of 
the  knowledge  empirically  gained  daring  active  administration  has  struck  me  over 
and  over  again.  In  more  than  one  country  I  have  been  told  that  So-and-So  has  a 
splendid  knowledge  of  such-and-such  a  people.  So-and-So  is  immediately  sought  out, 
and  always  proves  most  willing  to  assist,  but  it  is  soon  evident  that  his  knowledge, 
even  when  he  knows  something  of  the  language,  is  superficial,  and  a  stranger  capable 
of  thinking  along  anthropological  lines  can  generally  discover  more  in  a  few  weeks 
than  the  most  sympathetic  administrator  has  been  able  to  find  out,  perhaps,  in  the 
course  of  years.  When  I  say  administrator  I  do  not  only  mean  Government  official  ; 
all  that  I  have  written  applies  with  equal  force  to  even  the  best  prepared  missionary. 
Without  training  it  is  indeed  extremely  rare  to  find  what  I  may  call  the  anthropo- 
logical attitude  of  mind,  though  there  is  no  scarcity  of  men  who  have  the  fullest 
sympathy  with  those  committed  to  their  charge.  I  do  not  know  how  many  Govern- 
ment officials  and  missionaries  I  have  watched  in  close  contact  with  the  natives 
among  whom  they  lived  during  the  last  fifteen  years,  but  the  number  is  certainly 
not  small,  and  during  that  time  I  have  met  but  two  men,  one  an  Englishman  and 
the  other  an  Italian,  who  had  found  and  trodden  the  anthropological  path  unaided. 

From  MR.  T.  C.  HODSON,  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  : — 

.  .  .  Once  more  as  Secretary  of  the  Institute  may  I  wish  you  all  success  in 
your  endeavour  to  persuade  the  authorities  of  Birmingham  to  take  up  the  teaching 
of  Applied  Anthropology.  It  is  not  to  Government  servants  alone  to  whom  it  is  of 
use,  but  to  every  person  who  is  brought  into  contact,  in  any  capacity  whatsoever, 
with  persons  of  different  culture.  The  prejudices  with  which  the  statesman  has  to 
contend  are  as  much  the  subject  matter  for  the  Anthropologist  as  are  the  economic 
habits  of  any  society,  and  if  Birmingham  does  take  it  up  it  will,  I  hope  and  I  am 
sure,  take  it  up  thoroughly.  There  is  only  one  way  nowadays  in  a  modern  university 
of  the  type  of  Birmingham  of  organising  work  of  this  kind,  and  that  is  to  secure 
the  best  men  for  the  work,  and  in  a  university  the  investigation  of  novel  problems 
by  sound  and  tried  methods  of  experimentation  is  necessarily  of  high  importance. 


In  the  discussion  which  followed  : — 

SIR  EVERARD  IM  THURX,  K.C.M.G.,  late  High  Commissioner  in  the  Pacific, 
said  :  As  one  who  has  himself  spent  most  of  his  active  life  among  and  in  sympathy 
with  "natives,"  i.e.,  with  folk  whose  material  culture  has  advanced  comparatively 
little,  and  certainly  in  a  very  different  direction  from  that  followed  by  our  own 
ancestors,  I  strongly  support  the  proposal  put  forward  by  our  President — that  a 
great  and  urgent  imperial  purpose  would  be  served  by  the  establishment  of  a  great 
anthropological  centre — call  it  school,  institute,  or  what  you  like — at  which  youths 
who  go  out  from  home  to  serve  in  the  distant  parts  of  the  empire  might  learn  to 
think  and  act  in  accordance  with  the  lessons  taught  by  the  science  of  Anthropology. 

My  own  experience  during  more  than  thirty  years  of  administration  among 
natives,  first  in  Guiana,  then  for  a  few  years  at  the  Colonial  Office — wherein  the 
strings  that  pull  the  native  affairs  of  our  Empire  are  moved — then  for  three  years  in 
Ceylon,  and  lastly  for  seven  years  in  the  islands  of  the  South  Seas,  makes  me  most 
strongly  wish  for  the  establishment  of  such  a  centre. 

In  my  case,  an  innate  taste  for  natural  history — and  especially  for  the  natural 
history  of  man — was,  after  my  first  couple  of  years  among  natives,  given  a  more 
serious  trend  by  a  chance  meeting — the  beginning  of  a  life-long  friendship — with 

[  188  ] 


1913,]  MAN.  [No.  102. 

Sir  Edward  Tylor,  the  father  of  modern  scientific  Anthropology  in  England.  But. 
despite  this  exceptional  advantage,  I  know  that  it  would  have  been  an  enormous 
gain  to  me — and  certainly  of  advantage  to  the  Empire  which  I  have  humbly  served 
— had  I  started  with  a  preliminary  training  in  anthropological  method,  and  had  I 
been  able  throughout  my  career  to  turn  back  for  guidance  to  some  centre  here  at 
.home,  and  to  which,  in  return,  I  might  have  imparted  my  own  observations  for 
more  scientific  treatment  than  I  could  give  them  while  still  in  the  field. 

Again,  when,  as  time  went  on,  and  I  came  into  a  position  of  greater  responsi- 
bility, 1  experienced  to  the  fall  the  difficulty  of  finding  young  men  who,  however 
otherwise  \vell  qualified,  were  of  the  right  habit  of  anthropological  thought  to  serve 
under  and  after  me. 

It  has  happened  that  my  work  has  been  chiefly  with  natives  of  a  very  primitive 
type — with  the  kind  of  folk  who  are  usually,  but  most  misleadingly,  called  "savages," 
rather  than  the  kind  much  further  advanced  in  social  organisation  and  thought  such 
as  those  with  whom  Indian  Civil  Service  students  chiefly  have  to  deal.  I  think  that 
a  well-thought-out  scheme  for  the  anthropological  education  of  the  men — and  women 
— who  are  to  deal  with  the  more  primitive  folk  is  even  more  necessary  for  imperial 
purposes  than  in  the  case  of  those  who  are  to  deal  with  more  "  civilised "  natives. 

The  Europeans  who  come  most  in  contact  with  surviving  very  primitive  folk 
are  generally — to  mention  them  in  the  order  in  which  they  have  usually  appeared 
on  the  scene — either  traders,  missionaries,  or  administrators.  Though  myself  belong- 
ing to  the  latter  class,  I  have  naturally  come  much  in  contact  with  my  European 
colleagues  of  the  other  two  classes,  and  I  am  quite  convinced  that  we  should  all 
have  done  much  more  useful  work — for  ourselves,  for  our  natives,  and  for  the 
Empire  to  which  we  belong — if  we  had  had  a  real  training  in  Anthropology,  and 
consequently  a  truer  understanding  and  a  more  rational  sympathy  with  the  natives. 

The  imperial  need  for  such  a  school  as  is  proposed  seems  to  me  not  to  admit 
of  question.  As  to  the  exact  nature  of  the  school,  I  would  only  here  add  this.  I 
think  that  it  should  be  a  school  in  which  teachers  and  students  should  always 
remain  in  touch.  For  instance,  the  teachers  should  not  be  mere  book  and  museum 
students,  but  should  from  time  to  time  be  expected  to  take  a  turn  abroad  in  the 
field  ;  I  mean  that  by  some  such  arrangement  as  that  by  which  in  places  teachers 
are  permitted  to  take  a  year  off — a  Sabbatical  year  I  think  it  is  sometimes  called — 
the  teachers  should  visit  their  students  abroad.  On  the  other  hand,  the  students, 
after  graduation,  should  remain  associated  in  some  way  with  the  institute  or  school  ; 
they  should  habitually  send  their  observations  for  record  at  that  school,  and  should 
revisit  it  for  fresh  study  Avhenever  they  are  at  home  on  leave. 

I  am,  of  course,  aware  that  Anthropology  is  already  taught  at  some  of  our 
universities  and  similar  institutions,  but  I  do  not  think  that  anywhere,  in  any  one 
place,  has  the  machinery  for  such  teaching  been  sufficiently  advanced  to  do  much 
real  and  widespread  good.  If  at  every  university  there  were  a  thoroughly  good 
anthropological  school  it  would  be  a  splendid  thing  for  the  Empire.  But  even  one 
really  adequately-equipped  school  would  be  costly,  and  I  think  it  would  be  well  to 
concentrate  efforts,  and  to  aim — at  least  at  first — at  one  really  good  school. 

Where  that  school  should  be  I  am  not  prepared  to  say.  Birmingham  is  said 
to  offer  special  advantages  for  it.  Personally,  as  an  Oxford  man,  I  should  prefer 
to  see  the  school  established  at  Oxford.  But  the  selection  of  the  site  practically 
depends  chiefly  on  the  generous  donor  or  donors  who  will  provide  the  funds, 
necessarily  large. 

MR.  W.  CROOKE,  from  his  experience  of  twenty-five  years'  service  in  the 
Bengal  Civil  Service,  cordially  supported  this  proposal  to  organise  anthropological 
teaching  for  selected  candidates  of  the  Indian  services.  He  laid  special  stress  on  the 

[  189  ] 


No.  102.]  MAN.  [1913. 

encouragement  of  the  study  of  the  native  languages,  and  suggested  a  special  course 
of  teaching  of  the  rules  of  Oriental  etiquette,  particularly  necessary  since  the  unfor- 
tunate estrangement  of  a  section  of  the  educated  classes  from  the  British  officials, 
which  necessitates  care  to  prevent  offence  to  persons  nervously  concerned  about  their 
own  dignity. 

At  the  same  time,  he  was  not  inclined  to  advocate  instruction  in  special  anthro- 
pological problems.  It  was  inadvisable  to  familiarise  students  with  theories  which 
tended  to  the  search  for  material  in  support  of  one  suggestion  or  the  other.  All 
that  was  necessary  was  to  arouse  the  faculty  of  curiosity  and  investigation,  to  show 
to  young  officers  how  fascinating  the  study  of  anthropology  and  folklore  was.  The 
present  course  of  instruction  in  this  country  lasted  only  one  year,  and  if  Anthropology 
were  made  a  regular  subject  there  was  a  danger  of  overburdening  students,  with  the 
result  that  they  would  reach  India  jaded  and  overworked.  The  definite  study  of 
Anthropology  could  be  secured  only  by  abandoning  part  of  the  present  curriculum, 
which  was  the  minimum  accepted  by  the  Government  of  India. 

LiEUT.-CoLONEL  P.  R.  GuRDON  (Assam),  said  :  I  do  not  think  I  can  profitably 
add  to  the  very  cogent  and  admirably-expressed  arguments  of  Sir  Richard  Temple 
in  favour  of  a  School  of  Applied  Anthropology  in  England,  except  to  say  that  Sir 
Richard  Temple's  plan  might  be  made  to  fit  in  with  the  scheme  outlined  by  Sir 
Archdale  Earle,  Chief  Commissioner  of  Assam,  in  his  statement  forwarded  to  the 
Public  Service  Commission.  This  scheme  provides  for  the  establishment  of  a  college, 
not  only  for  European  officers  about  to  proceed  to  the  East,  but  for  Indians  who 
are  candidates  for  admission  to  the  Indian  Services  as  well.  European  candidates  for 
employment  in  the  Indian  Services  would  thus  be  thrown  in  direct  contact  with 
Indians  early  in  their  career,  and  be  able  to  understand  something  of  the  Indian 
point  of  view,  a  matter  of  very  great  importance,  which  1  venture  to  think  has  not 
so  far  received  sufficient  attention.  The  scheme  might  be  extended  so  as  to  suit  the 
needs  of  the  colonies,  e.g.,  the  African  colonies.  At  the  college  Applied  Anthro- 
pology should  be  made  one  of  the  principal  subjects,  also  Indian  and  other  necessary 
languages.  Anthropology,  which  includes  ethnography,  has  received  some  attention 
in  India  of  recent  years,  an  ethnographic  survey  having  been  undertaken  by  the 
Indian  Government.  Unfortunately  this  survey  could  not  be  completed  for  want  of 
funds,  but  a  considerable  amount  of  work  was  done  in  the  shape  of  preparation  and 
publication  of  detailed  accounts  of  castes  and  tribes  in  various  Provinces.  In  Assam, 
at  the  instigation  of  Sir  Bampfylde  Fuller,  the  then  Chief  Commissioner,  the  prepara- 
tion of  a  series  of  tribal  monographs  by  selected  officers  has  been  undertaken,  which, 
as  Sir  Richard  Temple  has  pointed  out,  has  proved  most  useful  already.  Up  to  the 
present  time  seven  such  monographs  have  been  published,  and  more  are  under 
preparation.  It  may  be  mentioned  that  both  the  Assam  and  the  Eastern  Bengal  and 
Assam  Governments  generously  provided  a  large  proportion  of  the  funds  for  the 
publication  of  these  monographs.  I  should  like  to  refer  also  to  the  services  of  Messrs. 
Macmillan  &  Co.  in  this  connection.  The  recording  of  accounts  of  tribes  and  castes, 
however,  does  not  quite  meet  all  the  needs  of  the  case,  as  young  men  proceeding  to 
the  East  do  not  possess  either  the  time  or  the  inclination  usually  to  read  many  books 
of  study  beyond  those  which  are  compulsory  for  their  examinations.  What  is  required, 
I  venture  to  think,  is  oral  and  ocular  demonstration  to  be  obtained  from  lectures 
(to  be  made  interesting)  and  a  good  anthropological  museum  and  library  in  England. 
Both  of  these  could  be  provided  at  the  School  of  Applied  Anthropology  outlined  by 
Sir  Richard  Temple.  A  few  words  in  conclusion.  It  is  impossible  to  over-estimate 
the  importance  of  officers,  who  are  candidates  for  the  Indian  Services,  learning  some- 
thing about  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  people  who  are  about  to  be  committed  to 
their  care,  as  well  as  the  standard  language,  or  standard  languages,  of  the  Province 

[     190    ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  102. 

of  their  appointment.  Young  men  at  present  come  out  to  India  often  astonishingly 
ignorant  of  the  conditions  of  the  country  and  the  people,  and  only  learn  what  to 
avoid  by  making  continual  mistakes.  Many  such  mistakes  would  be  obviated  probably 
if  some  knowledge  of  Indian  ethnology  as  well  as  languages  were  made  compulsory 
before  officers  took  up  their  work  in  India.  I  therefore  cordially  support  Sir  Richard 
Temple's  scheme. 

DR.  A.  C.  HADDOX,  F.R.S.,  Reader  in  Ethnology  in  the  University  of  Cambridge, 
said  :  Anthropology  has  been  taught  systematically  for  some  years  in  the  Universities 
of  Oxford,  Cambridge,  and  London,  and  the  older  universities  would  welcome  the 
establishment  of  the  subject  in  Birmingham,  Manchester,  Liverpool,  or  anywhere  else. 
In  university  instruction  there  are  two  main  classes  of  students  to  be  considered,  the 
elementary  and  the  advanced.  The  former  require  more  or  less  formal  lectures, 
owing  to  the  lack  of  adequate  text-books.  The  latter  should  be  lectured  to  as  little 
as  possible,  conversational  classes  and  direction  of  reading  and  research  being  best 
suited  for  their  needs.  What  is  most  appropriate  in  the  anthropological  instruction 
of  those  who  are  going  abroad  as  Government  officials,  missionaries,  or  traders  is 
neither  a  cramming  up  of  various  theories  nor  even  an  accumulation  of  ascertained 
facts,  but  a  general  survey  of  the  main  principles  of  the  science,  with  an  indication 
as  to  how  the  student  can  acquire  information  for  himself.  The  real  training  of  the 
student  should  be  in  what  may  be  termed  attitude  of  mind,  both  as  regards  relations 
with  natives,  whether  civilised  or  uncultured,  and  as  regards  the  methods  of  ethno- 
logical investigation.  Even  in  the  investigation  of  savages,  and  still  more  so  in 
dealings  with  the  more  cultured  peoples,  behaviour  and  etiquette  are  of  prime 
importance,  and  students  should  be  warned  to  make  it  their  first  business  to  discover 
the  rules  of  conduct  that  obtain  locally  so  that  friction  may  be  avoided.  This 
applies  not  only  to  officials  and  missionaries,  but  if  possible  with  still  more  force 
to  those  who  enter  into  trading  relations  with  alien  peoples. 

An  essential  part  of  the  equipment  of  a  School  of  Anthropology  is  a  departmental 
library  and  museum.  The  museum  may  be  one  of  the  museums  of  a  university,  or 
some  arrangement  may  be  made  between  a  municipal  museum  and  the  teaching  staff 
of  the  university,  as,  for  example,  at  Liverpool. 

Various  departments  of  the  Government  are  beginning  to  realise  the  practical 
importance  of  ethnological  knowledge  in  the  administration  of  the  portions  of  the 
Empire  which  are  under  their  care.  At  the  present  time  successful  candidates  of 
the  Indian  Civil  Service  are  not  expected  to  study  ethnology,  and,  indeed,  with  the 
great  amount  of  work  they  have  to  crowd  into  their  preparatory  year,  it  could  hardly 
bo  expected  of  them.  But  in  two  successive  years  the  Indian  Civil  Service  students 
at  the  University  of  Cambridge  requested  me  to  give  them  a  course  of  lectures  on 
the  ethnology  of  India,  as  they  felt  that  such  knowledge  would  be  of  value  to  them. 
It  would  be  well  if  more  time  could  be  allowed  to  such  students,  and  then  definite 
instruction  in  ethnology  might  be  compulsory. 

The  anthropological  sciences  have  such  a  wide  outlook  that  they  throw  light 
upon  many  other  subjects,  such  as  history,  law,  economics,  sociology,  theology, 
literature,  and  the  fine  arts,  so  that,  apart  from  the  direct  practical  importance  of 
the  subject  itself,  Anthropology  should  be  taught  and  studied  in  every  important 
university. 

DR.  R.  R.  MARETT,  Reader  in  Social  Anthropology,  Oxford,  said  that  he  wished 
to  bear  out  Dr.  Haddon's  contention  that  in  some  universities  at  any  rate  the  teaching 
of  Anthropology  had  already  made  considerable  headway.  Thus  at  Oxford  the 
interest  in  Anthropology  was  no  new  thing,  the  Tradescant  Collection  of  ethnological 
material  going  back  to  1685,  while  exactly  200  years  later  the  Pitt-Rivers  Museum 
was  established,  Sir  E.  Tylor  having  been  appointed  Reader  in  Anthropology  in  the 


No.  102.]  MAN.  [1913. 

previous  year — namely,  1884.  The  Oxford  School  of  Anthropology  Avas  not,  however, 
organised  on  its  present  scale  until,  iu  response  to  a  memorandum  presented  hy  Sir 
E.  Tylor  and  others  in  1904,  the  university  instituted  a  diploma  and  certificates  in 
Anthropology.  Between  1906  and  1913  the  names  of  66  students  have  appeared  on 
the  register,  of  whom  40  have  entered  for  examination  and  33  have  proved  successful, 
8  of  them  obtaining  "  distinction,"  the  standard  being  equivalent  to  that  of  a  first 
class  in  a  Final  Honours  School.  The  development  of  the  school  has  bee-n  rapid,  as 
the  following  figures  will  show  :  In  1906  there  was  1  student  ;  in  1907  there  were  4  ; 
in  1908,  6;  in  1909,  7  ;  in  1910,  10  ;  in  1911,  24  ;  and  in  1912,  34.  Various  classes 
of  students  show  an  interest  in  the  subject.  Besides  11  women  of  all  nationalities, 
there  have  been  17  men  from  the  British  Isles,  8  from  the  Colonies  (of  whom 
5  were  Rhodes  scholars),  7  from  the  United  States  (of  whom  4  were  Rhodes  scholars), 
and  2  from  the  Continent.  In  addition,  21  officers  of  the  Public  Service  have 
undergone  the  same  course  of  anthropological  training,  of  whom  10  hail  from  West 
Africa,  9  from  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Soudan  and  Egypt,  1  from  British  East  Africa, 
and  1  from  India.  The  officers  in  question  are,  of  course,  mainly  interested  in  the 
subject  from  the  practical  point  of  view  of  administrators  and  men  of  affairs,  though 
several  have  managed  to  produce  scientific  work  of  some  importance  into  the  bargain. 
Of  the  other  students,  at  least  a  dozen  have  enlisted  for  research  work  in  various 
parts  of  the  ethnological  field.  Even  at  home  there  is  plenty  to  do  for  the  trained 
anthropologist,  and  several  students  have,  for  instance,  been  helping  the  Folk-lore 
Society  to  collect  material  for  their  projected  edition  of  Brand's  Antiquities,  a  work 
needing  accuracy  and  critical  acumen,  and  in  certain  ways  especially  suitable  for 
women  students.  These  facts  are  enough  to  show  that  there  are  plenty  of  keen 
anthropologists  in  the  making,  whose  number  will  doubtless  steadily  augment  as 
more  and  more  teaching  centres  are  available  for  the  propagation  of  the  requisite 
knowledge. 

PROFESSOR  PETER  THOMPSOX,  of  Birmingham  University,  said  that  with  the 
remarks  of  the  President  and  the  succeeding  speakers  he  imagined  they  would  be 
in  general  agreement,  and  he  did  not  propose  to  labour  that  side  of  the  question. 
He  would,  however,  like  to  take  this  opportunity  of  stating  what  the  position  of 
Anthropology  in  the  University  was  at  the  present  time.  A  student  could  take  a 
B.Sc.  Degree  in  Human  Anatomy  and  Anthropology,  a  course  of  three  years.  In 
Anthropology  he  must  attend  a  course  of  general  embryology  and  a  course  of 
lectures  and  practical  instruction  in  Physical  Anthropology.  At  present  those  who 
took  the  degree  were  mainly  medical  students,  and  some  of  these  might  pass  into 
the  Indian  Medical  Service.  If  there  were  any  demand  on  the  part  of  merchants 
and  others  for  a  course  of  Social  or  Cultural  Anthropology  the  machinery  for  such 
a  course  already  existed.  The  nucleus  was  there.  It  only  wanted  developing.  It 
was  largely  a  question  of  money,  since  a  special  lecturer  or  reader  in  this  subject 
would  be  necessary.  If  the  money  were  forthcoming  he  would  be  glad  to  bring  the 
matter  before  the  authorities  of  the  \iniversity  ;  with  regard  to  a  museum,  they 
already  had  the  beginnings  of  an  ethnological  museum,  fairly  good  on  the  prehistoric 
side  (thanks  to  the  gifts  of  Sir  John  Holden,  Mr.  Seton-Karr,  and  other  generous 
donors),  not  so  good  on  the  cultural  side.  It  seemed  to  him  that  a  good  way  to 
proceed,  once  the  matter  emerged  into  a  practical  scheme,  was  to  associate  it  with 
the  Faculty  of  Commerce,  for  there  we  have  students  who  look  forward  to  business 
careers,  at  home  and  abroad,  preparing  for  a  Commerce  Degree,  and  under  existing 
arrangements  such  students  could  take  an  approved  course  selected  for  the  Faculty 
of  Science.  If  a  School  of  Anthropology  were  developed,  it  seemed  likely  that  these 
students  who  intended  going  abroad  would  choose  a  course  of  Applied  Anthropology, 
once  the  great  importance  of  the  subject  was  brought  home  to  them. 
Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOGDK,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.C. 

,<,*?• 


r^ 


PLATE  M. 


MAN,  1913. 


ANCIENT     MEALING     HOLES     AT    JEBELAIN,     SUDAN. 


1913,]  MAN.  [Nos.  103-105. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Egypt:  Sudan.  With  Plate  M.  Seton-Karr. 

Ancient  Mealing  Holes  at  Jebelain,  Sudan.     By  II.  II  .  Seton-Karr.     4  flQ 

I  have  returned  from  a  trip  up  the  White  Nile,  and  the  photographs  of  lUU 
some  examples  of  hollows  for  mealing  grain  were  taken  by  me  in  January  1913. 
These  are  found  in  numerous  spots  round  the  bases  of  the  isolated  granite  peaks  of 
Jebelain,  about  60  miles  south  of  Kosti  or  Goz-abu-Guma,  where  the  Sudan  Railway 
to  El  Obeid,  in  Kordofan,  crosses  the  river.  In  the  vicinity  of  these  mealing  holes 
broken  grinding-stones  can  be  picked  up.  The  holes  or  hollows  are  more  numerous 
near  the  river  than  on  the  more  distant  peaks. 

There  would  seem  to  have  been  a  numerous  population  at  one  time. 

A  great  period  of  time  may  have  elapsed  since  they  were  last  in  use.  There 
are  no  other  ancient  remains  visible  and  no  ruins  are  seen  at  Jebelain.  The  word 
means  two  peaks,  but  there  are  in  reality  three,  and  numerous  smaller  ones. 

The  surrounding  country  is  perfectly  flat  and  covered  with  thorn  trees.  The 
rocks  at  the  base  are  the  resort  of  wild  animals,  and  I  killed  a  panther,  two  hyenas, 
and  four  lions  in  the  neighbourhood  this  year.  H.  W.  SETON-KARR. 


India.  Hodson. 

Secret  Bargaining.     By    T.   C.  Hodson.  If)  A 

When  the  person  wishing  to  buy  denotes  a  hundred,  he  takes  one  finger  of  I U^ 
the  person  to  whom  he  makes  the  offer,  in  his  hand,  grasps  it  firmly,  and  mentions  in 
a  whisper  the  word,  Pakka,  and  for  every  additional  hundred  he  takes  a  finger.  When 
5  rupees  are  mentioned,  then  the  word  Dana  is  whispered,  and  one  finger  is  grasped 
for  every  5  rupees  mentioned,  e.g.,  25  rupees  for  five  fingers.  When  a  single  rupee 
is  offered  one  finger  is  grasped  and  the  word  Sute  is  whispered.  A  bargain  made 
by  the  above  means  is  to  be  kept  secret  during  the  mela  or  till  the  buyer  leaves  the 
place  of  purchase,  and  this  is  very  strictly  adhered  to.  An  offer  made  by  this  means 
is  not  disclosed  by  either  party,  and  it  would  be  a  great  breach  of  etiquette  to  do  so. 
Offers  made  and  accepted  by  this  scheme  are  regarded, as  final  and  binding. 

(From  a  private  letter.)  T.  C.  HODSON. 

Archaeology.  Elliot  Smith. 

The  Origin  of  the  Dolmen.    By  G.  Elliot  Smith,  F.R.S.  4  AT 

Since  Reisner  explained  (1908)  the  mode  of  evolution  of  the  mastaba  type  lUU 
of  superstructure,  which  in  its  fully-developed  form  as  a  stone  construction  is  so  charac- 
teristic a  feature  of  the  Egyptian  tomb  of  the  Pyramid  Age,  Mace  (1909),*  Quibell 
(1912),t  Junker  (1912),J  and  Flinders  Petrie  (1913),§  have  supplied  the  data  'which 
complete  and  corroborate  the  story.  In  the  light  of  this  recently-acquired  knowledge 
of  the  gradual  transformation  of  the  Egyptian  grave  (a  process  that  occupied  the 
five  or  six  centuries  from  3400  B.C.  onward)  to  meet  conditions  peculiar  to  Egypt, 
and  to  overcome  difficulties  incidental  to  the  practice  of  Egyptian  beliefs,  it  is 
altogether  inconceivable  that  the  more  or  less  crude,  though  none  the  less  obvious 
imitations  of  the  essential  parts  of  the  fully-developed  mastaba,  which  are  seen  in  the 
Sardinian  "  Giants'  Tombs,"  the  allees  couvertes  of  France  and  elsewhere,  the  wide- 
spread "  holed  dolmens,"  and  all  the  multitude  of  "  vestigial  structures,"  to  use  a 
biological  analogy,  represented  in  the  protean  forms  of  the  Algerian  and  Tunisian 
dolmens,  could  have  been  invented  independently  of  the  Egyptian  constructions. 

*  G.  A.  Reisner  and  A.  C.  Mace,  "Early  Dynastic  Cemeteries  at  Naga-ed-Der,  1908  and  1909. 
f  J.  E.  Quibell,  "  Excavations  at  Saqqara,"  paper  read  at  British  Association  meeting,  1912. 
J  Hermann  Junker,  Dehksc/ir.  d.  It.  Akad.  d.   Wissensch.  in  Wien,  Bd.  LVI,  1912. 
§  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  "  Excavations  at  Tarkhan,"  paper  read  at  British  Association  meeting 
1913.    See  also  MAX,  1913,  No.  85. 

[     193    ] 


No.  105,] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


All  of  these  varieties  of  dolmens  are  obviously  due  to  different  stages  of  degrada- 
tion of  the  Egyptian  stone  mastaba,  as  the  result  mainly  of  attempts  to  build  such 
superstructures  by  craftsmen  less  skilled  than  the  Egyptians  were. 

The  essential  parts  of  the  Egyptian  stone  mastaba  of  the  Pyramid  Age,  shown 
quite  diagrammatically  in  the  plan  Fig.  1,  were  :  (a)  the  vertical  shaft  (varying  in 
depth  from  a  few  feet  to  as  much  as  a  hundred  feet,  in  accordance  with  the  wealth  of 
its  makers)  leading  to  the  burial  chamber  (B),  in  which  the  corpse,  enclosed  in  a 
wooden  coffin  or  stone  sarcophagus,  was  immured  ;  (b)  a  mound  of  rubble,  which  may 
be  referred  to  briefly  as  the  tumulus  (T),  surrounding  the  continuation  of  the  shaft 
above  ground  ;  (c)  four  walls  of  masonry  (the  retaining  wall)  enclosing  the  tumulus 
and  thus  forming  the  mastaba  (M),  sensu  stricto  ;  (d)  an  enclosure,  on  the  side 

of  the  mastaba  facing 
the  river  (i.e.,  the  east 
end  as  a  rule,  after  the 
Third  Dynasty),  which 
may  be  referred  to  as  the 
chapel  of  offerings  (C)  ; 
(e)  on  its  western  side, 
as  a  rule,  the  eastern 
retaining  wall  of  the 
mastaba  forms  the  west 
wall  of  the  chapel,  and 
bears  the  representation 
of  one  or  more  false  doors, 
one  of  which  (the  stela) 
(H),  is  regarded  as  sym- 
bolising the  means  of 
communication  between 
the  living  and  the  dead, 
and  hence  as  the  place 
where  the  former  can 


3 


DIAGRAMS  TO  ILLUSTRATE  THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  DOLMEN  (5), 
FROM  THE  EGYPTIAN  MASTABA  (1),  BY  A  PROCESS  OF  DEGRADA- 
TION VARIOUS  STAGES  OF  WHICH  ARE  SEEN  IN  THE  SARDINIAN 
"  GIANT'S  TOMB  "  (2),  THE  FRENCH  ALLEE  COUVERTE  (3),  AND 
THE  HOLED  DOLMEN  (4). 


2,  W/nX  lk/K^i  place  offerings  of  food  for 

the  latter ;  and  (/*)  hidden 
iu  the  tumulus,  somewhere 
between  the  chapel  and 
the  burial  shaft  is  a  small 
chamber  (S),  now  usually 
known  as  the  serdab, 
which  was  the  home  of 
the  dead  man  or  his  dis- 
embodied spirit  (see  foot- 
note on  next  page). 

This  serdab  was  originally  (late  Second  or  Third  Dynasty)  merely  a  small 
chamber  behind  the  false  door  of  the  chapel,  with  its  own  western  wall  made  in 
the  form  of  a  false  door  (Quibell),  no  doubt  symbolising  the  manner  in  which  the 
spirit  entered  this  little  hidden  room  when  it  came  up  from  the  burial  chamber. 
Possibly,  as  Quibell  suggests,  there  were  also  representations  of  the  deceased  upon 
the  walls  of  this  chamber.  Whether  this  was  the  case  or  not  perhaps  further  exca- 
vation will  decide  ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  in  the  Pyramid  Age  this  serdab  was 
built  of  stone  (often  of  great  vertical  slabs,  and  roofed  with  one  or  more  slabs)  ;  and 
there  was  placed  within  it  a  portrait  statue  (s1)  of  the  dead  man  (sometimes  also 
statues  of  his  wife,  family,  and  servants)  as  a  body  for  his  disembodied  spirit 

[     19*     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos,  105-106. 

(Breasted)  ;  and  a  slit-like  aperture  (H)  was  often  made  to  open  into  the  chapel,  as 
a  means  whereby  the  spirit  could  pass  into  the  chapel  and  enjoy  the  food  provided 
for  it. 

This  conception  of  the  serdab  as  a  dwelling-place  for  the  dead  man's  spirit 
appealed  strongly  to  the  imagination  of  a  superstitious  people  ;  and  when  the  mastaba 
came  to  he  imitated  by  less  skilful  workmen  amidst  less  cultured  peoples,  say,  for 
example,  in  the  case  of  an  Egyptian  dying  in  some  foreign  country,  where  there 
were  no  craftsmen  capable  of  carving  statues,  the  serdab  would  still  be  retained.  la 
fact  it  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  most  essential  part  of  the  superstructure,  for 
was  it  not  the  dwelling  for  the  dead  man's  spirit,  and  as  such  the  means  whereby 
that  spirit  could  be  prevented  from  wandering  abroad  and  annoying  the  living.  Thus 
the  serdab*  increased  in  size  and  importance. 

In  the  Sardinian  "Giant's  Tomb"  (Fig.  2)  the  Egyptian  ma*/a6a-construction 
is  most  closely  followed,  for  all  of  the  following  features  (in  addition  to  the  charac- 
teristic orientation)  are  preserved  : — The  chapel  of  offerings  (C),  usually  called  the 
forecourt,  with  a  large  carved  stela  (H),  which  is  also  the  "  holed  stone "  ;  the 
greatly  overgrown  serdab  (S),  the  western  end  of  which  has  become  merged  in 
the  burial  chamber  (B),  the  tumulus  (T),  and  its  retaining  wall  (M).  The  size  of 
the  tumulus,  and  consequently  the  form  of  its  retaining  wall,  is  very  variable,  and 
in  the  solitary  instance  of  this  type  of  grave  found  in  Ireland  these  features  were 
missing. 

When  thus  stripped  of  its  investments  (tumulus  and  retaining  wall)  the  chapel 
and  the  overgrown  serdab  (which  is  now  also  the  burial  chamber)  alone  remain 
(Fig.  3),  and  the  result  is  the  allee  couverte.  The  rough  representation  of  the  human 
figure  sometimes  found  in  the  vestibule  (chapel)  of  the  allee  couverte  (Fig.  3,  a), 
alongside  the  holed  stone  (stela)  corresponds  to  the  bas-relief  of  the  deceased 
found  alongside  the  false  door  in  the  chapel  of  the  Egyptian  mastaba  (Fig.  1,  a), 
and  the  "  cup  markings  "  of  the  dolmen  probably  symbolise  food  offerings. 

The  smaller  "  holed  dolmens "  (Fig.  4),  whether  they  occur  in  Europe,  the 
Caucasus,  or  India,  represent  a  further  simplification  of  the  allee  couverte,  and  among 
people  who  could  not  bore  a  hole  in  a  stone  slab,  the  eastern  wall  was  omitted 
(Fig.  5).  Thus  the  crudest  form  of  rough  dolmen  is  the  descendant  of  the  serdab 
of  the  Egyptian  mastaba.  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH. 


New  Ireland :  Mythology.  Cox. 

New  Ireland  (New 

Ulit,  Bismarck  Archipel. 


New  Ireland  (New  Mecklenburg)  Myths.       By   Rev.    //'.    //.    Cox,     4IIO 


ORIGINS. 

There  are  variations  in  the  stories  told  of  the  beginnings  of  man  as  we  know 
him. 

One  story  is  that  the  maker,  or  father,  of  all  things  is  Larunaen,  whose  seat  is 
in  the  west — a  matana  labur,  the  face  or  the  source  of  the  north-west  winds.  His 
feet  reach  to  the  matana  taubara,  the  face  or  the  source  of  the  south-west  winds. 

His  wife,  Hintabaran,  a  woman  of  an  evil  spirit,  was  really  his  sister,  and  was 
called  a  nuna  harahut  (his  helper),  and  all  people  are  his  descendants. 

When  they  multiplied  Larunaen  made  the  earth  so  that  he  could  send  away 
those  whom  he  did  not  wish  to  stay  longer  with  him,  and  so  we  have  the  present 
population. 

Those  who  remained  with  Larunaen  are  called  a  mataneabar  na  tadar  (the  people 
of  the  gods). 

*  Dr.  Alan  Gardiner   tells  me   that   in   the  anicent   texts   reference  is  made  to  the  dead  man 
himself,  and  not  his  spirit,  as  the  worker  of  evil. 

[     195    ] 


No.  106.]  -MAN.  £1913. 

Another  story  is  that  before  Larunaen  were  Soi  and  Tamono,  who  in  every 
version  occupy  an  important  place.  They  were  married  to  two  women  who  came 
from  a  large  forest  tree  which  burst  and  gave  them  forth.  These  two  couples  are 
the  ancestors  of  man. 

According  to  both  versions  Larnnaen  provides  man  with  all  that  he  needs  to 
sustain  bodily  life.  All  food  comes  from  Larunaen,  and  whenever  there  is  a  shortage, 
such  as  is  caused  by  drought,  Laruuaen  is  blamed.  It  is  said  that  someone  has 
annoyed  him  and  in  his  anger  he  withholds  the  needed  rains. 

Earthquakes  are  supposed  to  be  caused  by  Larunaen.  When  they  are  felt 
Larunaen  is  said  to  be  on  the  move. 

Man  came  from  the  west,  and  Soi  and  Tamono  are  respectively  the  heads  of 
the  two  great  classes — Maramara  and  Pikalaba,  into  which  all  the  people  are 
divided. 

The  sending  of  the  population  abroad  and  the  division  into  classes  is  said  by 
some  to  have  taken  place  at  a  spot  to  the  north-west  where  a  crooked  cocoanut 
called  Satale  stands.  By  others  it  is  said  that  the  population  coming  from  the 
seat  of  Larunaen  moved  south  and: east,  and  about  Eratubu  they  were  divided  into 
two  classes — Maramara  and  Pikalaba. 

The  relations  between  Soi  and  Tamono  are  regarded  as  constantly  antagonistic, 
an  attitude  which  gives  rise  to  a  multitude  of  myths  and  legends. 

Soi  is  the  head  of  the  Maramara  class.  He  is  the  representative  of  wisdom 
and  in  all  his  habits  and  customs  is  an  intelligent  being.  Hence  the  bird  chosen  as 
the  totem  of  the  class  is  the  taraqau  (fish-hawk),  a  bird  clever  and  capable  in  its 
own  calling.  Soi  ate  only  good  food — taro,  etc. — and  all  he  did  was  done  properly. 

Not  so  Tamono  who  is  the  head  of  the  Pikalaba  class.  He  was  an  incapable 
foolish  fellow.  He  ate  poor  and  mean  food,  bitter  and  undesirable  things.  He  could 
not  do  anything  right.  This  is  suggested  in  the  choice  of  the  Miniqulai  or  Malabo 
(an  eagle)  as  the  totem  of  the  class.  The  Taraqau  is  the  fisher  and  the  Miniqulai 
gets  his  food  by  stealing  from  the  Taraqau.  He  will  chase  the  Taraqau,  and  when 
the  latter  drops  his  fish  the  Miniqulai  swoops  down  and  catches  it  ere  it  reaches 
the  water  or  the  ground.  Hence  the  Miniqualai.  is  classed  as  a  Kaloata,  the  name 
by  which  those  who  do  not  go  to  sea  are  known. 

Members  of  the  Maramara  class  are  said  to  be  known  by  the  fact  that  when 
they  step  out  to  walk  they  lift  the  right  foot  first,  while  the  Pikalaba  lift  the  left 
foot  first. 

As  in  other  parts,  marriage  between  members  of  the  same  class  is  forbidden. 
The  .children  follow  their  mother  and  belong  to  her  class.  The  children  of  a  man 
cannot  marry  the  children  of  his  sister,  though  of  course  they  belong  respectively 
to  different  classes — the  relationship  is  the  barrier. 

Some  of  the  stories  told  of  Soi  and  Tamono  : — 

Soi  was  the  man  of  intelligence  ;  he  was  also  unscrupulous  and  bad.  By 
sorcery  and  other  means  he  is  said  to  have  duped  and  wronged  and  destroyed  the 
relatives  of  Tamono,  and  by  degrees  to  have  become  possessed  of  their  property,  so 
that  he  was  a  rich  and  important  chief. 

Tamono,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  fool,  and  frequently  fell  an  easy  victim  1o 
the  deceptions  of  Soi.  Soi  had  but  to  tell  him  that  something  he  was  doing  was 
wrong,  and,  right  or  wrong,  he  would  turn  round  and  do  it  the  reverse  way,  frequently 
bringing  on  himself  ridicule. 

Some  of  Tamono's  relatives  were  in  a  large  house,  and  Soi  visiting  them  saw 
their  valuables,  shell-money,  etc.,  and  made  up  his  mind  to  have  them.  "  Let  us 
sleep,"  he  said.  As  they  slept  Soi  went  round  and  tied  them  all  together  by  heads 
and  feet  alternately,  that  is,  he  tied  together  the  heads  of  two>  then  he  tied  the  foot 

[  196  ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  106. 

of  one  of  those  to  the  foot  of  his  next  neighbour,  and  his  head  to  the  head  of  the 
next,  and  so  on.  He  then  went  out  and  shut  the  door  and  set  fire  to  the  house. 
The  inmates  awoke  startled,  and  wished,  of  course,  to  run  out,  but  found  they  were 
tied  together  and  perished. 

The  women  and  goods  were  in  another  house,  and  Soi  got  all,  and  so  from 
being  a  poor  man  became  a  rich  one  and  a  chief. 

Sol's    RUSE    TO    GET    A    MEAL    OF    FlSH. 

A  number  of  Tamouo's  relatives  came  in  with  a  lot  of  fish,  and  Soi,  having  none, 
wished  for  them.  So  he  said  to  the  people,  "  Come  to  my  breadfruit  tree  and  get 
"  some  breadfruit  to  eat  with  the  fish."  They  went,  but  Soi  ran  on  ahead  and  climbed 
the  tree  and  waited  for  them.  As  they  commenced  to  climb  the  tree  to  pick  the 
.fruit  Soi  called  to  them  one  by  one,  "  Kinaua  na  ulilig,  kinaua  na  kulap,"  which  is  a 
playful  way  of  speaking  of  one  climbing  and  springing  and  leaping  like  an  opossum. 
When  they  got  up  the  tree  he  would  take  a  very  ripe  fruit  and  throw  it  at  their 
heads.  They  would  get  a  great  shock  as  the  squashy  thing  broke  over  their  heads. 
They  thought  their  brains  had  come  out  and  in  the  shock  fell  down  dead.  So  he 
did  with  them  one  by  one,  and  having  disposed  of  them  went  back  to  the  village 
and  enjoyed  a  good  meal  of  fish. 

AFTER  DEATH. 

New  Ireland  (N.M.)  natives  believe  that  after  death  they ,  go  to  what  is  known 
as  a  matan.  A  hole  in  a  cliff'  or  the  opening  of  a  small  cave  is  called  a  matan. 
Such  a  hole  is  to  be  seen  at  Nokon,  on  the  east  coast,  its  distinctive  name  being 
Matantabaran  (the  entrance  to  the  abode  of  spirits). 

A  man  of  angry  and  unkindly  spirit  is  frequently  remonstrated  with  by  his 
acquaintances,  who  warn  him  that  he  will  not  go  to  a  matan.  Imaginary  stories  are 
told  of  those  who,  travelling  along  the  bush  paths  after  the  death  of  such  a  man, 
find  here  and  there  the  roots  of  trees  which  cross  the  path  with  bark  freshly  scarred, 
which  they  believe  to  have  been  done  in  the  flight  as  the  deceased  was  chased  from 
the  matan  by  its  occupants. 

Communication  with  the  departed  is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  on  some 
occasions,  as  witness  the  following  story  :— 

A  man's  wife,  who  was  a  specially  fine  woman,  died,  and  her  husband  was  .in 
great  sorrow  for  her.  He  missed  her  very  much  and  wished  for  her  and  wept  sorely. 
One  night,  as  he  slept  in  his  house,  he  dreamt  that  his  wife  was  at  the  place  which 
is  known  by  the  natives  as  the  resort  of  the  spirits  of  those  who  have  passed  away. 
He  got  up  and  went  off  to  the  place,  and,  standing  on  a  small  rise  close  to,  he  looked 
towards  the  sea  and  watched  for  what  might  be  seen.  Soon  a  number  of  spirits 
came  down  to  bathe,  and  he  strained  his  eyes  to  see  if  his  departed  wife  would  show 
herself.  By-and-bye  he  saw  her  and  greatly  desired  to  get  in  touch  with  her.  As 
he  looked  he  remembered  a  bunch  of  betel-nut  and  a  small  packet  of  wild  pepper 
which  were  at  his  house,  and  he  thought,  If  I  should  bring  them  and  throw  them  to 
her  she  would  recognise  them  and  think  of  me,  and  perhaps  I  would  be  able  to  speak 
to  her.  He  acted  on  the  thought  and  ran  home  and  got  the  betel-nut  and  pepper 
and  brought  them  and  threw  them  at  his  wife  from  where  he  stood.  She  picked 
them  up  and  she  said  to  herself,  These  are  like  the  betel-nut,  etc.,  which  were 
hanging  at  our  door,  and  having  noticed  the  direction  from  which  they  came  she 
went  up  to  where  her  husband  was.  He  said  to  her,  "  I  have  been  in  great  sorrow 
for  you."  "  Do  not  come  near  me,"  she  said.  He  said,  "  I  want  you  to  come  back 
. "  with  me;  there  is  no  woman  like  you — I  want  you  badly."  "I  cannot  come,'' 
she  said.  "  Come,"  he  said,  ".do  come  with  me."  "  I  cannot,"  she  said,  "  your  body 
"  and  mine  are  different.  I  cannot  come  back  with  you."  At  the  same  time  the 

[  197  ] 


No.  106.]  MAN.  [1913. 

male  spirits,  who  were  bathing,  came  towards  her  and  called  her,  "  Come  here."  "  Go," 
she  said,  "go  home,  or  else  they  will  see  you  and  some  harm  will  come  to  you.  By- 
"  and-bye  you  can  come  and  waken  me,"  meaning  that  by-and-bye  he  would  die  and 
join  her  in  the  home  of  spirits. 

He  went  oft'  greatly  disappointed  and  was  in  great  sorrow  on  the  way  home.  He 
told  what  he  had  seen — that  his  wife  had  appeared  to  him — and  died. 

THE  HEAVENLY  BODIES. 

The  sun  and  moon  are  looked  on  as  the  rulers  of  the  heavens.  The  sun  is  called 
Maluaga  and  the  moon  Hintogolopi.  When  there  is  a  death  the  relatives  wait  till 
the  sun  is  covered  with  a  cloud,  when  they  beat  their  drums  and  blow  their  shells 
and  cry  out,  "  Ui,  Maluaga,  una  marasai  ra  num  taman  na  kareka "  ("  You  sun 
"  (Maluaga}  pity  your  village  of  fowls,"  a  humble  designation  for  lowly-minded  folk). 

They  reverence  and  pray  to  the  moon  in  the  same  way. 

They  have  names  for  a  number  of  the  stars,  such  for  instance  as  the  morning 
star.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  they  call  the  evening  star  a  tagul  a  hasaro  (the 
deceiving  star),  because  it  appears  in  the  evening,  but  soon  sets,  so  that  its  promise 
is  not  fulfilled. 

The  changing  positions  of  some  other  stars  are  also  noticed  and  their  relation  to 
the  seasons  noted. 

A  SOURCE  OP  MYSTERIES  AND  VALUABLES. 

Sikodo  is  a  fabulous  giant  who  is  the  source  of  the  ugut,  (The  ugut  is  a 
method  of  fishing  with  traps  made  of  the  thorny  ends  of  a  species  of  "  wait-a-bit " 
vine.  The  thorny  pieces  are  put  together  in  the  shape  of  a  cone,  and  when  the 
fish  puts  its  nose  inside  to  get  the  bait  the  reversed  thorns  prevent  it  from  getting 
out  again.)  He,  Sikodo,  made  some  traps  and  went  to  the  beach  to  go  fishing 
with  them.  He  covered  his  canoe  with  leaves  to  protect  it  from  the  sun,  and  put 
his  traps  and  some  small  fish  for  bait  near  at  hand,  and  in  the  evening  went  out 
to  fish.  In  the  meantime  a  boy — Padamalana — hid  himself  in  the  canoe  and  when 
Sikodo  got  to  sea  suddenly  the  boy  started  up.  Sikodo  got  a  great  surprise  and 
was  very  angry  with  the  boy,  and  said  to  him,  "  Who  are  you  ?  Where  have  you 
come  from  ?  "  "  I  am  your  nephew,"  he  said.  So  Sikodo  permitted  him  to  stay, 
and  showed  him  how  to  use  the  traps.  They  caught  many  fish.  Sikodo  strung  the 
fish  on  a  piece  of  cane  and  reached  out  his  long  arm  from  the  sea  and  put  the  fish 
at  the  door  of  the  house  of  Padamalana's  mother.  This  was  to  signify  that 
Padamalana  was  catching  fish. 

They  returned  and  Padamalana  accompanied  Sikodo  to  his  home  in  the  bush, 
called  Matanalulur,  i.e.,  n  deep  hole  in  the  rocks.  Sikodo  taught  Padamalana  all 
his  sorcery,  and  the  words  of  the  petitions  which  are  religiously  sung  in  connection 
with  the  using  of  the  traps. 

(Sikodo  had  as  his  servants  the  taraqau  or  fish-hawk,  and  the  malaba  or  eagle 
respectively,  the  totems  of  the  Maramara  and  Pikalaba  classes,  and  they  and 
Padamalana  all  lived  together.) 

When  Padamalana  had  learned  things  he  was  to  return  home,  but  Sikodo  said 
first  to  him,  "Be  blind."  He  lost  his  sight  and  Sikodo  took  him  in  his  hand  and 
put  him  at  his  home. 

NOTE. — Sikodo  was  a  great  giant  and  had  a  very  long  arm,  and  being  on  Laur 
was  able  to  deposit  things  at  a  great  distance — even  at  Duke  of  York  Group. 

When  Padamalana  opened  his  eyes  he  saw  a  great  heap  of  fish  which  had  been 
put  in  front  of  the  house  by  Sikodo  on  their  behalf.  The  people  asked  Padamalana 
who  caught  the  fish,  and  he  said  that  he  himself  had.  He  went  again  to  Sikodo  and 
the  latter  taught  him  how  to  make  the  traps — -every  detail, 

[     198     ] 


1913.]  .MAN.  [Nos.  106-107. 

Sikodo  stretched  out  his  long  arm  and  dipped  the  point  of  his  finger  in  the 
sea,  and  the  fish  for  a  great  distance  in  all  directions  were  killed.  There  was  a 
great  stench  and  many  people  died  of  the  smell.  This  was  spoken  of  as  the  destruction 
by  poisoning  or  shooting  of  Sikodo — a  hunhun  te  Sikodo. 

A   LEGEND. 

One  day  Sikodo  told  Padamalana  to  make  a  hat  boroi — a  representation  of  a 
smooth  stone  said  to  resemble  a  pig.  He  made  it  of  sand  on  the  beach — dark  sand 
on  one  side  and  light  on  the  other.  Padamalana  brought  the  people  to  see  it.  They 
had  to  pay  to  do  so  with  magin  (shell  money)  and  dogs'  teeth.  In  return  for  this 
payment  they  were  taught  the  songs  of  the  kalaua  (ugut  fish  traps)  and  initiated 
into  the  catching  of  fish  in  this  way.  The  hat  boroi  was  decorated  with  all  kinds 
of  fish  and  seaweeds,  &c.  When  all  was  finished  Padamalana  spread  the  sand  out 
again,  breaking  down  the  whole  thing. 

On  one  occasion  Sikodo  taught  Padamalana  how  to  catch  fish  with  a  net.  They 
went  out  to  sea  and  had  a  tremendous  haul — sharks,  turtles,  porpoises,  and  all  kinds 
of  great  fish. 

All  kinds  of  valuables — shell  money,  sharks'  teeth,  &c.,  had  their  source  in 
Pada-magin,  who  got  them  from  Sikodo. 

On  one  occasion  Pada-magin  went  to  Sikodo's  place  and  saw  a  fine  basket  of 
magin  (shell  money) — 10  "men"  which  means  200  fathoms — 20  fathoms  being 
counted  a  "  man  " — one  for  each  toe  and  finger  of  the  body. 

As  his  uncle,  Sikodo,  gave  it  to  Padamalana  he  went  and  distributed  it  to  the 
people,  and  so  the  use  and  circulation  of  magin  commenced.  W.  H.  COX. 


Africa,  East.  Werner. 

A  Few  Notes  on  the  Wasanye.    By  A.   Werner.  |fl7 

While  at  Witu  on  December  9,   1912,  I  had,  through  the   kindness  of   the     lUf 

Sultan,  an  opportunity  of  seeing  three   Wasanye  of  that  district  and  obtaining  a  few 

specimens  of  their  language.     Unfortunately,  my  stay  was  too  short  to  allow  of  more 

than  one  interview,  and  this  is  the  more    to    be    regretted    as    the    Wasanye    in    the 

district  (Mambrui)  only  speak  Galla  and  appear  to  have  no  knowledge  of  any  other 

language.     The  numerals  given  me  by  .the  Witu  Wasanye  were  as  follows  : — 

1  =  Watukwe.  6  =  Tawate  Olu  Watukwe. 

2  =  I/ima.  7  =        „         Olu  Lima. 

3  =  Kaya  (V  =  bilabial  v).  8  =       „        Olu  Kaya. 

4  =  Sa'ala.  9  =       „        Olu  Sa'ala. 

5  =  Tawate.  10  =  [Kumi.] 

I    do    not    know    whether    the    word    for    "  ten "    was  given    me    by  mistake,  or 
whether  they  have  adopted  the  Bantu  one. 

The  other  words  obtained  were  : — 

Bow  =  ala.  Arrow  =  ado. 

Bowstring  =  doo.  „       poison  =  taa. 

Quiver  =  kirangati. 
Salutations  : — 

On  meeting  :  Faide — Andiila — Niso — Roiga. 
On  parting:  Amani  kuu  (Swahili?) — Kai  kawatichi 

I  obtained  a  phonograph  record  of    the  numerals  and  two  songs,  but  I  fear  not 
a  very  successful  one. 

The  first  song,  described  in  Swahili  as  a  "song  of  magic"  (Wimbo  wa  uganga\ 

[    199    ] 


No.  107.]  MAN.  [1913. 

appeared  to  be  half  Pokomo.     This  I  could  not  succeed  in  taking  down.     The  other 
on  killing  a  lion,   was  as  follows  : — 

"  Woye  weya  ekatimisodira. 
Kwatukile  samure. 
Guya  wadiro  gete."* 

On  March  22,  1913,  Bwana  Amiu  (an  old  Somali,  related  to  the  Sultan  of 
Barawa,  and  living  at  Pumwani,  a  few  miles  inland  frOm  Mambriii),  induced  a  family 
of  Wasanye  (or,  as  they  call  themselves  and  are  called  by  the  Galla,  Wata)  to  come  to 
Mambrui  from  Marafa  for  (as  he  and  I  hoped)  five  days,  but  their  stay  was  cut  short 
at  the  end  of  three.  They  consisted  of  Abajila,  his  wife  Halako,  and  their  two 
children,  Diramn,  a  girl  of  nine  or  ten,  and  Galgalo,  a  baby  boy  of  about  a  year.  They 
lost  two  children  between  these  two,  and  in  consequence  of  this,  Galgalo  wears  a 
string  (kunche)  threaded  with  charms  (pingu)  tied  to  his  right  wrist  and  right  ankle, 
and  his  mother  has  a  number  of  scars  on  her  back  and  right  arm.  These  were 
incisions  made  by  a  Giryama  doctor,  in  order  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  the  mis- 
fortune, medicine  being  rubbed  into  the  cuts.  (Abajila  says  the  Wasanye  have  no 
doctors  of  their  own,  but  go  to  the  Wagiryama  for  treatment  when  necessary.) 

Abajila  recognised  most  of  the  names  on  Captain  Barrett's  list  (Journal  of  the 
Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  Vol.  XLL,  p.  29),  which  are  nearly  all  names  of 
Galla  clans.|  He  did  not  seem  certain  of  the  name  Bolazu,  but  said  there  was  a 
Balat  clan  hoko  mbee,  a  long  way  off  to  the  north  ;  he  did  not  know  their  mark. 
The  Gullug,  likewise,  he  had  heard  of,  but  they,  too,  were  a  long  way  off.  He  had 
also  heard  of  the  Wasanye  at  Witu,  who  speak  a  language  which  is  not  Galla,  and 
said  they  belonged  to  the  Midan  clan. 

It  was  somewhat  perplexing  to  find  him  saying  that  all  the  Wasanye  at  Marafa 
belonged  to  three  clans  (or  tribes  ?)  only — Gede,  Wacho,  Wayama,  his  own  being 
the  Gede,  and  on  the  following  day  stating  that  he  belonged  to  the  Karara.  As 
lie  speaks  Swahili  somewhat  imperfectly,  and  no  interpreter  was  available,  it  is 
difficult  to  make  out  exactly  what  is  meant.  But  further  inquiry  revealed  the  fact 
that,  while  he  is  a  Karara  and  his  wife  a  Gulu,  both  of  them  are  Gede  ;  so  it 
seems  likely,  either  that  the  latter  is  a  term  belonging  to  an  independent  system  of 
classification  (perhaps  the  original  one  superseded  by  the  Galla)  or  that  it  includes 
the  others  as  sub-divisions.  But,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  list  given  presently,  the 
Gede,  Wacho  and  Wayama  have  their  marks  like  the  rest. 

Abajila  says  that  his  chief  is  Abashora,  of  the  Gamado  Clan,  who  lives  at 
Arabuko,  a  day's  journey  S.W.  of  Mambrui.  This  is  no  doubt  the  Abashora  Burrtum 
mentioned  by  Captain  Barrett.  Abajila's  pedigree,  so  far  as  obtainable,  is  as  follows  : — 

(Karara)  OMARO — Gatiye  (Gulu) 

! 

ABASHORA — Diramu  (Hajej)      DULO — Harufa  (Hani)       GWIYO      GALGALO — Halako 

Id.  no  ch.  d.  unm.       (Hani) 

no  ch. 

BARISA — Haduwati        ABASHORA — Diramu        ABAJILA — Halako        BARISA — Harufa 


(Gulu) 


no  ch. 


(Hani) 


(Gulu)  (Gamad) 

no  ch. 


KOMORO  Diramu         GALGALO 


*  This  seems  to  mean,  "  I  have  killed  him,  go  and  look  at  him.    Listen  !     1  have  struck  him  ! " 
f  Irdid  and  Arusi  are  synonymous,  and  are  not  names  of  a  clan,  but  of  one  of  the  exogamous 

divisions  of  the  Galla  nation.      They  may,  however,  have  been   adopted  as  the  names  of  separate 

Sanye  clans. 

i       200 


1913.]  MAN.  [Nos.  107-108. 

Strangely  enough,  Halako's  parents  are  also  named  Abashora  (son  of  Dida) 
tnd  Halako  (Gamado  clan).  Dida's  wife,  Diramu,  belonged  to  the  Sabale  clan. 

Abajila  knows  the  marks  of  all  the  Clans,  with  the  two  exceptions  above  noted, 
and  drew  them  for  me,  but  subsequent  inquiry  seems  to  show  that  these  marks  are 
only  used  on  arrows,  and  his  drawings  do  not  correspond  with  those  on  the  sticks 
carved  for  me  by  Wasanye  at  Magarini,  Arabuko,  and  Mtundia.  The  following  is 
the  list  of  the  clans  as  Abajila  gave  them  : — 

1.  Agude.  11.  Wayu. 

2.  Hani.  12.  Karayu. 

3.  Hajej.  13.  Irdid.      (He    says    Arusi   is    the   same 

4.  Gulu.  as  Irdid). 

5.  Gamado.  14.  Gede. 

6.  Sabale.  15.  Kodyega. 

7.  Sunkana.  16.  Meta.     (Captain  Barrett's  Menta). 

8.  Mandoyu.  17.  Bedi.      (       „  „          Buddi). 

9.  Wacho.  18.  Nyutu.  (       „  „         Nurtu). 
10.  Wayama.                             19.  Midan.* 

He  does  not  seem  to  know  of  any  private  individual  marks  and  says  he  uses 
none  on  his  arrows,  but  that  of  the  clan.  (Subsequently  a  man  at  Magarini  showed 
me  his  private  mark  carved  across  the  clan  mark  on  his  arrows.) 

As  regards  Mr.  Hobley's  Ariangulu  Vocabulary  (see  MAN,  February,  1912, 
No.  9)  I  have  found,  by  repeated  inquiry,  that  nearly  all  the  words  are  Galla. 
Where  they  differ  from  the  Galla  words  printed  in  the  parallel  column,  this  is 
evidently  due  to  the  latter  being  in  the  northern  dialect,  except  in  one  or  two 
cases  where  there  seems  to  have  been  some  mistake,  as  in  worabo  (?  worabes 
=  hyena)  for  "rhinoceros." 

Chuguruba  =  "  an  arrow,"  I  have  failed  to  identify,  unless  it  could  possibly  be 
the  same  as  Turkuma,  which  Abajila  says  is  the  wooden  shaft  of  the  arrow,  the 
head  (Swahili  chembe)  being  Tiya. 

In  passing  I  may  remark  that  Ule  JVakat,  "the  rainbow,"  is  not  "  the  bow,"  but 
"  the  staff  ( Ule)  of  God."  The  Milky  Way  seems  to  be  called  Adi  Wakat,  "  the 
white  (thing)  of  God." 

I  should  like  to  add  to  the  notes  published  in  December,  1912,  the  fact  that 
the  Pokomo  Vimia  Viume  are  the  three  stars  in  Orion's  belt,  while  the  Vimia  Vike 
are  the  Pleiades. 

The  Wapokomo  have  a  name  for  the  Southern  Cross  —  the  only  native  one  I 
have  yet  heard  of — Nyoha  za  Kirwa.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  obtain  any 
explanation  of  this.  A.  WERNER. 

Southern  Nigeria  :  Physical  Anthropology.  Talbot. 

Measurements  of  Nkokolie,  Cross  River,  Southern  Nigeria.    By     IfjO 

P.  Amaury   Talbot.  IUO 

Below  are  given  measurements  of  the  Nkokolie  tribe — to  give  them  their  own 
name — or  Ekuri,  as  they  are  called  by  their  neighbours  the  Efiks  and  Ekoi.  Their 
chief  town  is  Ekuri  Owai,  about  50  miles  north  of  Calabar. 

*  Later  inquiries  showed  that  some  of  these  rank  as  sub-divisions  of  others,  e.g.t  Gulu  and  Nyurtu 
(Nyutu),  with  several  others,  are  sub-divisions  of  the  Hani.  I  also  found  that  all  the  clan -names  are 
names  of  Galla  clans,  and  that  this  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  every  Wat  clan  is  associated  with — 
and  in  a  sense  dependent  upon — the  corresponding  Galla  clan.  That  the  names  originally  belong  to 
the  Galla,  and  have  been  adopted  from  them  by  the  Wat,  seems  clear  from  the  fact  that  two  of  the 
names  (Karayn  and  Meta)  were  found  by  Krapf  among  the  Galla  of  Abyssinia.  But  the  Wat  of  the 
Karayn  clan  abstain  from  cutting  down  a  tree  called  Karayn,  and  the  Galla,  so  far  as  my  inquiries 
have  gone,  deny  all  knowledge  of  th  prohibition,  nor  have  I  been  able  to  ascertain  if  the  name  of 
the  tree  is  Galla. 

[    201    ] 


Nos.  108-109.] 


MAN. 


[1913. 


The  tribal  mark  consists  of  several  small  circles  of  concentric  rings,  cut  at  the 
side  of  the  face  from  the  temple  downwards,  into  which  a  mixture  of  ground  charcoal 
and  palm  oil  has  been  rubbed.  The  upper  canines  and  incisors  are  filed  to  a  point, 
as  sometimes  the  corresponding  lower  teeth  also.  A  description  of  this  people,  with 
a  vocabulary,  will  be  found  in  my  book,  In  the  Shadow  of  the  Bush  (Heineman). 


Name. 

Age. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

Oyi  - 

25 

151 

199 

139 

49 

60 

42 

105 

130 

582 

1665 

1639 

2-3 

0 

3-4 

1 

1 

3 

0 

0 

Ote  - 

25 

144 

201 

145 

44 

60 

39 

104 

128 

577 

1675 

1755 

1-3 

1 

3't 

1 

1 

3 

0 

0 

Parauo  - 

50 

136 

1H9 

136 

45 

56 

43 

102 

126 

r>33 

1641 

1722 

2'5 

1 

3-4 

2 

2 

3 

1 

1 

'Oluri 

30 

147 

193 

143 

47 

57 

41 

101 

125 

546 

1620 

1729 

2-3 

1 

3-4 

1 

2 

3 

0 

0 

K.itim 

30 

141 

193 

143 

M 

61 

42 

111 

128 

668 

1752 

1788 

2-4 

1 

3-4 

1 

1 

3 

0 

0 

Mbe 

40 

150 

201 

139 

48 

51 

36 

100 

127 

584 

1659 

1701 

2-3 

1 

8-4 

1 

2 

3 

0 

0 

Ngwa 

22 

140 

197 

HO 

45 

59 

40 

110 

129 

551 

1K75 

1717 

2'4 

0 

3-4 

1 

2 

3 

0 

0 

Aiimor  - 

4fi 

143 

107 

137 

50 

50 

41 

108 

121 

566 

1644 

1651 

2'4 

0 

3-4 

1 

2 

3 

1 

1 

Ameru  - 

45 

145 

193 

134 

44 

60 

48 

111 

123 

241 

1717 

1742 

1*3 

1 

2-4 

2 

2 

3 

1 

1 

Oke 

50 

151 

189 

145 

48 

59 

43 

110 

128 

554 

1'686 

1778 

2-4 

1 

3-4 

1 

1 

3 

1 

1 

Akwabang 

50 

143 

197 

142 

45 

60 

42 

103 

126 

541 

1701 

1767 

1-3 

0 

2-4 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

Oyama  .- 

43 

146 

193 

142 

42 

60 

44 

110 

122 

561 

1560 

1678 

V4 

2 

3-4 

2 

1 

3 

1 

1 

Ote  -  .  - 

50 

153 

196 

142 

42 

62. 

43 

111) 

127 

579 

1615 

1793 

2-4 

1 

3-4 

1 

1 

3 

1 

1 

Ikum 

30 

143 

188 

135 

43 

56 

37 

105 

121 

541 

1641 

1725 

2-4 

0 

3-4 

2 

2 

3 

0 

0 

Akam 

55 

147 

199 

145 

51 

65 

46 

11« 

1S2 

556 

1684 

1708 

2-3 

1 

2-4 

1 

1 

3 

1 

1 

Ejnm 

45 

137 

189 

138 

47 

6? 

40 

108 

125 

531 

1713 

1696 

2-4 

1 

3-4 

1 

2 

3 

1 

1 

Okun 

45 

138 

190 

137 

42 

60 

41 

111 

122 

546 

1767 

1742 

2-4 

1 

3-4 

1 

2 

3 

1 

1 

Uyor 

50 

143 

193 

143 

45 

63 

40 

119 

129 

541 

1659 

1729 

2-3 

0 

34 

1 

1 

3 

1 

1 

Akata   - 

50 

147 

200 

142 

54 

62 

45 

115 

128 

579 

1637 

1659 

1-4 

2 

3-4 

1 

1 

3 

1 

0 

Mbang  - 

55 

150 

196 

150 

48 

65 

48 

118 

131 

564 

1662 

1618 

2-4 

1 

3  4 

1 

1 

3 

1 

0 

Average  - 

42 

145 

194 

141 

46 

50 

42 

109 

127 

557 

1684 

1722 

2-4 

1 

3-4 

1 

2 

3 

1 

1 

1.  HeaJ  breadth. 

2.  „     length. 

3.  „     bizz. 

4.  Nose  breadth. 

5.  .,    Nas.  to  Alv. 

6.  „    Nas.  to  Sept. 

7.  „    Nas.  to  Chin. 

*.      .,    Vertex  to  Tragus. 
9.      „     © 


10.  Height. 

11.  Span. 

12.  Ears.      (1)    outstanding,    (2)    not, 

(3)  small,  (4)  nied 

13.  Prognathism.     (0)  absent,  (1)  tned. 

(2)  much. 

14.  Lips.    (1)  thin,  (2)  med.,  (3)  thick, 

(4)  everted. 

15.  Forehead.  (1)  high,  (2)  med.,  (3)  low. 


16.  Forehead.    (1)    broad,    (2)     med., 

(3)  narrow. 

17.  „  (1)  receding,  (2)slightly, 

(3)  not. 

18.  Hair  on  face.    (0)  absent,  (1)  med., 

(2)  much. 

19.  Hair  on  body.    (0)  absent,  (1)  med., 

(2)  much. 

P.  AMAURY  TALBOT. 


REVIEWS. 
The  Near  East.  Hall. 

The  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East,  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  4 (If) 
Battle  of  Salamis.  By  H.  R.  Hall,  M.A.,  F.S.A.  London,  1913.  8vo.  IUu 
Pp.  xxiv.  +  602.  With  thirty-three  plates  and  fourteen  maps.  Price  15.9.  net. 

The  scope  of  this  book  is  fully  explained  in  its  title.  Brilliant  as  Maspero's 
Histoire  Ancienne  was,  as  a  first  survey  of  the  results  of  two  generations  of  research, 
and  ably  as  it  has  been  kept  in  touch  with  subsequent  work  through  no  less  than 
ten  editions,  it  was  inevitable  that  sooner  or  later  its  place  should  be  challenged 
by  a  manual  constructed  on  the  rather  different  plan  which  present-day  knowledge 
requires.  For  English  readers,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Mr.  Hall's  book  will 
take  and  hold  that  place.  Though  designed,  as  the  preface  states,  to  be  of  use 
to  students  in  the  Oxford  School  of  Liters  Humaniores,  it  will  in  fact  appeal  to 
a  far  wider  public  ;  and  for  Oxford  men,  the  regrettable  specialism  as  to  authors 
and  periods  of  study  which  besets  the  "  Final  Classical  School "  has  advanced,  since 
Mr.  Hall's  student  days,  from  toleration  to  exclusion  of  much  that  this  book  discusses. 
Herodotus,  indeed,  is  still  read,  but  Ancient  History  only  begins  officially  in  776  B.C. 
The  later  chapters,  however,  are  well  adapted  to  serve  as  a  running  commentary  on 
the  earlier  books  of  Herodotus,  and  as  an  introduction  to  the  complex  period  within 
which  historic  Greece  takes  rise.  They  tell  a  complicated  story  for  which  the 
evidence  is  fragmentary  and  multifarious — literary  texts,  inscriptions  in  several  Oriental 
languages,  coins,  sculpture,  pottery,  and  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  ancient 
sites  from  which  Greeks  gave  and  received  in  their  intercourse  with  the  East ;  and 
it  is  not  easy  to  keep  the  perspective  clear  ;  but  Mr.  Hall  has  used  his  materials 

[    202     j 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  109. 

with  much  judgment  and  breadth  of  view,  and  has  certainly  produced  a  narrative  of 
the  growth  of  the  Persian  Empire,  and  of  that  Empire's  struggle  with  the  Greeks, 
which  was  much  needed,  and  is  far  fuller  and  more  useful  than  anything  which  has 
been  attempted  in  English  since  George  Rawlinson's  Ancient  Monarchies,  to  which 
it  stands  in  much  the  same  relation  as  the  recent  commentary  of  Messrs.  How  and 
Wells  to  Rawlinson's  edition  of  Herodotus.  And  it  is  no  derogation  from  Mr.  Hall's 
own  learning  and  historical  insight,  if  one  traces  here  and  there  in  this  section  some- 
thing of  the  standpoint  and  mode  of  presentment  of  a  brilliant  and  stimulating  teacher, 
too  early  lost  to  Oxford,  the  late  W.  G.  Pagson  Smith,  to  whose  memory  the  whole 
book  is  dedicated. 

But  these  later  chapters  only  take  up  the  story  at  the  point  where  a  three-fold 
tale,  the  history  of  the  two  River-Cultures,  and  that  of  the  Island  World  of  the  West, 
becomes  finally  and  inextricably  one.  The  sections  which  precede,  on  Egypt,  Babylonia, 
and  Assyria,  and  their  earlier  relations  with  each  other,  could  only  be  criticised 
adequately  in  detail  by  Orientalists.  To  the  student  of  Western  history  they  offer 
just  the  kind  of  general  introduction  which  he  needs,  utilising  and  expanding  the 
author's  own  contributions  to  a  recent  collaborated  book,  Egypt  and  Western  Asia 
in  the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries,  and  expanding  and  supplementing  them  very 
thoroughly.  Leaving  special  treatises  out  of  account — and  in  English  there  are  but 
few  even  of  these — there  is  at  present  no  survey  of  these  Eastern  civilisations  at  all 
so  conveniently  planned,  to  present  the  main  lines  of  each  people's  history,  without 
losing  sight  of  their  several  places  in  the  history  of  the  Ancient  World. 

Less  easy  to  praise  unreservedly  (perhaps  because  a  really  adequate  statement  of 
this  part  of  the  subject  is  hardly  possible  as  yet)  is  the  chapter  on  the  Minoan 
civilisation  with  which  the  book  opens.  Mr.  Hall  has  taken  the  bold  line  of  beginning 
his  Ancient  History  in  the  West,  and  sketching  the  rise  of  the  first  Mediterranean 
culture  before  starting  on  Egypt  or  Babylonia  ;  and  the  main  plan  of  his  book,  as 
a  history  of  the  struggle  which  was  decided  at  Salamis  and  Plataea,  permits  him 
this  alternative.  But  his  frequent  use  of  the  names  Greece  and  Greek,  in  contexts 
which  refer  to  pre-Hellenic  phases  of  civilisation,  emphasises  an  inherent  drawback, 
namely,  that  the  impression  is  given  that  the  nationality  which  won  in  the  end  traces 
its  existence  to  as  remote  a  past  as  did  its  enemies.  To  talk  of  "the  Neolithic"  and 
"the  Bronze  Age  Greeks,"  as  on  pp.  31-32,  is  quite  as  misleading  as  it  would  be  to 
talk  of  Neolithic  or  Bronze  Age  English,  or  to  say  that  the  "  earlier  "  English  "  came 
"  from  Northern  Africa"  (p.  32).  The  civilisation  to  which  alone  the  name  Greek 
or  Hellenic  is  appropriate  is  in  the  same  sense  a  "  modern  "  growth  as  that  of  either 
of  its  great  rivals,  Persia  and  Rome.  It  has  its  dateable  beginnings  in  the  Early 
Iron  Age,  and  as  strong  contrasts  (in  matters  of  vital  importance)  with  the  pre-Hellenic 
and  non-Hellenic  civilisation  which  preceded  it  in  "  Greek  lands,"  as  Persia  has  with 
Assyria,  or  Rome  with  the  Terramara  culture,  or  the  Hellenism  of  Southern  Italy.  It 
is  the  more  important  to  make  this  point  clear  because  Mr.  Hall  seems  to  be  under 
the  impression  that  the  neolithic  population  of  Thessaly,  which  remained  in  a  backward 
and  almost  purely  neolithic  state  until  far  on  in  the  Minoan  Age  (Mr.  Hall  says  until 
the  period  known  as  Late  Minoan  III),  is  in  some  sense  identical  with  the  Achaian 
and  other  "northern"  elements  which  begin  to  move  southward  from  Thessaly  about 
that  time.  He  supports  this  suggestion  by  pointing  out  similarities  between  the 
neolithic  painted  wares  of  Thessaly  and  the  geometrically  painted  pottery  of  the  Early 
Iron  Age,  of  which  he  says  (p.  62)  that  "  there  is  no  doubt  "  that  it  "  is  the  art  of  the 
"  oldest  Aryan  Greeks  from  the  tenth  to  the  eighth  centuries,"  or  thereabouts.  In 
the  same  way  he  takes  the  "chiefs'  houses  of  the  Neolithic  peoples  "  for  "the  pro- 
"  totypes  of  these  Achaian  palaces"  (p.  63).  It  is  odd  that  while  he  feels  these 
similarities  so  strongly,  he  does  hot  lay  proportionate  emphasis  on  northward  parallels, 

[    203    ] 


No.  109.]  MAN.  [1913. 

but  regards,  for  example,  the  painted  pottery  of  South  Russia  as  due  to  Aryan  influences 
in  the  Stone  Age  conveyed  by  "  Mediterraneans  "  who  had  "  spread  too  far  from  their 
base "  (p.  57)  and  "  perished  of  pure  inappropriateness  to  their  environment,  assisted, 
"  perhaps,  by  the  more  virile  Indo-European  tribes,  who  by  this  time  must  have  made 
"  their  way  into  Europe  from  Siberia."  The  "  Siberian  "  origin  of  the  virile  Indo- 
European  deserves  at  least  a  footnote  of  explanation  in  a  second  edition,  and  it  would 
be  convenient  to  know  the  relation  of  these  Indo-Europeans  on  p.  57  with  the  "  oldest 
Aryan  Greeks"  on  p.  62,  whose  art  is  the  "geometric"  art  of  Greece  "from  the 
"  tenth  to  the  eighth  centuries,"  and  to  the  "  earlier  Greeks "  on  p.  32,  who  "  came 
"  from  Northern  Africa  while  they  were  still  stone-users."  Anyone  who  has  followed 
the  hypotheses  and  controversies  of  the  last  twenty-five  years  will  recognise  the 
proximate  "  home  "  of  all  these  varieties  of  "  Greeks  "  on  the  shelves  of  his  library  ; 
but  in  a  book  which  will  certainly  be  read  widely,  and  by  people  who  come  fresh  to 
the  subject,  this  looseness  of  phrase  can  hardly  fail  to  perplex,  and  may  easily  mislead. 
Another  odd  statement  is  on  p.  61,  to  the  effect  that  "at  Sparta,  as  was  perhaps  to 
be  expected,"  "  traces  of  the  Mycenaean  (Third  Late  Miuoan)  Period  only  "  have  been 
found.  The  Mycenaean  site  to  which  reference  seems  to  be  intended  is  not  "  at 
Sparta"  but  on  the  far  bank  of  the  Eurotas  ;  and  its  significance  is  precisely  this, 
that  the  Iron  Age  site  is  a  new  one,  not  continuous  with  the  Bronze  Age  settlement, 
and  as  distinct  from  it  as  Old  Sarum  is  from  Salisbury. 

In  the  sections  on  those  parts  of  the  Late  Minoan  Period  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  many,  may  be  used  to  illustrate  the  Homeric  Age,  there  is  more  difficult  reading, 
partly  due  to  Mr.  Hall's  acceptance  of  an  ingenious  and  not  very  recent  theory  that 
the  Argos  of  Homer  originally  meant  part  of  South  Thessaly.  As  the  blunder  by 
which  Homeric  statements  about  the  Argos  in  South  Thessaly  were  confused  with 
the  Argos  in  Argolis  (which  is  always  clearly  distinguished  from  it  in  Homer)  is 
known  to  have  originated  with  Greek  genealogical  historians  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
sixth  century  B.C.,  this  is  equivalent  to  dating  Homer  at  that  stage  in  Greek  culture, 
or  later.  Yet  Mr.  Hall  seems  to  regard  Homer  as  representing  a  culture  "  rather 
"  that  of  the  Achaians  of  the  twelfth  or  eleventh  than  of  the  ninth  century  "  ;  so 
there  is  room  for  doubt  as  to  his  meaning,  and  his  scepticism  on  p.  76  about  horse 
feeding  in  the  Peloponnesian  Argos  seems  to  show  unacquaintance  with  some  Bronze 
Age  evidence  for  the  use  of  horses  there.  If  Homer,  or  even  the  "  last  Homer,"  as 
Mr.  Hall  calls  him,  was  really  so  ill-informed  about  Greece,  of  any  century  we  please, 
as  to  confuse  the  Peloponnesian  with  the  Thessalian  Argos,  the  less  use  serious 
people  make  of  his  evidence  for  that  century  and  its  culture,  the  better. 

These  are  tiresome  defects  in  a  review  of  present-day  knowledge  of  prehistoric 
ages  in  .^Egean  lands  which  is  useful  and  well-proportioned  as  long  as  it  is  descrip- 
tive. The  mistake,  as  in  Mr.  Hall's  earlier  book,  The  Oldest  Civilisation  of  Greece, 
is  oue  of  tactics.  He  has  brought  into  a  text-book  the  materials  of  a  dozen  essays  ; 
well  worth  writing,  if  the  evidence  were  stated  in  full,  but  frankly  not  worth  very 
much  when  they  occupy  pages  which  might  be  given  to  fuller  statement  of  the 
wonderful  Minoan  culture. 

A  word  should  be  added  to  recommend  the  opening  chapter  on  historical  and 
archaeological  method,  which  is  concise  and  clear,  and  gives  information  about  a 
matter  which  is  fundamental  to  historical  students,  but  is  seldom  treated  with  the 
care  and  thoroughness  which  it  demands. 

The  illustrations,  though  not  very  numerous,  considering  how  much  of  the  book  is 
archaeological,  are  admirably  bright  despite  their  small  scale,  and  show  several  new 
subjects,  besides  many  new  views  of  old  friends.  And  there  is  an  excellent  index. 

J.  L.  M. 

[     204     1 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  110. 

Africa,  Central.  Macleod. 

Chiefs  and  Cities  of  Central  Africa.  By  Olive  Macleod.  Edinburgh  and  41 (I 
London:  William  Blackwood  and  Sons,  1912.  I  III 

This  is  an  interesting  record  of  travel ;  brightly  written,  well  illustrated,  and 
invitingly  got  up. 

The  Botanical  Appendix  enhances  the  value  of  the  book  itself ;  while  the 
carefully  compiled  index  is  of  service  to  the  reader,  and  the  maps  are  helpful. 

The  authoress  deserves  much  credit  for  the  plucky  manner  in  which  she  has 
carried  out  her  programme,  undismayed  by  the  misfortunes  of  her  cicerone,  who 
appears  to  have  endured  more  hardships  than  fall  to  the  lot  of  the  average  African 
traveller. 

The  pacification  and  development,  under — more  or  less — European  influence,  of 
the  country  traversed  has  been  practically  altogether  accomplished  since  the  beginning 
of  this  century,  and  the  story  here  related  is  a  well-merited  tribute  to  the  good  work 
done  by  the  Colonial  administrators  who  have  been  sent  to  their  respective  spheres 
of  influence  by  France,  Britain,  and  Germany. 

Leaving  out  of  account  the  activities  along  the  Benue  of  the  Niger  Company, 
what  time  it  held  its  Royal  Charter,  the  advent  of  the  three  Powers  was,  chrono- 
logically, in  the  order  given  above,  and  the  influence  of  all  three  has,  on  the  whole, 
made  for  the  good  of  the  regions  and  peoples  concerned. 

The  authoress  gives  a  good  picture  of  the  juxtaposition  and  intermingling  of 
Mohammedans  and  Pagans  ;  she  indicates  the  chronic  slave-raiding  formerly  practised 
by  the  former  on  the  latter,  the  termination  of  which  in  itself  has  justified  European 
intervention;  and  her  account  supports  the  opinion,  held  by  many,  that  all  the  stages 
of  civilisation  to  be  observed  among  the  peoples  of  the  West  Central  Sudan  in 
particular,  and  of  West  Africa  in  general,  indicate  devolutions  from  higher  stages. 

She  has  done  well  to  dwell  on  the  figure  of  Abegga,  the  Chief  of  Lokoja. 
That  old  man  is  an  interesting  link  with  the  past  :  he  came  to  Europe  with  the 
famous  African  traveller,  Barth,  in  the  fifties  of  last  century  ;  he  reads  and  writes 
English  well,  and  his  memory  is  good,  although  the  weakness  of  age  has  blunted  his 
former  bright  intelligence  ;  and,  now  that  the  native  companion  of  his  European 
travels — Dorugu,  a  Government  schoolmaster,  who  died  at  Kano  last  autumn — is  dead, 
he  furnishes  the  last  useful  link  with  the  European  explorers  of  his  part  of  Africa 
in  the  middle  of  last  century. 

The  irruption  of  Rabe  undoubtedly  gave  local  development  a  set-back  ;  for  chaos 
resulted  from  his  conquest  and  he  did  not  remain  long  enough  in  power  to  restore 
order  ;  and  it  is  now  impossible  to  say  whether  the  consolidation  of  his  power  would 
have  made  for  reformation  or  the  reverse. 

It  is  well  shown  how  higher  races — e.g.,  the  Kanuri  and  the  Bagirmi — have 
retrograded  when  they  have  settled  down  permanently  in  the  regions  under  considera- 
tion ;  but  this  is  nothing  new,  nor  is  it  an  unmixed  evil.  The  Vandals  and  the 
Moors  retrogressed  when  they  settled  in  North  Africa  ;  so  did  other  higher  races 
who  entered  West  Central  and  West  Africa  from  the  north  and  east ;  but  their 
advent  probably  raised  the  level  of  the  indigenous  peoples  among  whom  they 
partially  lost  themselves.  Certainly,  at  the  present  day,  the  traveller  can  see 
Mohammedan  immigrants,  at  the  expense  of  a  certain  amount  of  retrogression  in 
the  case  of  their  own  progeny,  raising  the  grade  of  development  of  the  Pagans 
among  whom  they  are  settling.  This  is  how  Islam  seems  to  be  the  means  destined 
for  the  regeneration  of  Africa  :  its  advent  everywhere  means  miscegonation  ;  within 
its  confines  is  no  racial  or  colour  line  ;  it  is  innocent  of  the  fatuous  European 
tendency  to  regard  the  half-cast  as  a  white  man-;  and  it  realises  that,  while  a  mule 
is  an  aristocrat  among  donkeys,  if  one  call  him  a  horse  everybody  will  laugh.  The 

[  .205  ] 


Nos,  110-111.]  MAN.  [1913. 

dice  are  thus  loaded  in  favour  of  Islam  :  the  Christian  will  give  his  life,  but  not  his 
blood;  for  Africa  ;  the  Mohammedan  will,  and  does,  give  both. 

It  is  stated  that  Garua  was  only  occupied  in  1904  :  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was 
first  occupied  by  the  late  Major  Hans  Dominik  at  the  end  of  1901.  The  British 
law  regulating  the  minimum  legal  weight  of  elephant  tusks  is  designed  to  prevent 
the  slaughter  of  immature  elephants,  and  it  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  wise 
demarcation  of  a  game  reserve  at  Lake  Chad. 

The  nebulous  location  of  towns  complained  of  in  Bornu  is  not  entirely — not 
even  chiefly — due  to  defective  mapping.  A  town  may  consist  of  a  congeries  of 
hamlets  dotted  over  an  area  of  twenty  square  miles  or  so  ;  and  the  natives  will 
occasionally  suddenly  move  off  in  a  body  to  a  hew  location  ten  or  twenty  miles 
away,  endowing  the  new  town  with  the  designation  of  the  old  one.  Northern 
Nigeria  has  always  had  an  Intelligence  Department  commensurate  with  its  means, 
which  has  served  it  well  ;  the  Administration  has  never  slept  over  the  matter  of 
mapping  ;  and  now,  in  due  course,  an  accurate  and  exhaustive  survey  has  been 
systematically  taken  in  hand. 

In  describing  the  life  of  the  people,  indications  are  rightly  given  of  the 
relatively  influential  position  held  by  the  Mohammedan  women  near  Chad  ;  but  it 
would  have  been  well  had  a  full  description  of  the  ravages  of  the  ubiquitous  white 
ant  been  given — the  greatest  pest  and  most  prominent  natural  force  to  be  observed 
in  the  region.  This  part  of  Africa  is  not  likely  to  escape  notice  in  the  future,  if  for 
no  other  reason  than  that  a  great  part  of  it  is  a  natural  granary  ;  and  the  authoress 
has  succeeded  in  supplying  those  touches  of  local  colour  which  are  lacking  in  the 
picture  apt  to  be  limned  by  more  scientific  authors.  We  shall  receive  with  interest 
future  efforts  which  she  may  make  in  the  same  direction.  N. 


India:  Baluchistan.  Bray. 

Census  of  India,  1911.      By   Denys    Bray,   I.C.S.       Vol.    II.,   Baluchistan,     444 
Part  I.  and  II.     Price,  4s.  6d. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  important  contributions  to  our  knowledge  of  the  sociology 
of  India  published  since  the  late  Sir  Denzil  Ibbetson's  classic  report  on  the  Punjab 
Census  of  1881  appeared.  Though  Baluchistan  cannot  be  said  to  form  part  of  India 
proper,  its  tribes  have  fed  the  Indian  population  for  generations,  and  the  Brahui  speak 
a  Dravidian  tongue,  though  what  proportion  of  Dravidian  blood  they  may  now  possess 
is,  of  course,  another  question.  The  Pathan  and  Baluch  tribes — to  use  a  conven- 
tional but  inaccurate  term — have  preserved  features  which  appear  to  be  older,  and,  it 
must  be  confessed,  ruder  than  anything  to  be  found  nowadays  throughout  even  the 
Western  Punjab,  into  which  they  have  overflowed,  though  traces  of  their  most  primi- 
tive usages  occur  in  scattered  parts  of  it.  From  those  usages  we  can  gather  some 
idea  of  what  the  primitive  Punjab  tribes,  largely  drawn  from  Iran,  must  have  been. 
One  must  say  some  idea,  for  custom  is  anything  but  immutable.  The  Brahuts  have 
copied  the  bride-price  from  the  Pathans  almost  within  living  memory.  A  much  older 
form  of  marriage  was,  Mr.  Bray  thinks,  that  of  exchange,  adal-badal,  kanovati, 
vatandra — the  two  latter  have  a  strong  Punjabi  sound.  Still  less  conservative  (and 
more  priest-ridden)  are  the  Pathans,  who  are  endeavouring,  like  a  good  many  people 
in  the  Punjab,  to  merge  betrothal  and  marriage  into  one,  not  merely  in  order  to  come 
into  line  with  the  shariat  or  Muhammadan  law,  but  also  in  order  to  draw  the 
betrothal  tie  taut  once  and  for  all  by  hallowing  it  with  the  nikah  or  wedding  rites. 
So  far,  then,  from  a  fanatical  devotion  to  Islam  leading  the  Pathan  to  emancipate 
women  to  the  extent  laid  down  in  the  Qoran,  all  that  it  does  is  to  rivet  the  fetters 
still  more  closely  upon  them.  And  at  first  sight  it  certainly  looks  as  if  the  denial  to 
females  of  many  legal  rights,  such  as  that  of  inheritance,  had  a  disastrous  effect  on  the 

[     206     ] 


1913.]  MAN.  [No.  lit 

female  population.  To  every  1,000  sons  only  799  daughters  are  born  in  all  Baluchistan, 
and  though  the  number  of  females  of  all  ages  rises  to  832  after  allowing  for  emigration, 
in  which  males  are  in  excess,  the  ratio  of  the  sexes  is  exceedingly  unsatisfactory. 
Only  in  Makran  and  Las  Bela  have  women  in  great  measure  made  good  their  claims 
to  inheritance,  and  it  can  be  no  accidental  coincidence  that  Makran  can  boast  the 
highest  birth-rate  generally,  the  highest  female  birth-rate,  and  the  highest  proportion 
of  females  in  the  living  population.  Mr.  Bray  is  confident  that  females  are  not 
omitted  in  the  census  enumeration,  and  he  failed  to  find  any  traces  of  female  infanticide. 
The  causes,  then,  of  the  paucity  of  females,  which  amounts,  indeed,  to  a  veritable 
famine,  as  he  says,  are  obscure,  but  it  is  only  too  evident  that  depreciation  of  female 
rights  is  accompanied  by  a  heavy  decrease  in  the  actual  numbers  of  females,  though  the 
exact  process  of  connection,  if  there  is  any  connection,  is  not  apparent.  Mr.  Bray 
has  investigated  the  figures  available  with  great  care,  but  the  vital  statistical  data 
are  too  scanty  for  any  conclusions  to  be  based  on  them. 

Another  feature  of  Mr.  Bray's  Report  is  the  masterly  exposition  of  the  extreme 
artificiality  of  primitive  tribes.  So  heterogeneous  are  the  Baluch,  the  Pathan,  and, 
above  all.  the  Brahui,  that  one  is  tempted  to  suggest  that  one  ought  to  give  up 
talking  about  Pathan  or  Baluch  tribes  and  so  on  altogether,  and  speak  of  the  Pathan, 
Baluch,  &c.,  "  groups,"  using  some  term  which  does  not  connote  race  or  descent  at 
all,  but  simply  fusion  or  federation.  It  is  not  even  accurate  to  speak  of  the  clans  or 
septs  which  make  up  the  Papuan  tribe  or  the  Baluch  or  Brahui  tribe,  for  the  sept  or 
class  may  be  equally  heterogeneous.  Man  at  this  backward  stage  of  his  development 
is  an  organising,  bargaining  animal,  whose  actions  are  determined  by  economic  stress 
and  military  self-interest,  not  by  tribal  affinities  or  the  ties  of  kinship.  The  bonds  of 
family  are  only  intense  up  to  a  certain  point.  Beyond  that  they  are  easily  broken,  and 
forged  anew.  But  the  federated  "  tribe  "  formed  out  of  various  ethnic  elements  by 
alliance,  adoption,  and  clientship,  is  a  consciously  formed  association,  not  a  purely 
natural  unit. 

Mr.  Bray  has  collected  much  material  which  affords  food  for  reflection.  As 
Mr.  W.  Crooke  points  out,  the  Makrani's  way  of  threatening  or  persuading  a  barren 
tree  into  bearing  illustrates  the  parable  of  the  barren  fig  tree  in  the  New  Testament. 
How  thin  is  the  veneer  spread  by  Islam  over  the  primitive  creeds  of  the  people  is 
shown  by  various  survivals.  At  first  sight  we  have  what  look  like  traces  of  totemism, 
e.g.  a  Bikak  Chhatta  Jat  will  never  eat  bik  or  kidneys  at  all,  nor  will  a  Delaran  eat 
laran  or  guts.  But  why  will  no  Umrani  Baluch  tolerate  a  long-necked  drinking  vessel 
and  no  Jamali  put  up  with  burning  cow-dung  ?  In  the  Kachhi  tract  we  find  some 
curious  tabus  among  menials  and  artisans.  Thus  the  weavers  abominate  a  tool  called 
penr,  the  cobblers  bits  of  rotten  hide,  minstrels  uncrushed  pulse,  grain-parchers  a  lemon, 
carpenters  the  brinjal  or  egg  plant,  and  barbers  honey.  A  chief  in  the  Kachhi  used 
to  have  fine  sport  in  the  old  days  in  trying  to  make  the  menials  bring  the  names  of 
their  pet  abominations  to  their  lips.  The  very  mention  of  them  on  the  lips  of  others 
was  enough  to  make  them  weep  and  wail  and  rend  their  clothes.  One  would  fain 
believe  that  pride  in  their  work  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  cobblers'  tabu,  but  the 
others  are  unaccountable.  In  all  kinds  of  ways  primitive  religion  has  been  dove- 
tailed into  the  Islamic  system.  Rain-making  and  stopping  are  equally  practised. 
Among  the  Brahuis,  when  the  flocks  are  dying  for  want  of  rain,  a  sham  fight  is 
arranged  between  the  womenfolk  of  two  nomad  encampments,  a  device  which  recalls 
a  fertility  charm  described  in  the  Punjab  Census  Report,  1912.*  The  only  ones  to 

*  Pp.  236-7.  The  custom  is  known  as  Kanagatan  laran,  or  fighting  (of  females)  in  Kanya-(Virgo)- 
yat,  and  in  it  regular  fights  take  place  between  large  gangs  of  women  on  the  amdwas  day  on  the  road 
to  the  river.  The  idea  unlying  it  is  that  the  souls  of  other  females  may  incarnate  as  the  offspring  of  the 
women  taking  part  in  it.  Men  are  not  supposed  to  interfere. 

[     207     ] 


Nos.  111-112.]  MAN.  [1913 

dabble  in  rain-stopping  are  the  grain-hoarders,  who  always  hanker  after  drought,  and 
the  women,  who  get  bored  with  a  few  days'  rain — among  Pathans.  Throw  a  handful 
of  salt  in  the  fire,  nail  a  horse-shoe  on  to  the  wall  well  out  of  reach  of  the  rain, 
plaster  a  wheaten  bannock  on  a  rubbish  heap,*  or  put  a  Koran  into  a  cold  oven,  bring 
it  back  to  your  room,  and  distribute  alms.  In  Kalat  we  have  what  looks  like  a  counter- 
charm  to  these  in  the  boys'  game  of  the  little  old  man  Avhose  chorus  shout  for  "  a  hole 
"  in  the  house  of  the  miser  !  "  Holy  men  specialise  in  particular  departments  of  nature, 
so  that  we  have  a  Makri  or  Locust  Sayyid  who  has  locusts  under  his  charm,  which  is 
transmitted  from  father  to  son  by  simply  spitting  into  his  mouth,  a  process  which  drives 
the  new  initiate  mad  for  a  day  or  two.  The  Sayyid  endowed  with  this  power  catches 
a  locust,  spits  into  its  mouth,  and  lets  it  go — with  the  result  that  the  swarm  disperses. 
Anthropologists  will  find  Mr.  Bray's  Report  a  book  to  keep,  and  his  Life  History 
of  the  Brahui,  shortly  to  be  published  by  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  will  add  largely 
to  our  knowledge  of  life  in  Baluchistan.  In  conclusion,  it  may  be  noted  that  Mr.  Bray 
quotes  Herrick's  couplet : — 

Who  to  the  North,  or  South,  doth  set 
His  bed,  male  children  shall  beget. 

Any.  parallels  to  this  notion  might  possibly  throw  light  on  the  various  positions  of  the 
body  in  sepulture.  The  present  writer  is  not  comanced  that  the  laying  of  a  corpse's 
head  to  the  north  always  indicates  that  the  race  claims  a  northern  origin. 

H.  A.  R. 


Africa,  Central.  Moubray. 

In  South  Central  Africa.  By  J.  M.  Moubray,  F.R.G.S.  Constable  &  Co.  41 A 
Pp.  198  and  vii  ;  forty-six  photographs  and  map.  Price  10s.  6d.  Ufa 

When  on  page  3  of  a  book  the  reader  meets  with  such  a  statement  as  "  the  popu- 
"  lation  consists  of  the  white  man,  the  dago,  and  the  nigger  (including  Chinamen 
"  and  Indians),"  he  will  not  expect  to  find  in  the  course  of  his  reading  anthropo- 
logical information  that  would  startle  the  scientific  world,  nor  will  he  be  disappointed 
in  this  during  the  perusal  of  In  South  Central  Africa,  a  book  recording  in  a  breezy 
way  the  experiences  of  Mr.  Moubray  in  that  country.  No  blame  is  to  be  attached 
for  this  to  the  author,  who  disclaims  scientific  pretensions,  but  he  ought  not  to  make 
the  statement  that  he  has  accumulated  much  novel  material,  for  this  is  not  justified 
by  anything  contained  in  his  book.  His  personal  adventures  are  spiced  with  yarns 
which  greet  us  with  friendly  familiarity,  such  as  the  story  of  the  child  used  as  a  bait 
to  attract  crocodiles  (a  custom  attributed  in  my  youthful  days  by  continental  peoples 
to  the  wicked  English  lord  hunting  in  India),  and  the  proverbial  dirtiness  of  the 
"  nigger." 

However,  the  account  of  the  irrigation  works,  and  especially  of  the  terrace  cultiva- 
tions in  the  Inyanga  district  (which  latter  have  been  made  by  the  natives  to  prevent 
the  depredations  of  their  plantations  by  rhinoceros)  is  interesting,  because  it  proves  a 
spirit  of  enterprise  and  of  perseverance  that  has  an  important  bearing  on  the  history 
of  the  neighbouring  Zimbabwe  and  contributes  to  discredit  the  Hall-Bent  theories,  in 
which  the  author  is  a  firm  believer. 

The  illustrations  of  the  swamp  dwellings  are  interesting,  and  most  of  the  photo- 
graphs are  good,  although  some,  like  the  one  of  the  bushbuck  on  page  170,  are  touched 
up  so  as  to  convey  a  wrong  impression.  E.  T. 


ERRATUM. 

In   MAN,   1913,  No.  88,  p.   159,  for  Libyanic  read  Lihyanic. 

*  Contrary  to  the  usage  in  the  Punjab,  where  to  defsecate  upon  a  chapatti  placed  in  an  open  field 
expresses  indifference  to  rain  and  shows  the  sky  the  uselessness  of  continuing  to  withhold  it. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


A  MONTHLY  RECORD  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. 


PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF    THE 


ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE 


OF 


GREAT     BRITAIN     AND     IRELAND 


1914. 


Nos.  1— 1O1. 
WITH      PLATES      A— N. 


PUBLISHED   BY   THE 

ROYAL    ANTHROPOLOGICAL    INSTITUTE, 

50,  GREAT  RUSSELL  STREET,  LONDON,  W.C. 
NEW    YORK    AGENTS:    MESSRS.    G.    E     STECHERT    &    Co. 


OO^TTElsTTS. 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

No. 

Africa,  Central.  A  Few  Notes  on  Butwa  :  An  African  Secret  Society.  DUGALD  CAMPBELL  38 
Africa,  Central.  Manganja  Head  Dresses.  (With  Plate  X.)  R.  R.  MARETT,  M.A.,  D.Sc.  73 
Africa,  Central.  The  Swamps  of  Bangweolo  and  its  Inhabitants.  (With  Plates  ff,  If, 

and  fllwttrations.}    VON  ROSEN 49 

Africa,  Central.     Nyasaland  :  Angoni  Smelting   Furnace.     (Illustrated.}     H.  S.    STANNUS, 

M.D 65 

Africa,  East:  Religion.    A  Galla  Ritual  Prayer.     Miss  A.  WERNER  64 

Africa,  South:  ArehSBOlOgy.      Stone    Implements  from    South  Africa.     (With  Plate  D.} 

J.  LEE  Doux 30 

Africa,  West.    "Bori"  among  the  Hausas.    H.  R.  PALMER 52 

Africa,  West.     Marital    Relations   of  the    Hausas   as   shown  in   their   Folk-lore.      (No.  1.) 

Major  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  M.A.,  LL.M.,  Dip.  Anth.  13 

Africa,  West.     Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  their  Folk-lore.     (Nos.  2  and  3.) 

Major  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  M,A.,  LL.M.,  Dip.  Anth.  69 

Africa,  West.     Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  their  Folk-lore.     (Nos.  4-8.) 

Major  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  M.A.,  LL.M.,  Dip.  Anth.  76 

Africa,  West.     Nigerian  Strolling  Players.    (  With,  Plate  3r.)     MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE, 

M.A.,  LL.M.,  Dip.  Anth 95 

Africa.    See-  also  EGYPT  ;  NIGERIA,  SOUTHERN. 

America  :  Archaeology.     Archaeology  in  America.     Miss  A.  C.  BRETON         5 

Applied  Anthropology.     The  Value  of  a  Training  in  Anthropology  for  the  Administrator. 

SIR  RICHARD  TEMPLE,  BART.,  C.I.E 19 

Archaeology.     Rarity  of  Large  Flint  Implements  in  Gloucestershire.    A.  D.  PASSMORE        ...       67 

Archaeology.     Standing  Stones  and  Stone  Circles  in  Yorkshire.     A.  L.  LEWIS       83 

Archaeology.  The  Origin  of  the  Horse-shoe  Arch .  SIR  H.  H.  JOHNSTON,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.  20 
Archaeology.  The  Striation  of  Flint  Surfaces.  ( With  Plate  M.}  J.  REID  MoiR,  F.G.S.  ...  90 
Archaeology :  Australia.  Pygmy  Implements  from  Australia.  (Illustrated.}  J.  P. 

JOHNSON  75 

Archaeology :  France.     On  some  Prehistoric  Antiquities  in  the  Departments  of  the  Vienne 

and  the  Charente,  France.     A.  L.  LEWIS ...         ...         ...        22 

Archaeology.    See  AFRICA,  SOUTH  ;  AMERICA  ;  ENGLAND  ;  JERSEY  ;  MEXICO. 
Australia,  South.     Evidence  of   Bark  Canoes  and   Food-Ca.rriers   on    the    River    Murray, 

South  Australia.      (With  Plate  I-J.}     H.  BASEDOW,  M.A.,  M.D 63 

Australia.     The  Relationship  System  of  the  Dieri  Tribe.     A.  R.  BROWN  33 

Bactria :    Bronze    Age.       A  Bactriari  Bronze  Ceremonial  Axe.     (With  Pla'e  B.}     SIR   C. 

HERCULES  READ        11 

Biography.     The  Life  and  Work  of  N.  N.  Miklukho-Maklay.     M.  A.  CzAPLicKA 98 

Chile,  Northern.     A  further  Note  on  the  Occurrence  of  Turquoise  at  Indio  Muerto,  Northern 

Chile.    {Illustrated.}    OSWALD  H.  EVANS  and  JOHN  SOUTHWARD 21 

Egypt.  Evidence  for  the  Custom  of  Killing  the  King  in  Ancient  Egypt.  M.  A.  MURRAY  12 
England :  Archaeology.  Description  of  a  Bronze  Flat  Celt  in  the  Newbury  Museum. 

(Illustrated.}    H.  PEAKE  and  J.  J.  MANLEY     ...•       51 

England  :  Archaeology.    Flint  Implements  of  Moustier  Type  and   Associated  Mammalian 

Remains  from  the  Crayford  Brick-earths.    (Illustrated.}    R.  BRICE  HIGGINS   and    R.  A. 

SMITH 4 

England :  Archaeology.  Flint  Implements  from  the  Crayford  Brick-earths.  R.  A.  SMITH  31 
Ethnography :  Pelew  Islands.  Inlaid  Bowl  and  Stand  from  the  Pelews.  (With  Plate  C. 

<tnd  Illustrations.}     H.  G.  BEASLEY  18 

Ethnology.    See  FIJI  ;  INDIA  ;  PELKW  ISLANDS. 

Fiji.     Masks  in  Fiji.     A.  M.  HOCART 53 

Fiji.     Masks  in  Fiji — A  Correction.     A.  M.  HOCART  85 

Fiji.     More  about  Tauvu,    A,  M.  HOCART     96 


IT 

No. 

Fiji.     The  Disappearance  of  a  Useful  Art  in  Rotuma.    A.  M.  HOCAKT  82 

Fiji  :  Ethnology.     Note  on  the  Dual  Organisation  in  Fiji.     A.  M.  HOCART 2 

Folklore.    See  AFRICA,  WEST. 

India.     Female  Infanticide  in  India.     T.  C.  HODSON         44 

India,  South.     Cross  Cousin  Marriage  in  South  India.     F.  J.  RICHARDS       97 

India  :  Ethnography.     Some  Brahmanic  String  Figures.     (Illustrated.*)    C.  L.  T.  GRIFFITH 

and  KATHLEEN  HADDON 45 

Jersey :  Archaeology.     Excavation  of  a  Barrow  called  La  Hougue  de  Vinde,  situated  at 

Noirmout,  Jersey.     (Illustrated.)    R.  R.  MARETT  and  G.  F.  B.  DE  GRUCHY      32 

Linguistics.    A  New  Pacific  Ocean  Script.    (With  Plate  F.)    J.  MACMILLAN  BROWN     ...       43 

Linguistics.    See  NIGERIA,  SOUTHERN. 

Mexico  :  Archaeology.     Note  on  a  Sculptured  Stone  Chest  from  the  Panuco  Valley.     (  With 

Plate.  A.)     T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A 1 

New  Zealand.     Cremation  amongst  the  Maori  Tribes  of  New  Zealand.     ELSDON  BEST    ...        50 
New  Zealand.     Maori   Beliefs   concerning  the  Human  Organs  of  Generation.     ELSDON  BEST       66 

New  Zealand.     The  Peopling  of  New  Zealand.     (With  Plate  E.~)     ELSDON  BEST       37 

Nigeria,  Southern :  Linguistics.    "  Slang "  in  Southern  Nigeria.    N.W.THOMAS         ...        3 

Obituary.     Adolph  Francis  Bandelier.     D.  RANDALL  MAClVER  84 

Obituary.     Mary  Seymour.     See  TASMANIA. 

Papua.     Some  Notes  on  the  Nomenclature  of  Western  Papua.     W.  N.  BEAVER        68 

Papua.     Some  Notes  on  the  Eating   of   Human   Flesh   in   the  Western  Division  of  Papua. 

VV.  N.  BEAVER  74 

Physical  Anthropology.     On  the  Differentiation  of  Man  from  the  Anthropoids.     CARVETH 

READ,  M.A 91 

Religion  :  Mana.    A.  M.  HOCART     46 

Tasmania.    Relic  of  the  Lost  Tasmanian  Race—  Obituary  Notice  of  Mary  Seymour.    (With 

Plate  Z.)    HERBERT  BASEDOW     81 


REVIEWS. 

Africa,  East.     Stigand.     The  Land  of  Zinj  ;    being  an  Account  of  British  East  Africa,  its 

Ancient  History  and  present  Inhabitants .    A.  WERNER...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  47 

Africa,  South.     Elleuberger.     History  of  the  Basuto,  Ancient  and  Modern.    A.WERNER     ...  93 

Africa,  South.     Junod.     T/te  Life  of  a  South  African  Tribe.    J.  ROSCOE          54 

Africa,  West.     Benton.     TJie  Sultanate  of  Bormi.     P.  AMAURY  TALBOT        80 

Africa,  West,     Talbot.    In  ttie  Shadow  of  the  Bush.    A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE 86 

Africa,  West.     Tessmann.     Die  Pangwe.     P.  AMAURY  TALBOT             99 

Africa,  West.     Thomas.     Ibo-speahing  Peoples  of  Nigeria.     P.  AMAURY  TALBOT      ...         ...  71 

Africa.    See  CONGO  ;  UGANDA. 

Africa:  Linguistics.     Meinhof.     Die  Sprachen  der  Hamiten.     N.  W.  T ...  7 

America,  South.     Church.     Aborigines  of  South  America.     A.  C.  B.     ...         ...         ...         ...  8 

America,  South:    Ethnology.     Labrador.     El  Paraguay  Catolico.     A.  C.  B.          58 

America:  Archaeology.     Beuchat.     Manuel  d'Archeologie  Americaine.     T.  A.  J 24 

Anthropology.     Johnston.     Views  and  Reviews.     M.  LoNGWORTH  DAMES     23 

Archaeology :  Mesopotamia.     Handcock.     MesopotamianArchceology.     H.  G.  SPEARING...  25 
Archaeology :     Spain.       Breuil :    del  Rio  :    Obermaier.       La  Pasiega    (Santander,  Spain). 

H.  G.  SPEARING         78 

Archaeology.    See  AMERICA  ;  GERMANY  ;  MEXICO  ;  PACIFIC. 

Art.     Spearing.     The  Childhood  of  Art.    A.  C.  HADDON     55 

Australia.     Malinowski.     Tlie  Family  among  the  Australian  Aborigines.     A.  R.  B 16 

Borneo.     Hose  :  McDougall.     The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo.     T.  A.  J 40 

Congo.      Weeks.      Among  the,  Congo   Cannibals :    Experiences,  Impressions,  and  Adventures. 

A.  WERNER      15 

Ethnology:  Method.     Graebner.    Methode  der  Ethnologic.    E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND          ...  7Q 
Ethnology.    See  AMERICA,  SOUTH, 


No. 

Evolution.     Ncophilosophos  Tis.     Der  Mensch  und  Seine  Kulter.    B.  M..          42 

Folk-lOPe.     Andrews.     Ulster  Folk-lore.     M.  L.ONGWORTH  DAMES         72 

Folk-lore.     Wright.     Rust  in  Speech  and  Folk-lore.     M.  LONOWORTH  DAMES              88 

Germany  :  Archaeology.     Schmidt.     Die  diluviale  Vorzeit  Deutschlands.     R.  A.  S.            ...  14 

India :  Ancient  Hindu  Medicine.    Hoernle.    The.  Bower  Manuscript.    L.  A.  WADDELL...  39 

India  :  Cochin.     Iyer.     T/ta  Cochin  Tribes  and  Castes.    W.  CROOKE       29 

Indonesia.     DC  Zwaan.     Die  Heilkunde  der  Xiagger.    W.  J.  PERRY      100 

Japan:  Prehistory.     Munro.     Prehistoric  Japan.    A.  C.  HABDON      6 

Linguistics.     Johnston.     Phonetic  Spelling :  A  proposed  Universal  Alphabet  for  the  rendering 

of  English,  French,  German,  and  all  other  Forms  of  Speech.     N.  W.  T.          57 

Linguistics.    See  AFRICA. 

Melanesia :      Migrations.        Friederici.        Wissenschaftliche    Ergebnisse    einer    awtlichen 

Forsehungsreise  nach  tJein  Bismarck- Arciti  pel  im  Jahre  1908.     Unterxuchungen  ilber  eine 

Melnnesische  Wander straxse.     SIDNEY  H.  RAY ...         34 

Mexico :  Archaeology.     Joyce.     Mexican  Archeeoloyy.     A.  C.  B 56 

Pacific  :  Archaeology.     Enock.     Tlie  Secret  of  t he  Pacific.     H.  J.  B 79 

Physical    Anthropology.      Boas.     Changes  in  bodily  form  of  Descendants  of  Immigrants. 

H.  J.  FLEIIRE 101 

Physical  Anthropology.     Buttel-Reepen.     Man  and  his  Forerunners.     A.KEITH 17 

Religion.      Frazer.      Adonis,    Attis,    Osiris :    Studies  in  the.  History  of  Oriental  Religion. 

E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND         92 

Religion.     Frazer.     Balder  the  Beautiful.     E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND        94 

Religion.     Frazer.     Psyches  Task  :  A  Discourse  concerning  the  Influence  of  Superstition  on 

the  Growth  of  Institutions.    E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND       77 

Religion.     Frazer.     The  Scapegoat.     E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND        41 

Religion.     Main.     Religious  Chastity :  An  Etlbnological  Study.    E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND      ...  28 

Religion.    Upward.    The  Divine  Mystery.    P.  AMAURY  TALBOT         87 

Religion.    See  SARDINIA. 

Sardinia:     Primitive    Religion.       Pettazzoni.      La     Religione    Primitii-a    in    Sardegna. 

B.  Z.  S '      9 

Sociology.     Webster.     Rest  Days ;  a  Sociological  Study.     B.  M.              26 

Uganda.     Kagwa.     Ekitabo  kya  Basckabaka,  Bebuganda.    A.  W.  CRABTREE             27 


PROCEEDINGS     OF     SOCIETIES. 

The  Mythic  Society  of  Bangalore         10 

Anthropological  Teaching  in  Universities     35 

International  Congress  of  Americanists        48 

Anthropology  at  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 

1914       89 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

See  Nos.  36,  59,  60,  61,  62. 


VI 


DESCRIPTION    OF    THE     PLATES. 

A.  A  Sculptured  Stone  Chest  from  the  Panuco  Valley With  No.      1 

B.  A  Bactrian  Bronze  Ceremonial  Axe        ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         „  11 

c.     Inlaid  Bowl  and  Stand  from  the  Pelews          „  18 

D.  Stone  Implements  from  South  Africa     ...         ...         ...  „  30 

E.  The  Peopling  of  New  Zealand       ...         ...         ...  „  37 

F.  A  New  Pacific  Ocean  Script          ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  ,.  43 

G-H.    The  Swamps  of  Bangweolo  and  its  Inhabitants       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  49 

i-j.  Evidence  of  Bark  Canoes  and  Food  Carriers  on  the  River  Murray,  South  Australia  „  63 

K.     Manganja  Head-dresses       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  73 

L.     Mary  Seymour,  Ta^manian  Half  Caste ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  81 

M.    The  Striation  of  Flint  Surfaces „  90 

N.     Nigerian  Strolling  Players  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  95 


ILLUSTRATIONS    IN    THE    TEXT. 

N.E. — Photograph,  unless  otherwise  stated. 

Fig.  1.    Flint  Implement  with  Facetted  Butt,  Crayford.     (Drawings.)  ...         ...         ...     With  No.    4 

Fig.  2.     Flint  Flake  with  Facetted  Butt,  Crayford.     (Drawing.) „  4 

Figs.  3,  4.     Flint  Flakes,  Butts  broken,  Crayford.     (Drawings?)    ...         ...         ...         ...  „  4 

Fig.  5.    Flint  Implement  with  Facetted  Butt,  Bury  St.  Edmunds.     (Di-aiuings.)          ...  „  4 

Fig.  1.    Inlaid  Bowl  from  the  Pelews „  18 

Fig.  1.    Wooden  "  Palette  "  from  Chanarel.     (Drawings.*)  ...         ...         ...         „  21 

La  Hougue  de  Vinde,  Jersey.     (Drawing.')     ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  .,  32 

La  Hougue  de  Vinde,  Jersey.     View  looking  East  of  excavated  interior  ...         ...         ...  ,,  32 

Fig.  1.     Temple  Door.     (Drawing.')      ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  45 

Fig.  2.     Temple  Tank.     (Drawing.') ..  45 

Fig.  3.     The  Lingam  Stone.     (Drawing.')       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  45 

Figs.  4,  5.     The  Caste  Mark  of  a  Vaishnavite.     (Drawings.')         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  45 

Fig.  6.    A  Yom.     (Drawing.) ' „  45 

Fig.  7.     Fields  and  Irrigation  Channels  (first  stage).     (Drawing.')           ...         ...         ...  „  45 

Fig.].     Batwa  Huts  in  the  Quagmire ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         „  49 

Fig.  2.     Cupping  :  The  air  i 5  sucked  out  of  the  cup  horn.     Batwa  Tribes           „  49 

Fig.  3.     Cupping  :  The  horn  sticks  fast  through  air  pressure.     Batwa  Tribes     „  49 

Fig.  4.     Karta  b'fver  Expeditionens  fard  genom  Bangveolo-Omradet        ...  „  49 

Bronze  Flat  Celt.     (Drawing.)'...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ,,  51 

Angoni  Smelting  Furnace           ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  „  65 

Pygmy  Implements  from  Australia.     (Drawings.')    ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...  ,,  75 


Vll 


LIST    OF    AUTHORS. 


,B, The  Numbers  to  which  an  asterisk  is  added  are  those  of  Reviews  of  Boohs. 

KEITH,  A.,  17*. 

LEWIS,  A..  L.,  22,  83,  85. 


B.,  A.  R.,  16*. 
B.,  H.  J.,  79*. 
BASEDOW,  H.,  63,  81. 
BEASLET,  H.  G.,  18. 
BEAVER,  W.  N.,  68,  74. 
BEST,  ELSDON,  37,  50,  66. 
BRETON,  A.  C.,  5,  8*,  56*,  58*. 
BROWN,  A.  R.,  33. 
BROWN,  J.  MACMILLAN,  43. 

CAMPBELL,  DUGALD,  38. 
CZAPLICKA,  M.  A.,  98. 
CRABTREE,  A.  W.,  27*. 
CROOKE,  W.,  29*. 

DAMES,  M.  LONGWORTH,  23*,  72*,  88*. 
Doux,  J.  LEE,  30. 

EVANS,  OSWALD  H.,  21. 
FLEURE,  H.  J.,  101*. 

GRIFFITH,  C.  L.  T.,  45. 
GRUCHEY,  G.  F.  B.  de,  32. 

HADDON,  A.  C.,  6*,  55*. 
HADDON,  KATHLEEN,  45. 
HARTLAND,  E.  S.,  28*,  41*,  70*,  77*, 

92*,  94*. 

HIGGINS,  R.  BRICE,  4. 
HOCART,  A.  M.,  2,  46,  53,  82,  85,  96. 
HODSON,  T.  C.,  44. 

JOHNSON,  J.  P.,  75. 
JOHNSTON,  SIR  H.  H.,  20. 
JOYCE,  T.  A.,  1,  24*,  40*. 


M.,  B.,  26*,  42*. 
MAC!VER,  D.  RANDALL,  84. 
MANLEY,  J.  J.,  51. 
MARETT,  R.  R.,  32,  73. 
MOIR,  J.  REID,  90. 
MURRAY,  M.  A.,  12. 

PALMER,  H.  R.,  52. 
PASSMORE,  A.  D.,  67. 
PEAKE,  H.,  51. 
PERRY,  W.  J.,   100*. 

RAY,  S.  H.,  34*. 

READ,  CARVETH,  91. 

READ,  SIR  C.  HERCULE*,  11. 

RICHARDS,  F.  J.,  97. 

ROSCOE,  J.,  54*. 

ROSEN,  VON,  49. 

S.,  B.  Z.,  9*. 
SMITH,  R.  A.,  4,  14*,  31. 
SOUTHWARD,  JOHN,  21. 
SPEARING,  H.  G.,  25*,  78*. 
STANNUS,  H.  S.,  65. 

TALBOT,  P.  A.,  71*,  80*,  87*,  99*. 
TEMPLE,  SIR  RICHARD,  19. 
THOMAS,  N.  W.,  3,  7*,  57*. 
TREMEARNE,  A.  J.  N.,  13,  69,  76,  86*, 
95. 

WADDELL,  L.  A.,  39*. 
WERNER,  A.,  15*,  47*,  64,  93*. 


PLATE  A. 


MAM,  1914. 


MAN 


A    MONTHLY  RECORD   OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL   SCIENCE, 

PUBLISHED    UNDER   THE    DIRECTION   OF   THE 
ROYAL   ANTHROPOLOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF   GREAT  BRITAIN   AND  IRELAND. 


N.B. — All  communications  printed  in  MAN  are  signed  or  initialled  by  their 
authors,  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute  desires  it  to  be  understood  that  in  giving 
publicity  to  them  it  accepts  no  responsibility  for  the  opinions  or  statements  expressed. 

N.B. — MAN,  1914,  consists  of  twelve  monthly-published  sheets,  of  at  least  sixteen 
pages  each,  printed  in  single  column;  containing  "  Original  Articles"  and  substantial 
"  Reviews  "  of  recent  publications  ;  all  numbered  consecutively  1,  2,  3,  onwards. 

N.B.  —  Articles  published  in  MAN  should  be  quoted  by  the  year  and  the 
reference-number  of  the  article,  not  by  the  page-reference ;  e.g.,  the  article  which 
begins  on  page  4  should  be  quoted  as  MAN,  1914,  4. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Mexico :  Archaeology.         With  Plate  A.  Joyce. 

Note  on  a  Sculptured  Stone  Chest  -from    the   Panuco  Valley.      By     4 

T.  A.  Joyce,  M.A. 

The  stone  chest,  of  which  the  four  sides  are  figured  on  Plate  A,  was  acquired 
by  the  British  Museum  in  1879,  together  with  five  stone  sculptures  originating  from 
the  Huaxtec  country,  in  the  region  of  the  Panuco  Valley,  Mexico.  It  is  cut  from 
solid  greyish  volcanic  rock,  and  is  of  the  following  dimensions  : — 

Exterior — Length,  76  cm.  ;    breadth,  56  cm.  ;    height,  35  cm. 
Interior — Length,  60  cm. ;    breadth,  41  cm. ;   height,  25  cm. 

The  vipper  edge  is  furnished  with  a  rabbet  (45  mm.  by  25  mm.),  over  which  fits  a 
solid  lid  of  similar  stone,  shaped  like  a  truncated  pyramid.  This  lid,  not  shown  in 
the  illustration,  measures  at  the  base  80  cm.  by  63  cm.,  and  at  the  top  70  cm.  by 
48  cm.  ;  it  is  22  cm.  deep,  and  slightly  hollowed  out  so  as  to  fit  over  the  rabbet  of 
the  chest. 

As  can  be  seen  from  the  plate,  the  sides  of  the  chest  are  sculptured  in  bold 
relief  with  a  design  which  is  practically  identical  in  each  case.  Two  figures  are 
seated  facing  one  another,  stretching  out  their  hands  towards  a  head  (or  mask) 
which  lies  on  the  ground  between  them,  and  from  which  springs  what  is  perhaps 
a  plume  of  feathers. 

The  right-hand  figure  wears  a  cipactli  or  eecatl  mask ;  the  left-hand  figure 
either  carries  a  small  mouth  mask,  like  that  seen  on  Zapotec  pottery  figures,  or  is 
furnished  with  a  fleshless  jaw,  which  frequently  appears  among  the  Maga  as  an 
attribute  of  the  death-god.  The  head  between  the  two  figures  is  similar  to  that  of 
the  figure  on  the  left.  The  work  is  stilF  and  archaic  in  character,  but  here  and 
there  some  attempt  at  elaboration  appears,  e.g.,  in  the  treatment  of  the  dress  of  the 
left-hand  figure  on  Plate  A3.  At  first  sight  it  looks  as  if  the  three  dots  above 
the  central  head  might  form  part  of  a  date,  but  they  may  equally  well  be  merely 
part  of  the  ornamental  head-dress. 

Again  the  left-hand  figure  appears  to  be  accompanied  by  numerical  signs,  in 
fig.  2  by  a  double  curl  which  may  be  equivalent  to  the  Maga  sign  for  0  ;  in  fig  1, 


Nos,  1-2.]  MAxV.  [1914. 

by  1  ;  in  fig.  4,  by  2  ;  and  in  fig.  3,  by  3.  The  right-hand  figure,  on  the  other 
hand,  is  only  once  accompanied  by  what  may  be  a  numeral,  namely,  in  fig.  1,  where 
that  numeral  may  be  2.  However,  the  raised  circle  is  so  common  as  an  ornamental 
element  in  the  carving  of  this  chest  that  these  signs  may  not  be  numerals  at  all, 
and  the  chest,  like  the  other  known  monuments  of  Huaxtec  art,  may  be  devoid  of 
glyphs  altogether. 

Chests  of  this  nature  were  used  in  the  Mexican  valley  as  receptacles  for  the 
ashes  of  the  dead,  and  by  analogy,  it  may  be  concluded  that  this  specimen  also  is  a 
coffin.  If  this  is  so,  and  if  the  sculptured  scene  be  considered  symbolical  rather 
than  calendrical,  and  the  right-hand  figure  be  taken  to  represent  eecatl,  then  the 
whole  device  may  portray  the  death-god  and  life-god  struggling  for  possession  of  the 
deceased.  If  the  right-hand  figure  be  taken  as  a  cipactli-headed  deity,  and  therefore 
an  earth-god,  the  picture  may  be  meant  to  show  the  deceased  in  the  hands  of  the 
lords  of  the  underworld.  Of  these  two  explanations,  the  latter  is,  I  think,  preferable, 
but  I  do  not  pretend  that  it  is  entirely  satisfactory,  and  I  should  be  only  too  glad 
to  receive  suggestions.  It  is  in  the  hope  of  eliciting  these  that  I  venture  to  publish 
the  photographs  of  the  chest,  though  the  interest  of  the  specimen,  owing  to  the 
comparative  rarity  of  Huaxtec  carvings  in  museums,  is  sufficient  excuse. 

T.  A.  JOYCE. 


Fiji :  Ethnology.  Hocart. 

Note  on  the  Dual  Organisation  in  Fiji.  By  A.  M.  Hocart.  A 

The  ethnology  of  the  smaller  islands  of  Fiji  and  the  east  coast  of  Viti  tm 
Levu  yielded  abundant  evidence  that  the  dual  organisation  once  existed  in  parts  of  Fiji 
or  among  one  of  the  races  that  enter  into  the  composition  of  the  Eastern  Fijians.* 
On  returning  to  Fiji  as  research  student  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  T  have  been 
able  to  ascertain  its  present  existence  in  the  valleys  of  the  Ndreketi  and  Wainunu 
rivers  of  Vanua  Levu. 

Pending  a  more  complete  account  of  the  evidence  collected,  the  following 
summary  may  be  of  interest. 

The  two  moieties  are  called  vosa,  a  word  identified  by  the  natives,  rightly  or 
wrongly,  with  the  Mbauan  vusa,  a  tribe  or  family.  They  have  little  practical 
importance  beyond  that  a  man  must  marry  into  the  opposite  vosa.  The  only  other 
use  I  could  discover  was,  that  in  the  game  of  tingga  (reed  throwing)  the  players 
were  divided  into  two  camps  according  to  vosa.  A  man  belongs  to  his  mother's  vosa. 

Perhaps  the  most  suggestive  feature  is  that  the  vosa  are  called  vosa  turanga 
and  vosa  dhauravou  respectively.  I  have  shown  in  another  paperf  that  turanaa 
may  mean  elder,  or  noble  ;  dhauravou,  younger,  or  plebeian.  Which  meaning  must 
we  adopt  here  ?  Evidently  a  difference  of  age  is  almost  out  of  the  question,  for 
we  cannot  see  why  one  moiety  should  be  older  than  the  other.  We  must,  therefore, 
conclude  that  one  moiety  was  originally  noble  and  the  other  not.  This  opens  the 
way  to  many  speculations,  which  can  only  be  answered  by  a  complete  survey  of  Fiji 
and  neighbouring  islands.  The  meanings  of  noble  and  plebeian  are  comparatively 
late  ;  therefore  the  names  of  the  vosa  must  also  be  comparatively  late.  There  are 
other  reasons  to  suppose  that  the  dual  organisation  is  not  aboriginal  among  these 
Fijiaus,  but  here  again  a  complete  survey  must  precede  such  a  discussion. 

Among  the  same  tribes  each  man  has  some  animal  or  plant  (I  cannot  call  them 
totems,  for  reasons  to  be  set  forth  in  another  paper).  This  animal  or  plant  is  one 
living  or  growing  in  the  man's  sacred  land.  If  it  is  an  animal,  it  may  haunt  it 
simply  as  a  spirit,  not  in  the  flesh.  As  a  man's  sacred  land  is  his  mother's,  and  he 

*  See  the  Fijian  custom  of  tauvu,  Journ.  It.  Antlvr.  Inst.,  1913,  Vol.  XLIII,  p.  101. 
t  On  the  meaning  of  the  Fijian  word  turanya,  MAN,  1913,  80. 

[     2     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  2-3. 

also  takes  his  mother's  plant  and  animal.  He  may  eat  freely  of  both,  because  "he  is  one 
with  them."*  On  the  other  hand,  he  may  not  eat  his  father's  animal  or  plant,  which 
he  speaks  of  as  his  kalou,  that  is  his  ghost  or  spirit.f  If  he  eats  of  it,  he  gets  sores. 

As  far  as  the  clanj  goes,  these  tribes  are  now  in  a  state  of  transition  from 
matrilineal  descent  to  patrilineal  descent,  the  latter  tending  to  prevail. 

A.  M.  HOC  ART. 

Nigeria,  Southern  :  Linguistics.  Thomas. 

"Slang"  in  Southern  Nigeria.  By  N.  W.  Thomas.  O 

At  Onitsha  and  Asaba,  and  possibly  elsewhere  in  the  Ibo  country,  a  kind  U 
of  backslaug  known  as  akolo  is  spoken,  the  basis  of  which  is  the  ordinary  language. 
It  is  spoken  best,  I  am  imformed,  by  older  men,  but  my  informants  were  youths  of 
seventeen  or  eighteen,  and  their  fluency  left  nothing  to  be  desired. 

The  main  lines  of  formation  are,  (1)  inversion  of  syllables,  often  with  con- 
current vowel  change  ;  (2)  insertion  of  a  syllable  or  syllables  either  in  the  body  of 
the  word,  or  more  often  as  a  suffix  ;  (3)  occasionally  the  dropping  of  a  syllable  in 
a  re-duplicated  word  or  (4)  the  use  of  an  entirely  different  word,  which  is  itself 
reduplicated,  but  has  not  necessarily  either  vowels  or  consonants  in  common  with 
the  original  word. 

Individual  words  are  dealt  with  on  one  principle,  and  the  rules  that  apply  to 
polysyllables  may  be  applied  also  to  combinations  of  words  ;  the  result  is  that  a 
word  used  by  itself  looks  and  sounds  entirely  different  from  the  same  word  used 
with  an  adjective  ;  and  if  the  noun  and  adjective  form  part  of  a  sentence  there  is 
no  limit  to  the  changes  of  form  they  may  undergo. 

Real  monosyllables  are  rare  in  Ibo,  and  it  is  difficult  to  illustrate  the  rules  that 
apply  in  the  case  of  monosyllables  ;  nwa,  child,  becomes  tanwa,  as  though  nwa  were 
nwata ;  mme,  blood,  takes  .1  suffix  and  becomes  mebunke  :  as  the  in  in  mine  is 
double,  it  might  appear  that  this  suffix  is  used  because  the  word  is,  like  nti 
(ntibunke),  practically  a  dissyllable  ;  but  nna,  father,  and  nne,  mother,  make  mnnna, 
munne  ;  though  nnu,  salt,  makes  nubunke  ;  the  rule  is  therefore  uncertain. 

When  we  come  to  dissyllables  we  are  on  firmer  ground  ;  with  consonantal  aidant 
the  syllables  are  simply  reversed  and  n  prefixed  :  mwadu,  person,  ndoma ;  mili,  water, 
nlimi.  Where  the  initial  letter  is  n  followed  by  t,  so  far  as  a  rule  can  \te  derived 
from  a  single  example,  the  word  is  treated  like  one  with  vowel  anlaut,  and  bake, 
beke,  etc.,  suffixed  i.e.,  b  (or  w)  is  interposed  between  the  initial  vowel,  which  of 
course  follows  the  final  vowel  (practically  all  nouns  have  A'owel  anlaut)  and  ke  is 
added  ;  e.g.,  nti,  ear,  ntibunke  (for  ntinbuke).  As  examples  of  vowel  anlaut  may 
be  cited  isi  (nsibike),  head  ;  ainya  (nyabake)  eye  ;  onu  (nuwoke),  neck  ;  an  exception 
is  aka  (okabo)  hand  ;  ano,  four,  is  unchanged  ;  ofu,  one,  takes  a  prefix  n  without 
vowel  change. 

The  difference  of  tone  in  words  otherwise  homonymous  is  to  some  extent  at 
least  preserved  ;  akwa,  egg,  makes  nkwabeke  ;  akwa,  cloth,  makes  nkwabeke. 

In  trisyllables,  syllables  one  and  two  may  be  reversed  :  okporo  (orokpo),  woman  ; 
or  perhaps  only  the  consonants,  for  we  find  okpala  (olakpa),  chief ;  obosi  (osebo), 
day.  In  reduplicated  words  one  syllable  may  be  dropped  and  the  rule  for  dissyllables 
followed,  lu-ici  (neibnkeke),  night ;  ototo  (ntnbokeke),  morning,  an  extra  ke  at  the 

*  Lest  anyone  should  be  tempted  to  make  capital  of  this  expression  in  favour  of  psychological 
theories,  such  as  that  the  savage  cannot  distinguish  between  himself  and  anything  connected  with 
himself,  I  must  point  out  that  there  is  nothing  mystic  in  the  phrase.  It  is  a  common  way  of 
expressing  anything  from  identity  to  membership  of  the  same  clan,  tribe,  &c. 

t  See  on  the  meaning  of  kalou,  Journ.  R.  Anthr.  Inst.,  1912,  Vol.  XLII,  p.  437. 

J  Fijian  matan/jgall  are  not  exogamous  as  a  rule,  but  in  this  and  subsequent  papers  I  propose 
to  call  them  clans,  as  there  is  no  recognised  term  for  such  non-exogamous  groups. 

[     3     ] 


Nos.  3-4.]  MAN.  [1914, 

end  marking  the  reduplication.  Okei,  man,  makes  ikeimwi  ;  asato  (akutu),  eight,  is 
irregular  ;  as  are  ududo  (ukuku),  spider  ;  nnono  (nkuku),  bird  ;  apapa  (okiiku) 
groundnut. 

In  quadrisyllables  nvmbers  two  and  four  may  be  reversed,  agilisi  (asiligi),  hair  ; 
but  we  also  find  orimili  (omiliniri),  Niger  ;  akbakanwu  (anwukckba),  honey  ;  but 
these  are  mainly  compound  words. 

Where  two  dissyllables  are  joined  the  rule  is  simpler  ;  syllables  two  and  four  are 
simply  interchanged,  usually  with  vowel  modification  :  uti  nabi  (mbo  nati),  two  ears  ; 
ainya  nabi  (abo  nainya)  two  eyes  ;  but  where  elision  has  taken  place  the  lost  vowel 
is  reinserted,  but  not  necessarily  in  its  proper  place,  ilin'ofu  (ifuliona),  eleven. 

With  words  of  more  syllables  various  rules  prevail,  ikporo  nabi  (ibo  hanekpo), 
two  women  ;  mili  ozizo  (nzolomimi)  rain. 

Tn  sentences  a  simple  interchange  of  two  consonants  is  sometimes  found,  nkita 
nke  nti  (ntita  nkenka),  the  dog  which  I  beat  ;  in  other  cases  syllable  two  is  replaced 
by  syllable  three  and  itself  becomes  syllable  four,  oru  bia  (obi  eru)  ;  in  dealing  with 
reduplication  the  number  of  syllable  is  sometimes  changed,  ogabia  tata  (ogatabiabia). 
But  certain  words  appear  to  retain  the  same  form  as  when  they  are  pronounced  alone 
.  important  verbs  have  a  special  form,  e.g.  mwadu  li  nni  (ndoma  fe  ili),  the 
man  is  eating  ;  mwadu  ola  (ndoma  de),  the  man  is  drinking  ;  rnwadu  ol'  ola  (ndoma 
di  uku),  the  man  is  sleeping. 

Dissyllabic    verbs    may    be    simply    reversed,    jebe    (beje),  go ;    or    they    may  be 

lengthened,  bia  (diabiowa),  come.     Di owa  appears  in  affirmative  sentences  as  the 

mark  of  the  verb  :  anom  adi  cowa  kan  azulegu  (anam  aco  ka  ngol'  azu),  I  want  to 
buy  fish. 

The  following  text  was  recorded  from  the  same  tAvo  informants  ;  a  plionogram 
of  a  conversation  was  also  taken,  but  the  speakers  were  totally  unable  to  reproduce 
it  for  transcription  : — 

Kam  akwulue  adiwo  suowa,  emelenoiembe,  ka  onye  kwe  nihosimande. 

Akulu  nka  wasu,  ebel'  emem  ka  oku  ainyi  aderomwa. 

This  akolo  that  they  speak,  I  am  sorry  our  word  is  not  good. 

Kamanoka  kwande  nainyibeke  gadinowa,  egwainyeke,  eke  homilu. 

K'odi  n'onwa  (?)  ainyi   gana,  ike  egu  ainyi,  ike  elurom. 

As  it  is,  we  will  go,  we  tire,  I  am  unable. 

Nyana  gadikp'owa  nyebakono,  ogadi  ainyi  tiowa. 

Nnainyi  gakpo,  ainyi  noka,  ogatie  ainyi. 

Our  father  will  curse  us,  we  stay  long,  he  will  beat  us. 

JSTyeba  adeka  gakpowa  inyebe,  kade  pwadiainyi  edizi  epowa. 

Ainyi  kaya  (?),  gakpo  b'ainyi  (k'ainyi  na),  wa  gwa  ainyi  pu  n'ezi. 

We  stay  long,  they  will  curse  us,  our  mates,  let  us  go,  they  will   say  to  us, 

go  outside. 

The  first  line  is  Akolo,  the  second  ordinary  Ibo.  The  numbers  above  vowels 
indicate  the  tone,  one  being  the  high  tone.  In  this  transcription  e  and  o  are  open, 
e,  o  closed.  The  bracketed  words  are  Akolo.  N.  W.  THOMAS. 


England  :  Archssology.  Higrgins  :  Smith. 

Flint  Implements  of  Moustier  Type  and  Associated  Mam-  1 
malian  Remains  from  the  Crayford  Brick-earths.  By  R.  Brice  T 
Higgins  (read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  4th  November 
1913):  with  a  Note  by  R.  A.  Smith. 

The  purpose  of  this  paper  and  exhibition  of  flint  implements  together  with 
associated  mammalian  remains  is  to  show  the  close  resemblance  which  exists  between 
these  finds  in  the  Crayford  Brick-earths,  and  some  of  the  Moustier  period  of  the 

[     4     ] 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[No,  4. 


French  archaeologists.  Not  only  do  they  enable  us  to  fix  a  precise  date  for  the 
Crayford  deposit,  but  at  the  same  time  the  specimens  provide  an  important  link  in 
fitting  in  the  Thames  Valley  with  that  of  the  Somme. 

The  Crayford  brick-earths  form  part  of  what  is  called  the  50-foot  terrace  of  the 
Thames  Valley,  and  consist  of  a  deposit  of  sandy  clay  material  overlaid  by  a  trail  of 
Blackheath  pebbles,  which  has  been  washed  down  from  the  adjoining  hillside.  The 
deposit  has  been  laid  down  against  an  old  river  cliff  of  chalk  and  Thanet  sand,  and 
in  the  thickest  portion  is  from  40  feet  to  60  feet  in  depth,  the  brick-earth  gradually 
thinning  out  towards  the  gravels  and  alluvium  of  the  present  river.  The  extreme 
levels  of  the  brick-earth  appear  to  extend  from  about  Ordnance  datum,  at  the  base, 
to  the  land  surface,  some  60  feet  or  more  above  that  point. 

About  1880  Mr.  F.  C.  J.  Spurrell  discovered  implements  and  fossil  remains  in 
an  old  pit  half  a  mile  or  so  distant  from  the  present  pits  and  on  the  same  formation, 
and  recently  Messrs.  Leach  and  Chandler  have  paid  close  attention  to  the  geological 
features  of  the  present  excavations,  and  given  full  particulars  in  the  Proceedings  of 


(Reproduced  by  kind  permission.) 

the  Geologists'  Association.*  It  is  to  these  gentlemen  that  I  am  indebted  for  much 
of  the  above  information,  and  I  am  allowed  to  include  the  diagram  published  by  the 
Association. 

The  specimens  shown  have  taken  me  some  four  or  five  years  to  collect  ;  they  were 
all  found  deeply  embedded  in  the  brick-earth,  and  came  from  between  the  levels  of 
30  feet  and  50  feet  above  Ordnance  datum,  the  implements  being  obtained  mainly  from 
between  the  levels  of  30  feet  and  40  feet  Ordnance  datum  Both  the  mammalian 
remains  and  the  flints  have  been  obtained  direct  from  the  workmen  engaged  in  the  pits, 
and  there  is  no  reason  to  question  the  bona  fides  of  these  men.  The  implements 
include  all  that  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  and  have  in  no  way  been  selected  for  the 
present  occasion.  The  mammalian  remains  have  been  examined  and  named  by 
Dr.  A.  Smith  Woodward,  and  comprise  the  following,  viz.  : — 

Felis  leo — three  teeth. 

Canis  lupus — right  mandible. 

Elephas  primigenins — three  molars  and  portions  of  tusks. 

Rhinoceros  antiquitatis — five  molars  and  one  premolar. 

Equus  sp.  (large  form) — several  teeth  and  bones. 

Bos  primigenius — upper  molar. 

*  Prw:   Geol.  Assoc.,  Vol.  ?3,  p.  186. 


No.  4,] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


FlG.   1.— FLINT   IMPLEMENT   WITH 
FACETTED  BUTT,   CRAYFORD. 


The  flints  are  typical  Moustier,  and  are  described  by  Mr.  Reginald  Smith  in  the 
following  note.  We  have  accordingly  implements  of  this  period  associated  with  a  fauna 
well  known  to  be  of  the  same  age,  and  all  deeply  embedded  in  the  deposit.  The  bones 
of  the  mammals  are  found  in  their  natural  position,  the  cutting  edges  of  the  implements 
are  as  sharp  as  on  the  day  of  manufacture,  and  both  are  evidently  of  the  same  age  as 
the-  deposit  itself  ;  there  can  therefore  be  no  hesitation  in  assigning  the  Crayford 
brick-earths  to  the  Moustier  period.  R.  BRICE  HIGGINS. 

NOTE. 

A  considerable  addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Thames  drift-deposits  has  been 
made  through  Mr.  Higgins'  long  and  patient  observation  of  the  brick-earth  pits  at 
Crayford.  Collectors  would  say  that  the  deposit 
was  sterile,  or  would  point  to  Mr.  Spurrell's  finds 
of  thirty  years  ago  as  the  only  evidence  of  date,  fauna, 
and  industry.  Remarkable  as  it  was,  that  discovery 
did  not  settle  the  question,  for  the  flint  chips  found 
in  close  association  with  the  ja\v  of  a  rhinoceros  lay 
not  in,  but  under,  the  brick-earth,  on  sand  which 
seemed  to  have  been  derived  from  the  Thanet  sand 
on  top  of  the  cliff,  at  the  foot  of  which  they  were 
found  undisturbed.  Several  of  these  flints  are  ex- 
hibited with  the  jaw-bone  at  the  Natural  History 
Museum,  and  are  in  marked  contrast  to  Mr.  Higgins' 
find.  In  the  first  place  they  are  quite  unchanged, 
black,  without  lustre,  quite  sharp  and  unrolled.  That 
they  came  from  a  workshop  floor  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  many  of  them  have 
been  refitted  together,  and  some  were  evidently  struck  off  to  make  an  implement 
(subsequently  found  in  close  proximity),  which  fills  the  space  left  in  the  centre  of 
the  reconstituted  nodule.  They  are  short  and  relatively  broad,  with  medium  bulbs  of 
percussion,  and  evidently  waste  flakes,  the  sole  object  being  to  make  an  implement 
of  the  core,  as  was  usual  in  the  Drift  period.  Such  was  the  flint  industry  before 
the  deposition  of  the  brick-earth  ;  and  this  recent  discovery,  confirmed  by  other  finds 
in  England,  shows  that  a  change  had  taken  place  and  that  the  flint- worker's  aim  was 
^_  JTv.  to  make  implements  out  of  the  struck  flakes,  not  out  of  the  core. 

This  change  ushered  in  the  palaeolithic  Cave-period. 

The    following    description  includes    all    collected   by  Mr.  Higgins 

that  have  any  distinctive  features  :  — 

1.  Unpatinated  brown  flake,  4  in.  by  2%  in.,   with   yellow  spots   and   knots   of 
different  density  ;  made  into  a  shapely  implement  by  flaking  the  upper  face  before 
it  was  detached  from   the   core,  and   subsequently  worn   by  use   as   a    side-scraper 
(racloir)  along  half  one  edge  neat  the  point.      The  bulb  is  large  and   the    bulbar 
face  is  plain,  but  the  platform  above  the  bulb  is  much  facetted  and  gives  the  base 
a   curved   outline.      This   peculiarity   is   in    exact    accordance   with  the   form   and 
technique  of  the   implement,    and    has    already    been   noticed    at   Northfleet    and 
Amiens  (Archceologia,  LXII,  528.)    (Fig.  1.) 

2.  Patinated  flake,  4*8  in.  by  2'3   in.,  the  original   black   or   purplish   brown 
merging  into  white,  and  all  the  stages  being  represented.     Same  technique  as  No.  1, 

^ess   8uccessful   as   an    implement,    and  not    used.       Bulbar    face   plain    with 
nt    bulb,    and    platform    facetted    as    before  :    the    upper,    convex    face   with 

longitudinal  flakes,  without  secondary  work  (cf.  flakes  on  plate  Ixxiv  of  Archaologia, 

LXII.)     (Fig.  2.) 

3.  Unequally  patinated   flake,   5   in.  by  2 -4  in.,  the   upper   face   with   central 
ridge   and   some  lateral  flaking,   bluish   white   with   unpatinated  yellowish   knots ; 

under  face   plain  with   bulb  and  facetted  platform,  translucent  brown  clouded  in  parts  with  bluish 
white,  the  patination  being  not  so  advanced  as  on  the  worked  face. 

[    6    ] 


FlG.  2. — FLINT 
FLAKE   WITH 

FACETTED 
BUTT,   CRAY- 
FORD. 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[No.  4, 


FIG.  3.— 

FLINT 
FLAKE,  BUTT 

BROKEN, 
CRAYFOKD. 


4.  Unequally  patinated  flake,  4 -2  in.  by  1*9  in.,  similar  to  last  but  mottled  white  on  bulbar 
face,  and  only  speckled  on  the  upper  face,  which  has  crust  along  one  edge.  The  patination  is  most 
advanced  just  below  the  crust.  In  this  specimen  the  platform  is  not  facetted,  and  the  bulb 
fairly  flat. 

».  Marbled  flake,  4  in.  by  3 -2  in.,  chiefly  white,  the  patination  being  earlier  than  the  human 
work  as  it  lies  just  below  the  original  crust,  the  interior  being  black  and  showing  aa  blue  through 
the  thinner  parts  of  the  white  fllm.  The  material  is  faulty  and  the  bulb  missing, 
but  the  convex  face  has  bold  longitudinal  flaking,  and  the  breadth  of  the  flake  is 
exceptional. 

6.  Patinated  flake,  3' 5  in.   by  1'6  in.,  white  on  the  convex  face   and    speckled 
on  the  plain  bulbar  face.    The  bulb  is  missing,  the  butt  showing  a  hinge  fracture  ; 
and  the  work   is   confined  to  longitudinal  flakes  on  the   upper  face.       One  edge  is 
practically  straight,  the   other  curves  from  the  middle  and  meets  the  straight  edge 
in  a  point  that  approaches  the  form  of  a  graver,  though  probably  without  intention. 
There  are  slight  traces  of  use  on  the  curved  edge.    (Fig.  3.) 

7.  Patinated   flake,  3' 7    in.    by  1'5   in.,   much  like   No.  6,  but  thinnest   at  the 
point,  which  is  rounded.      Convex  face  with  clean  central  rib,  crust   along  part  of 
one   edge,    base   a  transverse  fracture,  and  the  bulbar  face  (bulb  missing)  speckled 
white  with  small  knots.    (Fig.  4.) 

8.  Black  and  dark  grey  implement  with  curved  knife-edge  447  in.  by  2-1  in.,  the 
junction  of  the  two  colours  being  clearly  seen   in   the   thick   squared   back.     There 
is_  no  true  patina,   the    black  portion   lying  between   the   thin   crust   and  the   grey 
layer    which  often   occurs    as   knots.       Bulb  at    pointed    end   with  remains    of    a 

facetted   platform,  bold  flaking  on  other  face,  and  a  broad  back  that  is   well  adapted  for  the  hand 
and  index  finger.     Signs  of  use  on  the  cutting-edge. 

9.  Black  flake,  3' 5  in.  by  2  in.  of  inferior  quality,  with  thin  crust.     Bulb  with  facetted  platform 
and  bulbar  cavity  on  the  upper  face,  which  is  ridged  longitudinally. 

10.  Splinter,  2 -6  in.  long,  with   triangular  section,  purplish  with  white  splashes   and   specks  of 
patina,  and  bulb  at  one  end;  quality  as  No.  4. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  Mr.  Spurrell  does  not  give  exact  particulars  of  the  height 
at  which  his  working  floor  was  found.  He  states  that  it  sloped  from  36  feet  to 
42  feet  below  the  surface  of  the  pit,  and  his  diagram*  may  be  taken  to  indicate  a 
surface  height  of  70  feet  Ordnance  datum.  This  would  give  the  floor  a  height  of 
28  feet  to  34  feet  Ordnance  datum,  which  is  almost  identical  with  that  of  the 
Northfleet  floor,  4  feet  to  14  feet  below  the  surface  of  45  feet  O.D.,  or  30  feet 
to  40  feet  O.D.  The  latter  series  showed  all  stages  of  patina  from 
black  to  white,  through  blue  and  bluish  white,  according  to  the  depth 
and  extent  of  the  white  film  ;  whereas  Mr.  Spurrell's  flints  are  exactly 
the  .same  as  the  day  they  were  struck  off  the  nodule  ;  and  there  are 
other  grounds  for  treating  the  two  series  as  distinct,  and  not  contem- 
porary. There  may  be  some  difference  in  the  fauna  ;  but  Mr.  Higgins' 
exhibit  shows  the  typical  mammoth  fauna  in  the  brick-earth,  and 
Professor  Boyd  Dawkius  found  a  skull  of  rnusk  ox  in  Stoneham's  pit,  the 
site  of  Spurrell's  discovery. 

Reference  to  the  illustrations  will  facilitate  comparison  with  the 
Northfleet  industry,  which  is  represented  by  the  bulk  of  the  worked 
flints  fouud  in  a  corner  of  the  Southfleet  pit  in  connection  with  a 
deposit  identified  as  Coombe  Rock.  That  series  has  been  studied  in 
detail,  and  is  found  to  be  identical  with  specimens  from  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Amiens,  in  the  Somme  Valley.  Professor  Commont  has  in  more 
than  one  instance  been  successful  in  fitting  the  flake  implement  to 
its  original  tortoise-shaped  core,  thus  putting  the  method  of  manufacture  beyond  all 
doubt  ;  and  from  sufficient  internal  and  external  evidence,  he  attributes  the  industry 
to  an  early  stage  of  the  period  named  after  Le  Moustier. 

*  Quart.  Journ.  Geol.  Soc.,  XXXVI  (1880),  547  ;  A.  L.  Leach  gives  some  particulars  in  Proc.  Geol. 
Assoc.,  XIX  (1906),  141,  and  section  opp.  p.  100.  For  the  shells  and  sections  at  Crayford  gee  B.  B. 
Woodward's  paper  in  Proc.  Geol.  Assoc.,  xi.,  375-7. 

[    7    ] 


Nos.  4-5.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


A  fine  specimen  of  this  particular  type  from  Le  Moustier  cave  itself  is  in  the 
British  Museum  ;  and  another,  5'9  in.  long.,  not  so  perfect  but  still  above  the  average, 
is  here  illustrated  (Fig.  5),  by  kind  permission  of  Miss  Layard,  who  found  it  in  a  gravel 
pit  near  Bury  St.  Edmund's.  Others  have  been  found  in  river-gravel  at  Farnham, 
Surrey,  and  at  Dunbridge,  Hants,*  proving  that  the  Northfleet  type  is  not  a  local 
or  personal  peculiarity.  The  distinctive  features  are  an  outline  approaching  the  oval, 
broader  at  the  bulbar  end  ;  the  under  face  plain  with  an  unusually  large  and  prominent 
bulb,  sometimes  trimmed  away,  and  a  blunt  butt  curved  by  means  of  a  number  of 
facets.  The  trimming  of  the  upper  or  convex  face  was  finished  before  the  implement 
was  detached  from  the  core,  unless  the  outline  proved  to  be  irregular  or  the  bulb  too 
prominent.  M.  Commont  has  well  explained  the  connection  between  the  facetting 
and  the  enormous  bulb  of  percussion,!  and  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  former  was 
intentional  and  the  latter  an  inseparable  accident. 

The  theory  is  that  the  force  of  the  blow  detaching  the  flake  from  the  core  is 
dissipated  over  the  entire  platform  or  striking  plane,  so  that  when  the  latter  is 
split  up  into  several  facets,  the  force  is  concentrated  in  a  much  smaller  area,  and 

produces  a  correspondingly  large  bulb 
immediately  below  the  point  of  impact. 
The  facetting  would  serve  to  shape  the 
butt  to  the  hand,  getting  rid  of  sharp 
angles  and  giving  the  desired  solidity. 
Further  details  of  the  Northfleet  industry 
may  be  found  in  Archceologia,  LXII, 
Part  ii,  p.  515,  and  it  only  remains  to 
emphasize  the  importance  of  Mr.  Higgins' 
discovery.  Though  he  has  found  no 
specimens  of  first-class  workmanship — 
and  such  would  not  commonly  be  left 
among  the  debris  of  a  workshop  floor — 
his  flakes  are  evidence  enough  of  Le 
Moustier  culture  on  the  lower  Thames 
during  or  before  the  deposition  of  the 
brick-earth  of  Crayford,  and  the  Northfleet 
series  is  held  to  prove  a  similar  occupa- 
tion before  the  middle  or  50-foot  terrace  was  overwhelmed  by  an  avalanche  of  half- 
frozen  mud,  now  known  as  Coombe  Rock.  Geologically  this  is  an  important  step 
forward,  and  while  indicating  the  enormous  antiquity  of  Le  Moustier  man,  inspires 
the  hope  that  further  investigation  will  before  long  reveal  the  culture  of  those  who 
lived  on  the  still  lower  terrace  of  the  Thames.  R.  A.  SMITH. 


FlG.   5. — FLINT   IMPLEMENT  WITH  FACETTED 
BUTT,   BURY  ST.   EDMUNDS. 


America :  Arcliaeology.  Breton. 

Archaeology   in  America.     By  Miss  A.  C.  Breton.  C 

Expeditions  continue  to  be  sent  for  the  study  of  different  parts  of  this  U 
great  field  of  exploration.  Dr.  K.  Th.  Preuss,  of  Berlin,  started  in  September  for 
Southern  Colombia,  where  the  curious  ancient  tombs  and  statues  have  recently 
attracted  attention.  In  Mexico,  the  work  of  the  International  School  of  American 
Ethnology  and  Archasology  progressed  very  satisfactorily  during  the  season  of 
1912-13,  under  the  direction  of  M.  Georges  Engerrand.  The  investigation  of  the 
stratification  of  the  archaeological  remains  was  carried  on  in  two  places  on  a  much  larger 
scale  than  in  the  previous  year,  and  a  good  deal  of  interesting  linguistic  material  was 

*  Proc.  Soc.  Antiq.,  XXIV,  110. 

f  L'indusMe   Mousterienne   dans   la    region  du  Xord  de   la  France.     (Congres   pr£historique  de 
France.     Beauvais,  1909,  p.  115.) 

[     8     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  5. 

also  obtained.  Professor  A.  M.  Tozzer,  of  Harvard,  is  in  charge  for  1913-14,  and  hopes 
to  continue  the  study  of  the  stratification  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico.  The  school 
needs  further  support,  its  total  income  for  all  salaries,  student-fellowships,  and 
research  work  being  at  present  2,000/. 

Professor  Max  Uhle,  an  honorary  fellow  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute, 
has  been  chief  of  the  Government  Department  of  Ethnology  and  Archaeology  at 
Santiago,  Chile,  since  1912,  and  was  in  Northern  Chile  from  May  to  September  1913, 
making  excavations  at  several  places.  He  writes  : — 

"  Extremely  interesting  are  the  remains  of  a  very  ancient  pre-pottery  race 
near  Coquimbo,  of  which  Mr.  Latcham  has  given  so  good  a  description,  though 
I  cannot  confirm  his  view  that  the  layers  prove  a  later  submersion  below  sea  level. 
I  also  observed  the  unexpected  great  age  of  the  well-painted  pottery  (similar  in 
type  to  that  of  the  Calchaqni),  hitherto  supposed  to  date  from  near  the  time  of  the 
Incas.  From  Caldera  north  to  Antofagasta  there  are  now  scarcely  any  remains  of 
the  Changes  along  the  coast.  Fishermen  have  destroyed  everything  superficial,  and 
anything  still  left  could  only  be  studied  by  takiug  a  boat  or  motor  launch  during 
the  summer  season.  The  coast  is  too  inhospitable  for  travelling  with  horses  owing 
to  the  complete  lack  of  all  resources.  A  few  individual  Changes  are  still  living, 
but  they  do  not  like  to  be  called  Changos,  nor  to  be  measured  or  photographed,  and 
there  seems  to  be  no  remnant  of  their  language.  Their  ancient  graves  contain 
scarcely  any  pottery  or  artifacts  and  no  textiles  or  wooden  implements. 

"  Further  north  at  Pic-halo,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Pisagua,  I  found  some 
ancient  cemeteries  on  the  slopes  of  the  desert,  waterless  hills  that  fall  steeply  to 
the  bay.  Most  of  the  graves  had  been  already  ransacked,  but  the  excavations  which 
I  conducted  in  others  made  it  possible  to  determine  three  different  periods.  One 
showed  the  proto-Nazca  influence,  with  primitive  textiles,  fine  knotted  caps,  highly 
developed  basketry,  and  a  very  primitive  style  of  burial.  Deformation  of  the  skull 
was  already  practised.  Owing  to  the  dry  climate  and  the  steepness  of  the  slope 
(36  deg.)  the  artifacts  and  mummies  are  wonderfully  preserved  and  thirty-five 
mummies  were  secured.  The  '  female '  throwing-stick  was  the  weapon  used  at  this 
period.  In  another  cemetery  the  influence  of  the  monuments  of  Tiahuanaco  is 
visible  in  the  designs  of  some  of  the  textiles.  The  poncho  and  the  bow  appear, 
and  the  manner  of  burial  becomes  less  savage.  A  third  burial-place  has  resemblances 
in  the  style  of  the  mummies,  and  wooden  and  bone  objects,  to  those  of  the 
Atacamenos  that  1  discovered  at  Calama.  Pottery  appears  only  with  objects  of 
the  post-Tiahuanaco  period,  and  painted  pottery  is  still  exceptional  in  that  of  the 
Atacamenos.  But  near  the  same  place  were  many  fragments  of  good  painted 
pottery,  ornamented  in  a  different  style,  and  belonging  perhaps  to  another  culture, 
whose  graves  may  have  been  destroyed  by  the  construction  of  the  modern  town. 
This  last  culture  exists  also  at  Arica  and  Camarrones. 

"  At  Pichalo  I  also  excavated  a  cave,  now  about  twenty  metres  above  sea-level, 
although  boulders  on  the  floor  show  that  at  one  time  the  sea  entered.  It  appears 
to  have  been  inhabited  at  several  periods  ;  the  earliest  remains  indicate  that  the 
occupiers  lived  on  algaB,  made  ropes,  and  later  some  simple  garments  from  the 
reeds  of  the  Pisagua  river.  Three  periods,  with  mummies,  Avere  represented  in 
the  stratification — those  that  I  have  called  '  after  proto-Nazca,'  '  after  Tiahuanaco,' 
and  Atacameno.  I  am  taking  back  forty -one  cases  of  objects  for  the  museum  at 
Santiago  and  they  will  afford  material  for  further  study,  whilst  important  facts  may 
be  brought  out  respecting  the  early  inhabitants.  Some  of  the  mummy-packs 
contained  a  number  of  small  stone  chips,  not  worked  according  to  the  established 
standards,  but  evidently  used  as  implements."  A.  C.  BRETON. 

[     9     J 


No.  6.]  MAN.  [1914. 

REVIEWS 
Japan:  Prehistory.  Munro. 

Prehistoric    Japan.         By    Neil    Gordon    Munro,    M.D.          Yokohama  :     1911.      O 
Edinburgh  :   W.  Bryce,  54,  Lothiau   Street.  U 

Two  distinct  prehistoric  cultures  are  met  with  in  Japan,  with  traces  of  a  third. 
The  earliest  of  these  is  characterised  by  implements  of  a  neolithic  type,  the  relics 
being  dug  up  from  the  soil  or  from  shell-heaps  ;  and  the  stone  axes  therein  found 
are  called  "  thunder  axes."  The  implements  are  polished,  finely  chipped,  or  even 
roughly  hewn  ;  metallic  objects  are  absent,  except  in  very  rare  instances  in  which  the 
sites  are  overlaid  by  relics  of  a  later  culture.  Some  implements  have  a  spade-like 
shape.  Records  of  the  Sui  Dynasty,  of  about  the  seventh  century  A.D.,  state  that 
implements  of  stone  were  used  for  agriciilture  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Luchus,  but 
agriculture  has  not  been  conclusively  proved  for  the  "neolithic"  people  of  Japan. 
Stone  arrow-heads  of  very  varied  form  are  common,  stone  spear-heads  and  stone  batons 
also  occur.  The  pottery  is  hand-made,  in  many  grades,  from  rough  brick  to  the  finest 
terra-cotta  (the  latter  in  the  upper  layers),  the  finer  grades  being  more  common  in 
north  Japan  ;  occasionally  the  primitive  pottery  is  covered  with  a  slip  of  finer  clay. 
As  a  rule  the  pottery  is  imperfectly  baked.  Many  of  the  vessels  were  made  by  the 
coiling  process.  Impressions  of  coarse  textiles  are  common.  The  vessels  are  richly 
ornamented  with  moulded  designs,  incised  patterns,  and  so  forth  ;  some  of  these,  as 
Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce  (Journ.  R.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Vol.  XLII,  "  Miscellanea,"  p.  545)  has 
pointed  out,  strangely  recall  the  pottery  fragments  that  have  been  unearthed  in 
Collingwood  Bay,  Papua.  The  people  of  this  period  probably  lived  in  light 
shelters  during  the  six  months  of  warm  weather,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  year  in  pit 
dwellings.  Their  food  consisted  largely  of  shell-fish  and  fish  ;  among  land  animals 
the  remains  of  boar  arid  deer  are  most  abundant ;  the  vegetable  food  included 
walnuts,  chestnuts,  etc.,  probably  the  wild  potato,  arrowroot,  and  bracken  were  eaten, 
but  as  yet  no  grain  has  been  discovered.  Concerning  the  vexed  question  of  the 
practice  of  cannibalism  as  suggested  by  the  finding  of  broken  human  bones  mingled 
with  those  of  other  animals,  Dr.  Munro  says  :  "  I  think  they  can  best  be  explained 
"  by  the  conclusion  that  anthropophagy  had  lingered  on  in  a  fitful  and  attenuated 
"  degree,  perhaps  associated  with  religious  ritual,  into  the  era  which  produced  the 
"  neolithic  shelhnounds,  but  that  general  cannibalism  had  lapsed  before  their 
''  formation."  The  clay  images  afford  evidence  of  the  dress  and  methods  of  hair- 
dressing  and  tatooing  ;  among  other  trinkets  there  is  found  for  the  first  time  the 
mayatama,  or  curved  jewel,  a  name  possibly  derived  from  maga  (curved)  and  the 
archaic  Japanese  or  Yamato  word  tume  (a  talon).  The  author  agrees  with  D.  Sato 
and  S.  Sato  in  recognising  a  similarity  between  the  designs  on  the  pottery  of  these 
early  folk  and  the  patterns  of  the  Ainu,  though  Professor  Tsuboi  maintains  that  they 
are  fundamentally  different. 

There  is  a  type  of  pottery  widely  distributed  from  north  to  south  which  was 
not  turned  on  a  wheel  ;  it  is  generally  known  as  Yayoishki,  or  Yayoi  style,  but 
Dr.  Munro  proposes  to  call  it  chukan,  or  intermediate.  The  character  of  the  paste 
varies,  and  resembles  the  finer  grades  of  the  primitive  pottery  rather  than  the 
sepulchral  pottery  of  the  Yamato  ;  none  of  it  attains  the  hardness  of  stoneware.  It 
is  often  marked  externally  and  sometimes  internally  with  scored  lines  made  by 
combs  ;  there  is  little  attempt  at  moulded  decoration.  In  shape  this  pottery  is 
said  to  approximate  to  the  Malay.  The  total  absence  of  the  primitive  pottery 
from  Yamato  tombs  with  the  occasional  presence  of  the  intermediate  is  highly 
significant. 

Indications  exist  that  a  bronze  culture  intervened  in  the  south  between  the  stone 
and  iron  phases.  Bronze  swords,  halberds,  and  arrow-heads  are  found  in  the  soil,  as 

[     10     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  6. 

well  as  bronze  bells  and  moulds.  Tbese  do  not  occur  in  sites  of  tbe  stone  culture, 
nor  iu  Yamato  tombs. 

Japanese  historians  and  archaeologists  speak  of  a  "  Yamato  race,"  at  all  events 
tlie  "country  of  the  Yamato,"  as  mentioned  in  the  Chinese  records  of  the  third 
century  A.D.,  was  the  seat  of  a  dominant  authority  iu  ancient  Japan.  The  term 
may  be  retained  with  advantage  to  extend  to  the  historic  period  proper,  which  opens 
about  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  A.D.  The  influx  of  the  Yamato  began 
between  1000  and  500  B.C.  The  main  feature  of  this  culture  was  iron,  though  in 
the  earlier  phases,  probably  before  the  formation  of  the  great  "  dolmens,"  bronze 
implements  were  employed.  The  large  oval  bronze  bells,  which  do  not  occur  in 
Yamato  tombs,  are  of  similar  design  to  those  used  in  China  during  the  Chou  Dynasty 
(1122-225  B.C.).  The  Yamato  swords  are  all  of  iron,  but  the  bronze  sword  may  have 
been  in  use  at  a  period  not  far  removed  from  the  commencement  of  dolmen- 
building.  Stone  sarcophagi  are  very  numerous,  they  have  outlasted  wooden  coffins 
and  outnumber  the  more  fragile  terra-cotta  sarcophagi.  Cists  were  made  of  stone 
slabs  or  of  cobbles,  and  occasionally  were  excavated  in  the  rock  and  covered  with 
a  single  stone  slab  or  several  slabs.  The  true  dolmen  "  is  not  commonly  found.  It 
"  may  be  questioned  whether  it  is  not  rather  the  product  of  a  special  environment. 
"...  When  we  see  in  the  north  of  the  Kwanto  dolmens  of  the  most  primitive  con- 
"  struction,  existing  side  by  side  with  stone  chambers  of  highly  finished  masonry, 
"  under  circumstances  which  suggest  contemporaneous  construction,  we  may  be 
"  assured  that  the  type  furnishes  little  or  no  criterion  as  to  age."  In  the  vast 
majority  of  cases  they  are  orientated  to  the  south.  In  his  well-known  memoir  on 
"  The  Dolmens  and  Burial  Mounds  in  Japan  "  (Archceologia,  LV.,  1897),  Professor 
Gowland  says  :  ''  The  '  cromlech,'  i.e.,  a  huge,  flattish  stone  resting  on  three  stones 
"  set  upright,  of  which  we  have  so  many  examples  in  Great  Britain,  is  not  repre- 
"  sented  in  Japan  excepting  where  a  group  of  dolmens  has  been  long  used  as  a 
"  quarry  for  building-stones  "  (p.  445).  In  common  with  other  writers  on  Japanese 
archaeology,  Dr.  Munro  classes  "  under  the  *  dolmen '  all  stone  chambers  with  mega- 
"  lithic  roofs  and  portals";  the  form  may  consist  of  (1)  a  simple  chamber  or  gallery, 
(2)  a  chamber  with  a  gallery,  or  (3)  a  series  of  chambers  with  a  gallery.  Some  are 
elaborate  and  imposing  constructions.  "  The  dolmen,  seldom  found  exposed  in  Japan, 
"  if  we  except  the  island  of  Iki,  has  originally  been  always  covered  by  a  mound." 
Cists  and  sarcophagi  frequently  occur  in  tumuli  and  occasionally  in  cairns  of  stones. 
The  burial  cave  is  generally  a  single  chamber  of  oblong  form  with  a  vaulted  or 
flattened  ceiling.  There  is  no  evidence  that  objects  buried  in  a  grave  were  purposely 
broken.  The  great  bulk  of  the  pottery  is  hard  earthenware  (iwaibe),  copied  from 
Korean  ware.  Probably  this  was  reserved  for  ceremonial  or  religious  purposes,  as 
several  kinds  of  unglazed  terra-cotta  ware,  presumably  for  everyday  use,  also  occur. 
Sometimes  the  iwaibe  is  hard  enough  to  be  called  stoneware.  The  vessels  were 
always  turned,  most  were  not  properly  glazed,  the  decoration  was  simple  and 
restrained,  and  practically  destitute  of  high  relief.  The  social  life  and  certain  aspects 
of  the  material  culture  of  the  Yamato  is  depicted  in  the  Kojihi  and  Nihongi.  These 
books  are  of  great  value,  as  there  has  been  no  serious  manipulation  of  the  docu- 
ments since  the  date  of  their  original  publication  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighth 
century  A.L>. 

Archaeologists  and  ethnologists  are  under  a  deep  debt  of  gratitude  to  Dr.  Munro 
for  the  great  labour  and  zeal  he  has  bestowed  on  this  book.  It  is  a  happy  combina- 
tion of  original  research  and  a  gleaning  of  the  investigations  of  native  savants.  For 
the  first  time  it  is  possible  for  the  European  student  to  get  a  clear  grasp  of  the 
details  and  problems  of  Japanese  archaeology.  The  book  is  profusely  illustrated  and, 
though  some  of  its  half-tone  blocks  are  not  quite  so  good  as  they  might  be,  the 


Nos,  6-8.]  MAN.  [1914. 

great  majority  of  the  illustrations  show  all  the  necessary  detail,  and  it  must  have 
been  no  small  task  to  take  the  photographs  or  to  collect  them  from  various  sources. 
Thev  cover  in  an  admirable  manner  the  whole  field  of  the  text.  A.  C.  HADDON. 


Africa :  Linguistics.  Meinhof. 

Die   Sprachen  der  Hamiten.       By  Carl   Meinhof.       Hamburg   Kolonial-institut     T 
(Abhandl.  Bd.  IX),   1912.     Pp.  xvi  +  256.     Price   12  M.  I 

Following  in  the  footsteps  of  Westermann,  who  has  endeavoured  to  set  forth 
the  characteristics  of  Soudanese  (negro)  languages  and  show  their  distribution, 
Meinhof  now  turns  from  the  Bantu  field,  and  in  the  present  work  discusses  seven 
languages,  Fula,  Hausa,  Schilh,  Bedauye,  Somali,  Masai,  and  Nama  (Hottentot), 
which  he  regards  as  Hamitic. 

The  title  of  the  work  at  once  arrests  the  attention  as  a  somewhat  curious  one  ; 
the  languages  of  the  Hamites  are  obviously  not  necessarily  the  same  thing  as  the 
Hamitic  languages,  though  the  author  argues  that  in  the  cases  he  has  chosen  the 
terms  are  synonymous. 

It  is,  however,  clear  that  not  only  may  a  tribe  of  one  linguistic  family  take 
over  a  language  of  an  entirely  alien  type,  but  a  language  of  one  type  may  be  so 
modified  by  contact  with  another  type  as  to  be  in  the  end  indistinguishable  from  it. 
To  take  an  example  from  a  different  field,  Akunakuna,  on  the  Cross  River,  is, 
I  think,  undoubtedly  a  West-Soudanese  language,  but  some  dialects  are  adopting 
prefixes  and  indicating  number  by  change  of  prefix,  exactly  like  the  Cross  River 
languages  such  as  Okuni,  which  have  also  assonance  of  the  adjective,  but  not,  in 
other  respects,  a  syntax  characteristic  of  Bantu.  A  second  case  from  the  same  area 
is  also  instructive  ;  I  was  recording  a  Yala  vocabulary,  but  had  not  got  far  before 
its  abnormal  character  struck  me  ;  for  Yala  is  clearly  a  West-Soudanese  language, 
yet  my  informant  was  indicating  number  by  prefix  change,  and  adjectives  showed 
some  tendency  towards  assonance  ;  it  turned  out  that  Yala  was  the  language  of  his 
mother,  bnt  not  of  his  father,  who  was  an  Ekoi. 

We  must,  therefore,  everywhere  reckon  with  contact  metamorphosis,  and  with 
our  present  slight  knowledge  of  many  Soudanese  and  Hamitic  languages,  it  seems 
premature  to  begin  classifying  them  wholesale,  as  is  necessary  before  maps  of  the 
kind  appended  to  this  volume  can  be  produced.  The  controversy  raised  by 
Westermann's  separation  of  Dinka  and  Bari  shows  how  far  AVC  are  from  universal 
agreement. 

Space  does  not  permit  me  to  give  a  general  survey  of  this  interesting  volume, 
but  one  point  may  be  suggested  to  the  author  ;  in  Fula  we  find  (a)  suffixes  as  the 
oldest  method  of  classifying  nouns  ;  (6)  a  prefix,  perhaps  Z,  which  divided  nouns 
into  person-  and  thing-denoting  ;  (c)  the  newest  system,  also  a  prefix,  n,  classifying 
them  into  small  and  great  ;  of  these,  (i)  is  not  quite  universal  ;  (c)  which  is,  according 
to  Meinhof,  the  germ  of  gender,  is  infrequent.  If  this  is  so,  is  it  not  possible  that 
there  may  be  pre-  or  proto-Hamitic  languages  without  the  third  or  even  the  second 
mode  of  classification  ?  N.  W.  T. 

America,  South.  Church. 

Aborigines  of  South  America.  By  the  late  Colonel  George  Earl  Church.  O 
London.  Chapman  and  Hall,  Ltd.,  1912.  U 

Although  this  book  has  been  edited  with  great  care  and  judgment,  it  would 
have  been  very  different  had  the  author  lived  to  complete  it  and  to  add  more  of 
the  touches  from  his  own  observation  and  experience  that  here  and  there  brighten 
the  pages  with  actuality.  It  contains  much  raw  material  of  excellent  quality,  the 
fruit  of  wide  reading  and  research  combined  with  perhaps  unsurpassed  personal 

[  12  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  8. 

knowledge  of  races  and  localities  of  South  America  ;  the  habitat  and  customs  of 
almost  all  the  known  tribes  between  the  Equator  and  Patagonia  are  mentioned,  and 
there  are  full  historical  accounts  of  the  Spanish  period. 

Colonel  Church  begins  by  describing  the  physical  condition  of  South  America 
as  it  must  have  been  for  many  thousands  of  years,  during  the  existence  of  the 
Panipean  sea,  the  Mojos  lake,  and  the  Amazon  sea.  "  These  covered  an  aggregate 
"  area  of  about  1,115,000  square  miles,  separating  the  continent  into  two  divisions, 
"  the  Brazilian  and  Andean.  The  inhabitants  of  each  must  have  had  a  distinctive 
"  ethnological  development,  for  communication  was  barred  by  400  miles  of  water. 
u  One  land  link  alone,  lying  east  and  west  between  17°  and  19°  South  Latitude, 
"  connected  the  two  parts  and  served  as  an  inter-tribal  bridge."  At  the  same  time 
a  great  lake,  much  larger  than  Lake  Superior,  occupied  part  of  the  Andean  plateau. 
The  present  Lake  Titicaca  is  not  a  tenth  of  the  former  size,  and  its  desiccation  still 
continues.  "  The  north-east  trade  winds,  after  crossing  the  Guayanas  and  Northern 
"  Brazil,  now  beat  themselves  dry  against  the  eastern  flanks  of  the  Andes,  but 
"  when  they  were  re-saturated  from  the  Amazon  sea  and  Mojos  lake,  and  again 
"  from  Titicaca,  they  must  have  carried  sufficient  moisture  to  fertilize  not  alone  the 
"  Andean  region,  but,  in  connection  with  the  Pampean  sea,  the  great  north-western 
"  deserts  of  Argentina,  and  the  arid  belt  of  the  Pacific  coast,  thus  making  the 
"•  whole  of  Peru,  Bolivia,  and  the  Atacama  districts  of  Chile  and  Argentina  a 
4<  delightful  and  fruitful  habitat." 

The  western  portion  of  an  attractive  region,  now  forming  the  States  of  Parana, 
Santa  Catharina,  Rio  Grande  do  Sal,  Misiones  and  Paraguay  appears  to  have  been 
the  cradle  of  the  Caraio  race,  and  their  language  is  still  spoken  there  in  greatest 
purity.  At  the  time  of  the  Conquest  they  had  spread  over  the  greater  part  of  that 
area  and  also  the  whole  Atlantic  slope  of  Brazil.  The  first  Spaniards  who  met 
these  people  on  the  river  Paraguay,  found  them  with  an  abundance  of  food,  including 
maize  and  other  products  of  cultivation,  domestic  animals  and  birds,  and  also  cotton 
for  weaving.  Ethnologists  now  call  the  Caraios  "  Tupi-Guarani,"  a  misnomer,  like 
the  names  given  to  many  other  tribes.  The  early  missionaries  heard  the  name 
Tupi  commonly  used,  but  it  means  "  primarily,  paternal  uncle,  and  secondarily, 
"  companion  and  fellow-countryman."  Guarani  means  "a  great  brave,  a  grand 
man,"  and  wherever  the  Caraios  went,  they  were  treated  as  superiors  by  the  other 
aborigines.  Not  only  were  they  valiant  in  war  ;  they  had  the  maritime  instinct, 
and  in  canoes  which  held  eighty  or  one  hundred  warriors  and  provisions  for  a  long 
voyage,  they  explored  and  traded  along  the  coasts  of  Venezuela  and  Colombia,  round 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  Florida  and  the  Antilles.  They  had  certain  leaders 
called  Caraibes,  who  were  held  in  the  greatest  reverence  as  Pages  or  Payes 
(sorcerers). 

The  physical  characteristics  of  the  Caraios  vary  considerably  in  different  parts  of 
the  continent.  The  Guarani  (Caraios)  are  described  (p.  49)  as  round-headed,  the  face 
almost  circular,  nose  and  chin  short,  lips  rather  thin,  eyebrows  well-arched,  and  eyes 
small  and  expressive.  They  average  in  height  about  5  feet  6  inches,  but  the  women 
"  could  not  be  more  massive,  broad,  and  short."  In  chapters  devoted  to  other  regions 
we  come  on  the  Caraios  again  ;  in  South-western  Amazonia  D'Orbigny  found  them 
as  Guarayos,  in  the  immense  forests  at  about  17°  S.  Lat.  There  they  are  of  such 
a  light  yellow  colour  that  "  there  is  little  difference  between  them  and  a  slightly 
"  brown  white  man."  In  character  they  are  "  the  type  of  goodness,  affability, 
"  frankness,  and  honesty,"  hospitable,  good  fathers  and  good  husbands.  Another 
Caraio  tribe  known  as  the  Sirionos  (p.  117)  make  bows  7  feet  or  8  feet  in  length,  and 
great  strength  is  required  to  bend  them.  To  do  this  the  Indian  lies  on  the  ground, 
places  both  feet  against  the  bow,  and  draws  the  cord  with  both  hands,  thus  launching 

[  13  ] 


No.  8.]  MAN.  [1914. 

the  arrow  with  tremendous  force.     The  Muras  (p.  137)  use  bows  nearly  9  feet  long, 
bending  them  in  the  same  way. 

The  Chiriguanos,  too,  were  Caraios  or  Carlo,  according  to  Suarez  de  Figueroa, 
who  wrote  in  1586.  He  said  that  Chiriguano  meant  mestizo — children  of  the  Guarani 
by  women  of  other  Indian  nations.  They  live  in  small  villages  a  short  distance 
apart,  usually  on  high  ground  near  streams.  The  houses  are  kept  scrupulously  clean, 
and  contain  cane  bedsteads,  a  few  hamacs,  and  a  good  supply  of  pots,  water  jugs, 
and  huge  jars  of  rough  earthenware.  Colonel  Church  relates  that  in  1872  he  met 
a  band  of  200  Chiriguano  warriors,  and  had  nowhere  seen  on  the  western  continent 
men  of  such  fine  physique  and  manly  bearing,  except  perhaps  among  the  Sioux. 
"  Cuiia,  or  woman,  is  a  terrible  appellation  among  them."  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  this 
word  was  used  a  few  years  ago  as  an  offensive  epithet  by  the  common  little  Mexican 
village  boys,  and  sometimes  by  one  man  to  another. 

The  Caraios  grouped  all  the  inland  tribes  not  of  their  own  race  as  Tapuy  or 
Tapuya,  meaning  "  those  who  fly  the  villages,"  and  recent  investigations  show  that 
these  numerous  tribes  are  related  ethnographically  and  physically.  They  are  a 
dolichocephalous  people,  and  in  colour,  habits,  ceremonies,  and  language  differ  widely 
from  the  Caraios.  Many  authors  agree  in  describing  their  Mongol  appearance.  They 
were  nomads  without  habitations  or  agricultural  pursuits,  except  in  rare  instances, 
and  are  said  to  have  held  the  whole  coast  from  the  mouth  of  the  Plata  to  the 
Amazon,  and  200  leagues  up  the  latter,  before  the  Caraios  drove  them  inland. 

South-western  Amazonia,  west  of  the  upper  Madeira  and  Gnapore,  and  south-east 
of  the  Madre  de  Dios,  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  regions  of  South  America,  both 
geographically  and  ethnologically.  A  multitude  of  tribes  has  passed  over  it,  leaving 
remnants  which  formed  fresh  combinations,  to  be  the  despair  of  the  student  of  linguistics 
and  of  the  Jesuit  fathers  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  Padre  Fernandez, 
writing  in  1726,  says  there  was  an  extraordinary  variety  of  tongues,  each  group  of 
cabins  having  an  absolutely  different  and  difficult  language.  At  that  time  there  was 
an  endeavour  to  make  all  the  Indians  learn  the  Chiquito  language,  but  the  grammar 
was  terribly  difficult  and  the  elaboration  of  the  verbs  was  incredible.  This  is  also 
the  case  with  the  verbs  of  the  Cora  in  Mexico,  described  by  Dr.  Preuss,  and  those 
of  the  Dene,  on  which  Pere  Morice  has  written. 

The  peculiar  character  of  the  Amazon  basin  is  shown  by  the  statement  (p.  156), 
that  a  great  area  at  a  distance  of  more  than  25  degrees  of  Latitude  from  the  mouth 
of  the  river  (about  where  the  lines  of  75°  W.  Long,  and  5°  S.  Lat.  intersect),  still 
averages  only  300  feet  above  sea-level.  An  interesting  description  is  given  of  the 
expedition  of  Salinas  Loyola  in  1557  down  the  Santiago  river,  through  the  rapids  of 
the  Maranon  to  the  Ucayali,  and  up  that  river  more  than  100  leagues  to  the  Cocamas 
tribe,  who  had  large,  well-formed  towns  on  the  banks.  The  people  were  kindly,  well- 
clad  in  cotton  garments  finely  painted  in  elegant  patterns,  wore  feathers  and  gold 
and  silver  ornaments,  including  plates  on  their  breasts.  They  paid  great  respect  to 
their  chiefs,  had  food  in  abundance,  and  more  beautiful  earthenware  than  any  ever 
seen.  They  occupied  70  leagues  of  the  river,  and  50  leagues  beyond  were  the 
Pariaches  ;  this  was  also  a  land  of  good  towns  on  the  river,  with  inhabitants  of 
pleasant,  intelligent  appearance,  who  wore  cotton  cloth  much  painted  and  worked, 
and  gold  and  silver  ornaments  brought  from  elsewhere,  there  being  no  precious  metals 
in  that  country.  Still  further  was  another  "  province,"  where  Salinas  asked  about 
Tcatara,  of  which  he  had  been  hearing.  He  was  told  that  it  was  Cuzco  of  Peru, 
and  Indians  were  brought  Avho  had  been  there  and  could  describe  that  city.  It  was, 
however,  impracticable  to  navigate  further  at  that  time,  and  he  retraced  his  route. 

In  addition  to  the  copious  extracts  from  early  writers,  this  valuable  work  is  a 
mine  of  information  on  the  customs,  festivals,  religion,  and  physical  characteristics 

'[     14     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  8-9. 

of  the  various  tribes,  whose  names  appear  on   the  accompanying  map.     A   bibliography 
would  be  a  desirable  addition.  A.  C.  B. 


Sardinia  :  Primitive  Religion.  Pettazzoni. 

La  Religions  Primitiva  in   Sardcgna.     By  Raffaele  Pettazzoni.     Pp.  250,  1912.     fl 

The  first  part  of  this  extremely  interesting  and  suggestive  book  is  devoted  U 
to  the  description  of  certain  archaeological  remains  found  in  Sardinia,  and  the  careful 
examination  of  all  the  texts  of  ancient  writers  that  refer  to  these  monuments  and  to 
the  practices  of  the  Sardinians.  The  second  part  discusses,  from  the  comparative 
standpoint^  the  beliefs  which  the  author  deduces  from  these.  The  inhabitants,  ancient 
and  modern,  of  the  Mediterranean  basin  and  of  North  Africa,  and  those  of  other  parts 
of  the  world,  including  Australia,  come  under  consideration  ;  for  the  author  lays  stress 
on  the  similarity  in  the  beliefs  in  a  supreme  being  among  the  black-fellows  of  the 
Antipodes  and  the  early  Sardinians. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Sardinians  at  the  present  day  still  heat  water 
by  dropping  stones  into  it,  as  do  the  Australians  ;  unfortunately,  we  are  not  told  whether 
wooden  vessels  are  still  in  use  in  Sardinia.  The  comparison  between  the  beliefs  of 
the  "  proto-Sardinians "  and  certain  tribes  of  North  Africa  is,  however,  of  greater 
interest,  as  among  them  all  the  same  Libyan  [Hamitic]  blood,  or  at  least  its  influence, 
may  be  traced. 

The  principal  features  of  the  primitive  Sardinian  religion  were  the  cult  of  the  dead, 
associated  with  the  practice  of  incubation,  and  a  water  cult,  associated  with  ordeals, 
and  belief  in  the  curative  power  of  water.  Besides  this  there  was  the  worship  of  a 
supreme  deity,  Sardus  Pater.  The  "  tombs  of  the  giants  "  were  group  graves  and  were 
sacred  to  the  spirits  of  dead  heroes,  the  ancestors  of  the  tribe.  In  these  buildings 
the  bodies  lay  crouched  as  in  sleep,  and  in  the  semi-circular  vestibule  which  led  to 
these  tombs  the  Sardinians  slept,  in  order  to  communicate  with  the  heroic  dead.  This 
incubation  of  the  Sardinians,  according  to  the  author,  had  a  direct  healing  effect,  and 
was  not  a  device  to  obtain  a  vision,  as  it  was  among  the  Greeks  and  the  Nasamoneans 
of  Northern  Africa. 

Solinus,  who  lived  in  the  third  century  A.D.,  records  that  certain  thermal  springs 
have  miraculous  healing  powers,  especially  with  regard  to  the  eyes  and  broken  limbs  ; 
further,  that  when  a  man  suspected  of  theft  washes  his  eyes  in  these  springs,  if  he 
is  innocent  his  sight  improves,  but  if  guilty  he  becomes  blind.  He  also  asserts  that 
in  the  country  where  there  are  no  springs  the  rain-water  is  stored  in  reservoirs. 
Now,  certain  circular-domed  temples  are  found  throughout  Sardinia  which  Signer 
Pettazzoni  associates  with  this  water  cult.  Each  has  a  tank  sunk  in  the  floor  in 
which  the  sacred  water  was  stored.  These  same  temples  were  sacred  to  the  high  god 
Sardus  Pater.  In  the  vestibules  tables  have  been  found  into  which  votive  offerings 
were  fixed.  These  are  in  the  form  of  bronze  figurines  of  animals  and  men,  but  most 
interesting  of  all  are  those  which  Signor  Pettazzoni  describes  as  iperantropico,  i.e. 
human  figures,  each  with  two  pairs  of  eyes  and  arms.  The  author  does  not  consider 
these  to  be  gods,  or  deified  heroes,  nor  must  they  be  regarded  as  monstrosities,  but 
rather  "  as  a  'simple  abnormal  accentuation  of  some  human  element,  a  hyperanthropy. 
"  That  is  t6  say,  that  in  them  the  abnormality  is  limited  and  subordinated  to  the 
"  normal.  The  limitation  is  quantitive,  the  number  of  extra  elements  is  not  unlimited  ; 
"  on  the  contrary,  it  is  exactly  double  the  normal  (four  eyes,  four  arms).  The  limita- 
"  tion  is  also  qualitative,  for  the  duplication  is  only  applied  to  the  eyes  and  arms 
"  the  rest  of  the  figure  is  perfectly  normal." 

Referring  to  Solinus  on  the  curative  powers  of  the  waters  and  effect  of  the  ordeal, 
Signor  Pettazzoui  says  : — 

"This  extraordinary  increase  in  the  power  of  sight,  which  was  at  the  same  time 

[     15     ] 


Nos.  9-10.]  MA.N.  [1914, 

u  freedom  from  evils  and  a  demonstration  of  innocence,  this  chief  moment  in  the 
religious  life  of  the  Sardinians  loaded  with  physical  pain  and  moral  anxiety,  found 
its  plastic  expression  in  an  ingenious  form  of  primitive  art  and  gave  birth  to 
hyperanthropic  ideas. 

"  There  is  no  doubt  that  each  one  of  these  cernit  cJarius.  They  are  in  fact 
figures  of  warriors,  who,  in  Ihe  famous  sanctuary  in  the  heart  of  the  island,  amid  the 
silence  of  the  rocks,  had  implored  grace  of  the  divinity,  offering  as  a  votive  gift  their 
own  images  exalted  by  supernatural  virtue." 

It  is  suggested  that  a  bronze  figure  of  a  woman  with  a  child  found  near  South 
Vittoria  may  be  the  votive  offering  of  a  woman  tried  for  adultery.  The  idea  is 
ingenious,  but  if  the  bronze  figurines  are  to  be  regarded  as  the  votive  offerings  of 
those  who  have  undergone  moral  or  physical  suffering,  especially  of  those  who  have 
suffered  from  their  eyes  or  whose  bones  have  been  injured  (solidant  ossa  fracta, 
Solinus')  might  we  not  expect  the  number  of  legs  occasionally  to  be  doubled  with 
like  significance  ? 

By  comparison  with  the  Nasamoneans,  the  troglodyte  Megabari.  and  the  present-day 
Tuareg,  Signor  Pettazzoni  traces  the  descent  of  the  proto -Sardinians  from  a  race  who 
had  settled  along  the  north  coast  of  Africa  and  spread  northward  into  the  Mediterranean 
islands.  Their  route  is  marked  by  dolmens,  which  are  also  found  in  the  Western  Sudan. 
Moreover,  Signor  Pettazzoni  sees  Mediterranean  influence  in  the  ordeals  so  commonly 
practised  on  the  Guinea  Coast. 

In  conclusion,  I  would  point  out  that  the  head-dress  of  Sardus  Pater  on  coins  of  the 
first  century  B.C.  shows  a  certain  resemblance  to  those  of  the  Philistine  captives  at 
Medinet  Habu.  It  must  also  be  noted  that  in  this  work  the  word  animismo  is  not  used 
in  the  sense  in  which  animism  is  generally  understood  in  this  country,  but  rather  to 
signify  a  cult  of  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  B.  Z.  S. 


PROCEEDINGS   OF  SCIENTIFIC   SOCIETIES. 

The  Mythic  Society  of  Bangalore,  South  India,  was  founded  in  October,  411 
1909,  under  the  patronage  of  His  Highness  the  Maharaja  of  Mysore,  with  the  IU 
object  of  stimulating  interest  in  the  History,  Ethnology,  and  Religions  of  South  India. 
Its  Quarterly  Journal  has  published  papers  dealing  with  "  The  History  of  South  India," 
"  India  at  the  Dawn  of  the  Christian  Era,"  "  Life  in  Ancient  India  at  the  Time  of 
the  Jataka  Stories,"  "  Numismatics,  with  Special  Reference  to  South  India,"  and 
"  The  History  and  Commerce  of  the  Indian  Ocean  "  ;  "  Suggestions  for  the  Study 
of  Caste,"  "The  Evil  Eye,"  "  Perungali  Vettuvans,"  "  Sraddhas,"  and  "Funeral 
Ceremonies  of  the  Vaishnava  Brahmans  "  ;  "  Serpent  Worship,"  "  The  Original  Idea 
of  Sacrifice,"  "  The  Brahmanic  Systems  of  Religion  and  Philosophy  "  ;  and  notes 
on  Public  Festivals,  Stone  Barrows,  Hook-swinging,  Fire-walking,  and  kindred 
subjects.  The  Journal  is  illustrated  with  excellent  plates  and  maps,  and  is  issued 
quarterly,  post  free,  at  the  extremely  modest  price  of  Rs.  3  (four  shillings)  per  annum, 
a  fee  which  covers  membership  also. 

Local  enterprise  of  this  sort  deserves  encouragement.  The  more  costly  publica- 
tions, which  deal  with  all  India,  usually  contain  much  material  that  is  of  little  or 
no  interest  to  the  "  man  on  the  spot."  The  Mythic  Society  seeks  to  promote 
intensive  local  study  and  local  specialisation.  The  journal  may  be  obtained  from 
the  Hon.  Treasurer,  G.  H.  Krumbiegal,  Esq.,  Lai  Bagh,  Bangalore,  S.  India. 

Societies  of  this  kind  deserve  all  the  support  and  encouragement  which  the 
Institute  can  give  them,  and  are  destined  to  play  a  useful  and  an  important  part  in 
the  collection  of  ethnological  data. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODB,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


J'LATE  B. 


MAX,  1914. 


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1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  11-12. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Bactria :  Bronze  Age.         With  Plate  B.  Read. 

A  Bactrian  Bronze  Ceremonial  Axe.     By  Sir  C.  Hercules  Read.  44 

An  example  of  a  ceremonial  (or  perhaps  votive)  axe  obtained  in  the  1 1 
N.W.  Provinces  of  India,  and  recently  added  to  the  collections  of  the  British  Museum, 
is  so  remarkable  from  several  points  of  view  that  it  may  serve  a  good  purpose  to 
bring  it  before  the  readers  of  MAX. 

The  design  of  the  axe  is  singular,  and  a  mere  description  could  hardly  convey 
a  clear  impression  to  the  reader  ;  the  illustration  will,  however,  supplement  the 
inadequacy  of  the  words.  From  the  Plate  it  will  be  seen  that  the  axe  is  entirely 
composed  of  the  figures  of  three  animals,  a  boar,  a  tiger,  and  an  ibex.  The  cutting 
edge  is  formed  of  the  back  of  the  first,  which  is  attacking  the  tiger,  who  is  turning 
a  remonstrant  head  while  he  grips  with  his  fore  paws  the  flanks  of  a  crouching 
ibex,  who  is  also  "regardant."  Below  the  bodies  of  the  two  last  are  the  flanges  that 
form  the  opening  for  the  handle  of  the  weapon,  which  did  not  pass  through  the 
axe,  but  was  held  in  position  by  two  rivets,  the  holes  for  which  are  clearly  seen  in 
the  illustration.  That  it  was  never  intended  for  active  use  is  clear  from  the  entire 
inadequacy  of  the  edge.  It  is  evident  that  the  back  of  the  boar  could  cut  nothing, 
and  that  the  maker  had  no  intention  that  it  should  cut,  for  to  grind  or  hammer  the 
edge  to  a  practicable  state  would  entirely  destroy  the  admirable  modelling  of  the 
body  of  the  boar.  Hence  the  reasonable  deduction  that  the  object  had  a  votive 
or  ceremonial  purpose.  Our  present  very  exiguous  knowledge  of  the  archaeology  of 
Afghanistan  in  the  centuries  preceding  the  Sassanian  dynasty  does  not  admit  of  any 
definite  statement  of  the  uses  to  which  an  object  of  this  kind  might  be  put,  nor 
are  we  able  to  interpret  the  symbolism  of  the  conjunction  of  these  three  animals. 

The  artist  has  shown  no  small  amount  of  ingenuity  in  making  the  contours  of 
the  beasts  serve  his  purpose  while  preserving  the  characters  of  their  anatomy.  The 
two  faces  are  equally  finished  and  complete,  and  are  fully  as  satisfactory  from  the 
artistic  standpoint  as  if  the  artist  had  had  no  end  in  view  but  to  portray  them  as 
they  stood.  It  would  appear,  however,  from  a  comparison  with  other  existing  axes 
from  the  same  region  that  the  contour  scene  in  the  present  specimen  is  a  charac- 
teristic one.  Some  of  these  are  figured  in  Archceologia  (Soc.  Antiq.,  Lond.) 
Vol.  LVIII.,  page  1,  where  some  unusual  types  of  weapons  are  dealt  with.  Among 
these  is  one  which  illustrates  the  present  example,  and  in  some  ways  amplifies  it. 
This  is  an  axe  from  Kerman,  in  Persia,  presented  to  the  British  Museum  by  Major 
P.  M.  Sykes.  In  this  the  animal  forms  are  degraded  and  almost  lost,  but  a  second 
axe  of  the  same  find  has  the  beasts  standing  free  and  well  defined,  though  by  no 
means  of  the  artistic  excellence  of  those  on  our  present  example. 

After  comparison  with  the  Oxus  treasure  in  the  Museum,  it  seems  to  me  highly 
probable  that  this  is  a  specimen  of  the  art  of  Bactria  of  about  the  time  of  Alexander. 
Further  discoveries  may  render  this  attribution  capable  of  greater  precision,  and  such 
precision  can  be  best  attained  by  publication.  C.  H.  READ. 


Egypt.  Murray. 

Evidence  for  the  Custom   of  Killing  the  King  in  Ancient  Egypt     4O 

By  M.  A.  Murray.  \L 

In  Egypt  there  is  no  absolutely  direct  evidence,  no  definite  statement  iu  so  many 

words,  that  the  king  was  sacrificed,  no  actual  representation  in  sculpture  or  painting 

of  such   a   sacrifice.     Yet  there  are  many  allusions,  more  or  less   clear,  from  literary 

sources — some   early,   some   late — which,   as   I   hope   to   prove,  show   the   ceremonial 

survival  of  that  ancient  and  barbarous  usage. 

C     17    ] 


No.  12.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Dr.  Frazer  deduced  the  practice  of  killing  the  king  from  literary  sources,  from 
legend,  and  from  ceremonial  survivals  ;  a  theory  not  at  first  received  by  all,  but 
triumphantly  confirmed  in  the  end  by  Dr.  Seligmann's  discoveries  among  the  Shilluks 
of  the  Nile  Valley.  In  the  same  way  we  may  fellow  the  "  converging  lines  of 
evidence  "  in  ancient  Egypt,  and  possess  our  souls  in  patience  till  the  final  confirmatory 
proof  is  found. 

I  have  divided  my  subject  into  five  parts  :  (1)  the  parallels  in  neighbouring 
countries  ;  (2)  the  meaning  of  the  name  Osiris  (the  identification  of  the  king  with 
Osiris  being  already  established)  ;  (3)  the  literary  evidence  from  the  Pyramid  Texts,  the 
Book  of  the  Dead,  and  legends  both  Egyptian  and  Arab  ;  (4)  the  representations  in 
Art,  i.e.,  the  Sed-festival  and  the  Drowned  Men  of  Dendur  ;  and  (5)  the  modern 
survivals. 

(1)  For  the  parallels  in  neighbouring  countries,  Dr.  Frazer's  books  are  the  great 
storehouse.     He   has   shown   that  the  custom  of   killing  the  king  can   be   inferred  in 
Greece  (Athamas)  and   in    Crete,  and  was    known   in   Babylon,   Syria,  and  Ethiopia. 
These    countries  either  bordered  on  Egypt  or  were  in  close  connection  with  her,  so 
close    that   the    Greeks    themselves    considered    their  own  religion  to  be  derived  from 
the  Egyptian.     Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  likely  that  Egypt  alone  would  be 
exempt  from  a  custom  common  among  all  her  neighbours. 

The  case  for  human  sacrifice  in  Egypt  has  been  abundantly  proved,  in  spite  of 
Herodotus's  indignant  denial  that  so  humane  a  people  could  be  guilty  of  such  blood- 
thirsty deeds. 

The  instance  which  bears  most  upon  our  subject  is  the  sacrifice  of  harvest 
victims  at  Eileithiya  (El  Kab),  the  primitive  kingdom  of  Upper  Egypt.  For  the 
fundamental  idea  underlying  the  sacrifice  of  the  king  is  the  belief  that  in  him  the  god 
of  fertility  is  incarnate,  and  that  on  his  health  and  strength  the  prosperity  and  welfare 
of  his  country  are  dependent.  On  the  approach  of  old  age,  or  at  the  end  of  a  term 
of  years,  the  king  had  to  be  put  to  death,  in  order  that  the  deity  might  pass  into  a 
younger  stronger  body,  and  thus  never  suffer  decay  or  degeneration.  The  actual 
method  of  sacrifice  varies  in  different  countries  ;  but  in  many  cases  it  is  followed  by 
dismemberment ;  the  tearing  of  the  body  limb  from  limb  in  a  savage  and  barbarous 
manner,  the  pieces  being  buried  in  the  fields  when  the  victim  was  human,  being 
devoured  by  the  worshippers  when  the  victim  was  animal. 

(2)  The    Name    of   Osiris. — In    spite    of    Plutarch's    sarcastic    remarks    on    the 
dull    souls    and   vulgar    minds    who    identify    Osiris    with    vegetation,    it    is    only    by 
applying  this  very  theory  to  the  cult    of    Osiris  that  we   are   able  to  understand   the 
many  aspects  of  this  god.     I  have  shown  in  my  study  of  Osiris  in    The   Osireion  at 
Abydos  that  the  king    is  the  incarnate  god,  that  Osiris  is  the  king  and  the  king  is 
Osiris  :    in  other  words,  that   the    spirit  of   fertility  is    incarnate   in  the    king.      This 
view  is  absolutely  confirmed  by  Professor  Erman's  researches  on  the  meaning  of  the 
name  Osiris.*     The    hieroglyphs  which    form    the    name    are    a  throne  and  a  human 
eye  ;    the  same  throne  which  appears  in  the  name  of  Isis.      The    actual    reading   of 
this    sign    is    S    with    a    preceding    and    succeeding  vowel  ;    the    following    vowel    is 
certainly  e,  the    preceding  vowel    appears    to    vary,    probably    according    to    rules    of 
pronunciation.      Thus    in    the  name,  "Isis,"  it  would   be  Ise;  in    Osiris    Use.      The 
eye  reads    Yr    in    this    connection    Yri ;    the    throne    and    the    eye    together    reading 
Usiri.     The    meaning    of    Yr    is  "  To    do,  to    make,  to    occupy "  ;  in    the    participle, 
"  the  doer,  the  maker,  the  occupier."     Thus  we  get   the  meaning  of  the  names,  Isis 
or  Ise,  "  She  of  the  throne,"  "  the  throne- woman  "  ;  Osiris,  or  Usiri,  "  the  occupier  of 
the  throne,"  in  other  words  the  king. 

*  Zeitschrift  fur  Aegyptiscke  Sjirache,  1909.  p.  92. 
[     18     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  12. 

Having  reached  this  point  of  the  identification  of  the  king  with  the  great  god 
of  Egypt,  we  turn  to  the  legends  of  the  death  of  Osiris.  The  consecutive  accounts 
are  those  of  Diodorus  and  Plutarch  (De.  Iside  et  Osiride).  In  Plutarch's  dramatic 
story  Osiris  was  treacherousl}7  murdered  by  being  shut  up  in  a  wooden  chest,  which 
was  then  thrown  into  the  Nile  ;  Diodorus  does  not  mention  the  manner  of  death. 
Plutarch  drags  in,  after  the  murder,  an  episode  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
story  of  Osiris,  but  expresses  the  fact  that  an  interval  elapsed  between  the  death 
and  the  next  event,  which  was  the  tearing  of  the  body  in  pieces  and  the  scattering 
of  them  broadcast  over  Egypt,  z.e.,  over  the  cultivated  land.  Jsis  searched  for 
the  fragments,  collecting  and  joining  them  together,  and  thus  caused  Osiris  to  rise 
again. 

There  are  two  special  points  to  notice  :  first,  that  Osiris  practically  met  his 
death  in  the  water  ;  second,  the  dismemberment  of  the  body. 

(3)  The  Literary  Evidence. — What  little  literary  evidence  remains  in  Egyptian 
records  concerning  the  death  of  Osiris,  points  to  its  having  been  effected  by  water. 
It  is  unfortunately  of  late  date. 

In  a  stela  of  the  Persian  period,  about  the  6th  or  5th  century  B.C.  (now  in 
the  British  Museum),  the  cemetery  of  Memphis  is  said  to  have  been  called  Ankh- 
Taui,  "Life  of  the  Two  Lands"  (the  name  is  significant)  "because  of  the  fact  that 
"  Osiris  was  drowned  in  its  waters."*  In  another  late  text,  the  so-called  Lamenta- 
tions of  Isis,  the  goddess  describes  her  journey  in  search  of  Osiris,  "  I  have  traversed 
"  the  seas  to  the  confines  of  the  earth,  seeking  the  place  where  my  lord  is  ... 
"  I  have  sought  him  who  is  in  the  water  ;  I  have  found  the  Drowned  One." 

In  the  legend,  Menes,  the  first  historic  king  of  Egypt,  was  killed  by  a  hippo- 
potamus according  to  Manetho,  carried  into  safety  by  a  crocodile  according  to 
Diodorus.  Here  we  appear  to  have  a  faint  echo  of  the  sacrifice  of  the  primitive 
kings  by  water  ;  the  water  itself  being  symbolised  by  one  of  the  destructive 
water-beasts. 

For  dismemberment  there  is  much  evidence  from  literary  sources  ;  a  few  quota- 
tions will  suffice.  In  the  earliest  hieroglyphic  texts,  those  inscribed  inside  the 
pyramids  of  the  6th  dynasty  kings,  dismemberment  is  continually  mentioned.  In  the 
inscription  of  Unas,  the  earliest,  there  is  an  invocation  to  various  goddesses, 
"  O  Neith,  O  Ani,  O  Urt-hekau,  O  Urt,  O  Nesert,  cause  that  Unas  be  cut  in 
"  pieces  as  thou  (fern.)  art  cut  in  pieces."  In  the  inscriptions  of  Teta  and  Pepy, 
"  O  Teta,  thou  hast  received  thy  head,  thou  hast  collected  thy  bones,  thou  hast 
"  united  thy  limbs."  And  of  a  goddess  it  is  said  "  She  gives  to  thee  thy  head, 
"  she  unites  for  thee  thy  bones,  she  joins  for  thee  thy  limbs,  she  brings  to  thee 
"  thy  heart  in  thy  body."  "  0  Pepy  Neferkara,  leader  of  the  gods,  equipped  as  a 
"  god,  he  has  gathered  his  bones  like  Osiris." 

Again  in  the  Book  of  the  Dead  the  religious  texts  in  use  from  the  18th  to 
the  26th  dynasties  there  occur  the  words,  "  On  the  night  of  the  Great  Mystery, 
"  the  thigh,  and  the  head,  and  the  backbone,  and  the  leg  of  Unnefer  are  on  the 
"  coffin." 


®  Bs  tktk 


®  D 

"I   am   a   prince,    son    of   a    prince,    fire,   son    of  fire;    to    whom   was    given   his 

"  head   after   it   had   been   cut   off"   (ch.  43)  ;    the  rest   of  this  chapter  is  occupied 

with  the  identification    of    the    deceased  with    Osiris,  for    at    this    time    all   the  dead 

were  identified  with  the  god  of  the  dead.     Therefore  the  dismemberment,  of  which  the 

*  Zeitschrtft  fur  Aegyptixche  Spractie,  1901,  p.  41. 

[     19     ] 


No,  12.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Book  of  the  Dead  constantly  speaks,  is  probably  an  echo  of  that  early  time  when 
Osiris  in  the  person  of  the  king  was  torn  in  pieces,  and  the  fragments  scattered 
broadcast. 

The  Arab  legends  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Egypt  mention  the  disappearance  of 
two  kings,  Kalkoum  ben  Khariba,  and  Misram  ben  Naqraush,  the  latter  being  the 
seventh  in  a  direct  line  from  Adam.  These  legends  would  appear  to  preserve  the 
ancient  tradition  of  the  divine  spirit  leaving  the  world. 

(4)  We  now  come  to  the  representations  in  Art.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
in  many  countries  the  actual  killing  of  the  king  was,  as  civilisation  advanced,  often 
not  enforced.  If  a  human  victim  were  required,  the  king's  place  might  be  taken 
by  a  volunteer,  or  a  criminal  might  be  pressed  into  the  service.  Sometimes  a 
religious  ceremonial  took  the  place  of  the  actual  sacrifice  ;  and  sometimes  the  reli- 
gious ceremonial  and  the  sacrifice  of  the  substitute  might  be  contemporary. 
Dr.  Frazer  has  collected  so  many  instances  all  over  the  world  that  I  need  not  do 
more  than  mention  this  and  pass  on  to  the  examples  in  ancient  Egypt. 

First,  then,  for  the  human  substitute.  Here  we  get  no  help  from  art  till 
Roman  times.  The  temple  of  Dendur  in  Nubia,  built  under  Augustus,  is  dedicated 
to  two  deified  men,  named  respectively  Petese  and  Pi-hor,  who  met  their  death 
by  drowning.  There  are  two  significant  facts  which  are  brought  out  clearly  in 
the  sculptured  reliefs.  In  the  scenes  of  the  worship  the  deified  men  are  represented, 
sometimes  with  the  insignia  of  royalty,  sometimes  with  the  insignia  of  Osiris.  Where 
they  are  shown  as  kings  the  inscription  speaks  of  them  as  "  The  Drowned  "  ;  where 
they  are  represented  as  Osiris  they  are  called  P-shai,  or  Agathodaimon.  We  can,  I 
think,  only  conclude  that  these  men  were  sacrificed  as  kings,  as  the  incarnations  of 
Osiris,  the  spirit  of  fertility. 

The  ceremonial  is,  perhaps,  less  easy  of  proof.  The  great  royal  ceremony,  the 
one  celebrated  with  most  pomp  and  circumstance  was  not  the  coronation  as  one 
might  expect,  but  the  Sed-festival.  The  meaning  of  the  Sed-festival  has  been 
greatly  obscured  by  the  earlier  Egyptologists,  who  looked  upon  it  as  purely  calen- 
drical,  occurring  every  thirty  years  when  the  shifting  calendar  had  lost  a  week.  This 
theory  being  proved  untenable,  another  theory  was  advanced  that  it  was  the  thirtieth 
anniversary  of  the  king's  accession  ;  and  this  theory  in  a  modified  form  is  still  held 
by  many  Egyptologists,  the  Sed-festival  being  considered  by  them  as  the  thirtieth 
anniversary  of  the  king's  appointment  as  crown  prince.  It  is,  however,  worth 
notmg  that  almost  every  king  who  erected  temples  or  decorated  them  on  any  large 
scale,  represented  himself  in  the  Sed-festival  (and  in  cases  where  he  cannot  have 
had  thirty  years  for  heir  and  king),  or  that  Rameses  II.  had  six  Sed-festivals. 

The  points  to  be  observed  in  scenes  of  the  Sed-festival  are  these  :  (1)  the  king 
is  the  principal  figure,  always  represented  as  Osiris  ;  (2)  before  him  is  carried  the 
figure  of  Up-uaut,  the  Opener  of  the  Ways,  the  Jackal-god  of  Siut  who  appears  to 
have  been  a  god  of  death  ;  (3)  the  royal  daughter,  seated  in  a  litter,  is  the  most 
important  figure  after  the  king ;  (4)  and  in  most  instances  there  are  one  or  more 
running  or  dancing  men. 

This  presence  of  the  royal  daughter  and  the  running  men  is  due  to  the  scene 
being  one  of  marriage.  We  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  throne  of  Egypt  went  in 
the  female  line.  This  is  very  clear  wherever  we  have  sufficient  data  to  enable  us 
to  trace  genealogies  with  any  accuracy.  The  king  was  not  necessarily  royal,  but  he 
became  the  legal  ruler  by  marriage  with  the  heiress.  To  put  it  shortly,  the  queen 
was  queen  by  right  of  birth,  the  king  was  king  by  right  of  marriage.  We  can 
see,  then,  that  the  marriage  of  the  queen's  daughter,  the  princess  who  was  the 
heiress,  was  an  event  of  the  utmost  importance.  The  dancing  men  were  probably 
the  suitors  for  her  hand  ;  but  whether  the  dance  was  a  contest  before  marriage  or 

[     20     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  12. 

a  fertility  dance  after  marriage  is  uncertain.  From  the  fact  that  in  the  representa- 
tion of  the  Sed-festival  of  the  Xllth  dynasty  (found  by  Professor  Petrie  at  Memphis), 
the  king  dances  alone  before  Min,  the  god  of  generation,  it  would  seem  to  be  a 
fertility  dance  to  promote  the  increase  and  welfare  of  the  crops,  animals,  and  people 
of  his  kingdom. 

The  figure  on  the  throne  is  evidently  that  of  the  king,  the  reigning  king.  On 
the  mace-head  of  Narrner,  the  earliest  representation  of  the  Sed-festival,  the  king  is 
on  a  throne  under  a  canopy,  he  holds  the  insignia  of  Osiris,  and  he  is  clothed  in 
the  long  tight-fitting  robe  which  is  characteristic  of  the  mummiform  Osiris.  He  is 
essentially  Osiris,  the  Occupier  of  the  Throne.  We  can  hardly  suppose  that  he  is 
represented  here  merely  as  blessing  the  union  of  the  princess — who  is  perhaps  not 
his  own  daughter — with  his  successor.  On  the  contrary,  the  grim  idea  is  forced 
upon  us  that  the  appointment  of  the  new  king  was  coincident  with  the  death  of  the 
old,  and  that  in  the  Sed-festival  we  have  the  two  events  combined  in  one  great 
ceremony. 

Taking  this  view  of  the  Sed-festival  we  obtain  an  explanation  of  some  of  the 
obscure  points  concerning  it.  The  key  to  some  of  these  puzzles  is  to  my  mind 
the  descent  in  the  female  line.  If  the  king  ruled  only  by  right  of  marriage  with 
the  heiress,  what  took  place  if  she  died  first  ?  was  he  put  to  death  ?  did  he  abdicate  ? 
And  as  the  mortality  of  women  in  childbirth  has  always  been  great,  we  can  imagine 
that  this  difficulty  must  have  constantly  presented  itself.  One  solution  was  the 
marriage  of  the  king  with  the  next  heiress  ;  and  this  is  apparently  what  happened 
to  Rameses  II.  His  six  Sed-festivals  probably  represent  six  marriages ;  we  know 
for  certain  that  he  was  married  four  times  ;  first  to  a  lady,  probably  his  sister,  and 
then  to  three  of  his  daughters  in  succession.  Another  solution  of  the  difficulty 
appears  to  have  been  arrived  at  in  the  Xllth  dynasty  in  the  numerous  co-regencies 
which  occur  at  that  period. 

But  the  Sed-festival  is  only  concerned  secondarily  with  the  princess  ;  its  primary 
reason,  its  principal  figure,  is  the  Osirified  king,  before  whom  is  borne  in  procession 
the  Jackal-god  of  death.  This  combination  points  to  the  original  meaning  of  the 
ceremony,  the  sacrifice  of  the  king  as  the  incarnate  deity  of  fertility. 

This  aspect  of  the  Sed-festival  is  borne  out  by  the  inscription  on  the  obelisk 
of  Senusert  I  at  Heliopolis,  which  was  erected  to  commemorate  his  Sed-festival. 
The  phrasing  is  very  significant.  After  the  titles  and  names  of  the  king  come 


the    words 


sp    tpi     sd-hb    (and    this     is    the    important     piece) 


yr-f   dy    ankh    zt.       Taking    this    last     phrase     as    a    temporal 

clause,  which  from  its  position  it  might  well  be,  and  translating  yr  as  the  unin- 
flected  passive,  the  whole  sentence  would  read,  "  The  first  time  of  the  Sed-festival, 
"  when  he  is  made  (to  be)  gifted  with  life  for  ever."  The  inscriptions  also  on  the 
scenes  of  Osorkon's  Sed-festival  at  Bubastis  carry  on  the  same  idea  (I  quote  from 
Breasted's  translation),  "  the  appearance  of  the  king  in  the  temple  of  Amou  and  the 

(/w\      o    \ 
""^         .  J     of    the    Two    Lauds    by    the    king, 

'  the  protection  of  the  sacred  women  of  the  house  of  Amon,  and  the  protection 
"  of  all  the  women  of  his  city."  The  inscription  seems  to  me  to  show  clearly 
that  the  object  of  the  festival  was  the  promotion  of  fertility.  If,  as  I  suppose,  the 
ceremony  was  also  a  substitute  for  the  actual  sacrifice,  a  renewing  of  the  divine 
spirit  within  the  king,  we  should  expect  its  periodical  occurrence  ;  and  this  may 
account  for  the  fact  that  in  quite  late  times  it  certainly  does  seem  to  occur  at 
definite  intervals. 

[     21     ] 


No.  12.]  MAN.  [1914. 

The  Arab  legend  given  by  Maqrizi  is  perhaps  an  echo  from  ancient  time*, 
containing  the  tradition  not  only  of  the  Sed-festival  but  also  of  the  still  earlier  and 
more  savage  ceremony  of  the  actual  sacrifice  of  the  king.  "  Misram,  son  of  Naqraush, 
"  disappeared  from  the  eyes  of  men  for  thirty  years.  He  then  appeared  upon  a 
"  throne  enriched  with  all  manner  of  ornaments,  and  in  an  alarming  array,  which 
"  filled  all  hearts  with  terror  ;  his  subjects  prostrated  themselves  before  him  and 
"  adored  him.  Misram  caused  a  feast  to  be  prepared  for  them,  and  they  ate  and 
"  drank  ;  after  which  he  ordered  them  to  return  to  their  homes  and  was  never  seen 
"  again."* 

In  connection  with  some  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Sed-festival,  I  must  mention 
in  passing  the  curious  object  to  which  Professor  Petrie  has  called  attention  in  the 
representation  of  the  Sed-festival  of  the  Xllth  dynasty  found  at  Memphis.  In  the 
scenes  of  a  later  period  this  object  is  represented  as  a  scorpion  (or  at  any  rate  it 
is  often  so  drawn  by  the  modern  copyist).  But  in  the  Xllth  dynasty  it  is 
undoubtedly  the  upper  part  of  a  headless  human  body.  Professor  Petrie  sees  in  it 
the  remains,  the  actual  dried  body,  of  a  primitive  king,  probably  one  who  was  sacri- 
ficed ;  and  it  is  certainly  significant  that  in  later  representations  the  arms  are  decorated 
with  the  "  Ankh "  the  sign  of  life,  that  it  is  supported  on  the  emblem  of  long 
duration  of  life,  and  that  it  occurs  in  connection  with  the  emblem  of  Osiris.  The 
work  I  have  already  done  with  Dr.  Seligmann  on  this  strange  figure  leads  me  to 
suppose  that  Professor  Petrie  is  right,  but  as  yet  I  have  no  actual  proofs  to  offer  ; 
for  the  subject  still  requires  a  great  amount  of  careful  study. 

(5)  We  now  come  to  the  survivals  in  modern  times.  I  need  hardly  enlarge  on 
the  sacrifice  of  the  Shilluk  kings.  In  some  ways  the  Shilluk  religion  appears  to 
retain  traces  of  the  ancient  Egyptian  religion  ;  whether  derived  from  Egypt  through 
the  priests  of  Ethiopia,  or  whether  it  is  part  of  the  same  primitive  religion  still 
preserved  down  to  our  own  times  it  is  not  yet  possible  to  say.  But  the  sacrifice  of  the 
Shilluk  king  is  proof  positive  that  the  natives  of  the  Nile  Valley  believed  the  king 
to  be  the  incarnate  deity,  the  author  of  all  life  and  fertility. 

The  extraordinary  reverence  in  which  the  modern  Egyptian,  democratic  as  all 
Mahommedans  are,  holds  the  Khedive,  is  perhaps  the  remains  of  the  old  belief  in  the 
divinity  of  the  Pharaoh. 

But  the  most  striking  survival  is  one  witnessed  by  Kluuzinger  in  1867  or  there- 
abouts. On  the  Coptic  New  Year's  Day,  the  day  of  High  Nile,  every  town  and 
village  chose  for  itself  a  Lord  of  Misrule,  whom  they  called  Abu  Nerus,  Father 
of  the  New  Year.  For  three  days  he  was  vested  with  supreme  power,  and  for  those 
three  days  he  was  dressed  in  a  tall  cap,  a  long  beard  made  of  flax,  and  a  peculiarly 
shaped  garment,  and  he  carried  a  sceptre  in  his  hand.  This  description  irresistibly 
reminds  one  of  the  figures  of  Osiris.  At  the  end  of  three  days  he  was  condemned 
to  die,  and  was  actually  set  on  fire,  but  was  always  allowed  to  escape,  though  his 
clothes,  the  insignia  of  his  royal  office,  were  consumed  by  the  flames.  In  this 
ceremony  we  have  the  last  survival  of  the  custom  of  killing  the  king  in  Egypt. 

I  will  now  run  over  very  shortly  the  gradual  growth  of  our  knowledge  of  this 
subject.  The  beginning  of  this  knowledge  dates  back  to  the  translation  of  the  Greek 
inscription  on  the  Rosetta  Stone,  where  the  cycle  of  thirty  years  is  mentioned 
(Kvpiov  TpiaKovraerrjpidcov).  Later  it  was  suggested — and  the  suggestion  was  accepted 
for  many  years — that  the  festival  was  the  thirtieth  anniversary  of  the  king's  acces- 
sion ;  in  1898  this  theory,  being  found  inadequate,  Sethe  brought  forward  a  good 
deal  of  evidence  to  prove  it  the  thirtieth  anniversary  of  the  king's  appointment  as 
crown  prince,t  This,  however,  does  not  cover  the  fact  that  Thothmes  I.  had  a 

*  Maqrizi,  pt.  II.,  ch.  2,  Bouriant,  Mission  Archeologique  Franqaixe,  XVII. 
j-  Zeitschrift  fiir  Aegyptische  Sjjrache,  1898,  64,  note  3. 

[     22     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  12-13. 

Sed-festival,  though  he  was  never  crown-prince  and  did  not  reign  thirty  years  ;  nor 
that  Tut-ankh-amon  had  a  Sed-festival,  though  the  sum  of  his  predecessor's  reign 
added  to  his  own  does  not  amount  to  thirty  years. 

The  hasis  for  the  prese.nt  interpretation  of  this  festival  was  laid  in  Frazer's 
first  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough.  The  connection  of  the  royal  daughter  with  the 
Sed-festival,  of  the  Jackal-standard  with  the  ostrich-feather  of  the  apotheosis  of  the 
king,  and  the  appearance  of  the  king  as  Osiris  in  the  ceremony,  was  shown  by 
Moller  in  1901.  In  1904  I  published  a  list  of  festivals  dated  in  different  reigns  and 
identified  the  scene  on  the  mace-head  of  Narmer  with  the  Sed-festival  ;  in  1905 
Frazer's  lectures  on  the  Kingship  laid  the  foundation  of  a  comparative  view  by 
showing  what  customs  of  king  killing  existed  in  various  countries  round  Egypt.  In 
1905  Petrie  brought  forward  the  connection  of  the  Sed-festival  of  30  years  and 
the  Zfenrt-festival  of  120  years  with  the  well-known  shift  of  the  calendar  in  a  week 
or  a  month  ;  he  also  connected  the  marriage  of  the  royal  daughter  with  the  festival, 
pointed  out  that  the  deification  of  the  king  as  Osiris  was  the  substitute  for  an  earlier 
sacrifice  of  the  king ;  and  called  attention  to  the  survival  of  king-killing  in  the 
Coptic  Abu  Neriis.  In  1911  Dr.  Seligmann  discovered  the  practice  of  king-killing 
still  in  use  among  the  Shilluks  of  Fashoda.  At  the  beginning  of  this  year  Moret 
published  his  Mysteres  Egyptiens,  in  which  he  says  that  the  Sed-festival  renewed 
for  the  king  bis  dignity  royal  and  divine,  and  that  several  rites  of  re-birth  can  be 
recognised  in  it  (p.  73).  He  also  collects  together  various  instances  of  the  Egyptian 
belief  in  the  Pharaoh's  powers  over  fertility  and  famine.  In  the  present  paper  con- 
nections are  shown  between  the  drowning  of  Osiris  and  the  death  of  the  early  kings 
and  their  later  substitutes  ;  it  is  also  pointed  out  that  the  several  Sed-festivals  of 
one  king  belong  to  several  marriages  ;  and  that  traditions  of  the  ceremony  still 
remain  in  mediaeval  Arab  legends. 

The  main  questions  still  to  be  answered  are  four  :  (1)  the  meaning  of  the  gods 
giving  to  the  king  "  millions  of  Sed-festivals,"  whether  implying  length  of  reign, 
frequent  royal  marriages,  or  re-incarnation  ;  (2)  whether  the  thirty-year  period  was  a 
uniform  calendar-cycle  down  to  the  XlXth  dynasty  ;  (3)  whether  the  twelve-year 
Sed-festival  named  in  the  XXIInd  dynasty*  has  the  same  astronomical  basis  as  the 
twelve-year  king-killing  festival  in  India ;  (4)  what  stages  the  ceremony  of  the 
prince's  marriage  and  succession  went  through  in  different  periods. 

M.  A.  MURRAY. 


Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  their  Folk-lore.    />//     49 

Major  A.  J.  N.    Tremearne,  M.A.,  Dip.  Anth.  10 

The  marital  relations  have  been  explained  fully  in  Hausa  Superstitions  and 
Customs,  but  these  stories  (which  could  not  be  included  in  that  book)  throw  more 
light  upon  the  estimation  in  which  wifely  fidelity  is  held.  A  Hausa  woman  is 
supposed  to  be  incapable  of  upright  conduct,  and  story  1  explains  why  this  is  so. 
Any  man  who  imagines  that  he  will  be  able  to  keep  his  wife  from  adultery  is 
considered  to  be  an  idiot,  and  even  a  chief  will  encourage  his  subjects  to  hold  such 
a  man  up  to  ridicule.  A  wife  makes  no  secret  of  her  infidelity,  and  is  quite  ready 
to  prove  it  to  her  husband  should  he  believe  her  true,  even  should  the  proof 
require  the  act  to  be  committed  in  the  husband's  presence.  Sometimes  the  lovers  of 
the  wives  have  narrow  escapes,  and  they  may  have  to  pay  pretty  heavily  if  the 
husband  is  "  sensible,"  and  agrees  to  trade  upon  his  wife's  unlawful  amours.  The 

*  Base  of  a  basalt  statue  with  cartouches  of  Osorkon  II.,    **"*"  '• 
now  in  the  Petrie  Collection  at  University  College. 

[     23     J 


No.  13.]  MAN.  [1914. 

seduction  of  a  chief's  wife  is  always  something  to  be  proud  of,  a  pious  wish  is 
expressed  for  its  accomplishment.  A  husband  should  choose  a  wife  of  the  same 
class  and  tribe  as  himself. 

No.  1. 

wanni  malami    ya  che  abinda        ya       sa         mata     ta     kan       yi         farraka 

Certain  priest  he  said  "  Thing  which  it  causes  woman  she  does  commit  adultery 
sabboda     da  akahaifeta  tana     shan  mamman*     uwanta         har 

because  since  there  has  been  born  her  she  drinks  (from)  breasts  of  mother  her  until 
ta  yi  wayo  wu(r)rin  uwan  shi  ya  sa  ta  ta  yi  farraka 

she  makes  cunning  with]  mother  her,  this,  it  causes  her  she  commits  adultery." 
wanni  kuwa  ya  che  aa  anahaifuansu  da  kirsa  derri 

Another,  however,  he  said  "  No,  no,  there  is  being  born  them  in  deceit,  hundred 
da  daya  kirsansu  shi  kuwa  ya  che  aa  sabboda 

and  one  (are)  wiles  their.'1'1      He    however    (the   first)    he    said    "  No,  no,  because  of 
shan  mamma 
suckling.'1'' 

da  akahaife  wota          yarmache     da         yin  kukanta       sai 

When  there  had  been  born     another    child-woman,  on  making  of  cry  her,    then 
malami    wanda  ya  fara         maganna     ya     che     adauko       ta        adaura  ma-su 

priest  who  he  commenced  argument,  he  said  to  bring  her  to  tie  to  them 
aure  sai  akuche  to  da  akawanke  ta 

marriage' (knot).  So  it  ivas  said  "Agreed"  When  there  had  been  washed  her 
achikkin  kwotaniya  akadaura  ma-ta  aure  auaba  ta 

in  basin,        there  was  tied  to  her  marriage  (knot).        There  was  given   her 

nonon  akwiya      har     ta         yi  wayo  da         ta  yi  wayo 

milk  of  goat  until  she  began  to  understand.  After  she  had  begun  to  understand 
ta  yi  girrima  har  ta  zamma  buduruwa  har  ya  san 

she  grew  big  until  she  became  maiden  (Jit  for  marriage),  at  last  he  knew 
ta  mache 

her  (as)  wife. 

sai        dan     sa(r)rikin  ga(r)ri  ya      ji       labari       akache  ga    wanni  malami  ya 

Now  son  of  chief  of  city  he  heard  news,  it  was  said  "  See  certain  priest  he 
ajje  yariniya  a-giddansa  tunda  baifuwanta  ya  che  ba  zata  yi 

has  kept  girl  in  house  his  ever  since  birth  her,  he  said  not  she  will  commit 
farraka  ba  sai  dan  sa(r)riki  ya  che  to  ni  zan  yi  farraka  da 
adultery  not.  Then  son  of  chief  he  said  "  Well,  I,  I  will  commit  adultery  with 
ita  sai  dan  sa(r)riki  ya  hau  doki  ya  hadda  kayan  addo 

her."      So    son    of     chief     he    mounted    horse,    he    heaped    on    things  of  adornment 
ya     hadda    kayan  addo    sai     ya      zo      ya         bi  bayan  gidda 

(caparisons)  he  put  on  caparisons,  then  he  came,  he  went  to  back  of  compound. 
da  ya  bi  bayan  gidda  sai  ya  waso  goro  ashirin  achikki 

When  he  had  come  to  back  of  compound,  then  he  threw  kola-nuts  twenty  inside. 
Sai  ta  tsintsi  ita  yariniya  ta  chainye  ta  boye  kirsa 

So  she  picked  (them  up),  she,  girl,  she  ate  (some)  she  hid  (remainder).  Guile 
ta  fara  fitta  ke  nan 

it  began  to  appear  (thus  it)     was.* 

*  Na,  -n,  and  -r  all  mean  "  of." 

t  i.e.,  "has  begun  to  understand,  being  taught  by  her  mother."  The  usual  meaning  of  yi  is 
"  make,"  but  there  are  many  others,  e.g.  '•  begin." 

%  If  the  woman  accepts  the  kola-nuts,  it  is  a  sign  that  she  is  willing  to  receive  the  person  who 
has  given  them.  If  an  intermediary  is  employed,  the  girl  bauds  a  nut  or  two  back  to  be  given  to 
the  sender  as  a  sign  of  assent. 

[     24     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  13. 

Sai         dan     sa(r)riki  ya      wuche  sai       da      akakwana  u(k)kti 

Then  son  of     chief     he  went  away.     But  when  there  had  (passed)  days  three, 
kuma         ya       komo  da         ya  komo      ya      sakye  wason  goro 

however,    he    returned.       When    he    had   returned,    he   repeated    throwing    of  kolas 
acbikkin       gidda  sai         ta     che    wanda  ya   waso  goron    nan       sai         na       gan 

in  compound.       Then  she  said  "  Who  he  threiv  kolas  these,  surely  I  will   see 

shi       yau  sai  ta        ku(l)la  zenne    ta          ku(l)la         zenne    bar    ashirin      ta 

him  to-day."       So  she  tied  together  cloths,  she  tied  together  cloths  even  tiventy,  she 
jefa  a-katanga     sai      ta       kama      zenne    sai    ta         hau  sai    ta      ga 

threw  (one  end)  on  wall,  then  she  gripped  cloths  and  she  climbed.  So  she  saw 
dan  sa(r)riki  sai  ta  che  a  gobe  da  malam  ya  teffi  masallache 

son  of  chief.  Then  she  said  "Ah,  to-morrow  when  priest  he  has  gone  mosque, 
ka  zo  sai  dan  sa(r)riki  ya  che  to 

you  co/«e."      And  son  of     chief     he  said  "  Very  well." 

sai  azzuba  ya      zo  kirran         salla      nafari  malam  ya 

When  early  morning   it   came  (the  time  of)  calling  of  prayer    first,   priest   he 
teffi    masallache  ya  hadda  ma   doki          kaya  da       ya 

went  mosque,  (and  so  son  of  chief)  he  put  on  horse  caparisons.  When  he 
waso  goro  ta  sa(n)ni  shi  ne  sai  ta  kama  zenne  ta  hau 

had  thrown  kolas,  she  knew  he  (it)  was.  So  she  gripped  cloths,  she  climbed 
katanga  sai  ta  che  mi-shi  shi  shiggo  sai  ya  che  a  duk  da 

wall,  and  she  said  to  him  he  should  enter.  Then  he  said  "  What !  both  with 
doki  sai  ta  che  i  sai  dan  sa(r)riki  ya  shigga  har  tsakkan 

horse?"  And  she  said  "Yes."  So  son  of  chief  he  entered  even  middle  of 
gidda  sai  ta  che  to  ka  sauka  da  ya  sauka 

compound.  Then  she  said  "  Now  you  dismount"  When  he  had  dismounted, 
akadauri  doki  atsakkar  gidda  shi  knwa  ya  shigga  da(i)kiuta 

there  was  tied  up  horse  in  middle  of  compound,  he,  however,  he  entered  hut  her, 
yana  farraka  da  ita  sai  giddan  malami  duk  ya  haske  da 

he  was  (committing)  adultery  icith  her.      Lo  !  house  of  priest    whole  it   shone  with 
kayan  addon      dokin         dan       sa(r)riki 
caparisons  of  horse  of  son  of     chief. 

sai       malam     ya       komo        ya     ga  kofaton  doki      har  kofan 

Now    priest,    he    returned,    he    saw         hooi/(marks)      of   horse    up    to   door   of 
zaure  daya    har       kofan  zaure  nabiyu      har  uau(k)ku     ya        leka 

entrance-porch  one,  up  to  door  of  entrance-porch  second,  up  to  third.  He  peered, 
ya  ga  gidda  duka  ya  haske  da  kayan  doki  sai  ya  ga  doki 

he  saw  compound  whole  it  shone  with  caparisons  of  horse.  Then  he  saw  horse 
atsakkar  gidda  yana  tabariya  sai  dan  sa(r)riki  gabbanshi 

in  middle  of  compound,  he  was  prancing.  Now  son  of  chief,  breast  (heart)  his 
ya  fadi  ya  ji  tsoro  ye  che  enna  tsirm  enna  dubara  ita  ta  che 

it  fell,  he  felt  fear,  he  said  "  Where  (is)  cunning,  where  (is)  plan  ?  "  She,  she  said 
opp  achikkin  kirsana  derri  da  daya  her  en  yi  ma-sa  rabbin  gu(d)da  daya 
"Poof,  amongst  wiles  my  hundred  and  one,  let  me  do  to  him  half  of  unit  one." 
sai  ta  fitta  buf  dagga  da(i)kiu  ta  che  malam  ga  bayanka 

Then  she  bounded  out  "  boof"  from  hut  the,  she  said,  "  Priest,  see  behind  you* 
sa(r)riki  ya  aiko  ma-ka  da  sa(d)dakan  doki  ba  ka  koma  ka  tara 

chief  he  sent  to  you  present  of  horse,  (will)  not  you  go  back,  you  assemble 
malami  ka  je  ka  yi  mi-shi  aduwa  sai  malami  ya  che  hakkanau  ue 

priests,   you  go,   you   do    to  him   homage  f "      And    priest    he  said       "  So        is  (it) 

*  After  you  had  gone. 
[     25     ] 


No,  13.]  MAN.  [1914. 

kuwa  hakkanan  ne  kuwa  sai  ya  koma  baya      da  ya         fitta     sai       ta 

really  ?  so  is  (it)  really  ? "  So  he  went  back.  When  he  had  gone,  (hen  she 
che  da  dan  sa(r)riki  ka  fitta  ka  hau  dokiuka  ka  teffi 

said  to  son  of  chief,  "  You  go  outside,  you  mount  horse  your,  you  go  away.'1'' 
da  fittanshi  sai  ta  dauke  tsiutsiya  ta  share  kafaton  doki 

On  going  out  his,  then  she  took  broom,  she  swept  hooj\marks)  of  horse, 
inda  ya  yi  gu(r)ribi  ta  zuba  da  kura  sai  gun  ya  chikka 

wherever    it  had  made       hole      she  threw   in  dust  until  hole  it  filled  up. 

sai      malami  suka       tarn         suka    teffi       wu(r)rin       sa(r)riki      ya  che 

Now  priests  they  assembled,  they  went  presence  of  chief.  He  (priest}  said 
muka  zo  mu  yi  ma-ka  aduwa  ne  ya  che  bayanda  na  teffi 

"  We  have  come,  we  may  do  to  you  homage  (it)  is."  He  said  "  After  that  I  went 
masallachi  ka  aiko  mi-mi  da  sa(d)dakan  doki  angarima  duk  da  kayanshi  na 
mosque,  you  sent  to  me  present  of  horse,  charger,  all  with  caparisons  his  of 

sarauta    na  gode      ma-ka        sa(r)riki  ya  che     ni  kuma         sai    malami  ya    che 

rank.       I  (give)  thanks  to  you."      Chief       he  said  "/ ?"     And  priest    he  said 

opp  kai      manna          ai         doki     yana     nan         atsakkan  gidda  sai 

"  What,  you,  certainly,  surely  horse  he  is  there  in  middle  of  compound."  Then 
sa(r)riki  ya  che  ni  ban  yerda  ba  na  sa  ka  da  fadawa  su  bi 

chief  he  said  "  I  not  I  agree  not,  I  will  put  you  with  attendants,  they  follow 
ka  su  zo  su  ga  doki  malami  da  fadawa  da  suka  zo  gidda 

you  they  go,  they  see  horse."  Priests  and  attendants  when  they  had  come  house, 
ko  kafaton  doki  babu  sai  ya  shigga  gidda  ya  kirra  yariniya  ya  che 

even  hoof  (print)  of  horse  net.  Then  he  entered  house,  he  called  girl,  he  said 
ke  enna  dokin  da  na  berri  atsakkan  gidda  sai  yariniya  ta 

"  You,  ichere  horse  that  I  left  in  middle  of  compound  ? "  And  girl  she 
kama  kai  ta  che  wayo  malami  ya  hanka  sai  ta  che  du  allah  ku 

clasped  head,  she  said  "  Alas !  priest  he  raves"  Then  she  said  " By  .  God  you,  do 
kun  ga  kafaton  doki  a-gidda  sai  suka  che  a  a  sai  malam 

you  see  hoof  (prints)  of  horse  in  house1?"  And  they  said  "No,  no."  Then  priest 
ya  che  kai  yanzu  yanzu  na  ber  doki  nan  sai  fadawa  suka  che  ai 

he  said  "  Ah !  now,    now,     I  left  horse  here."     Then  attendants  they  said  "  Surely 
kama  malam  akai    shi       wu(r)rin     sa(r)riki  ya  hanka 
seize   priest    bring  him  presence  oj     chief,     he  raves." 

sai  akakirra  yariniya       a-wu(r)rin         sa(r)riki  sa(r)riki  ya  tambaye 

But  there  was  summoned  girl  to  presence  of  chief,  chief  he  asked 
ta  ya  che  zenchen  nan  na  malam  gaskiya  ne  ko  ya  yi  ka(r)riya  sai  ta  che 
her,  he  said  "  Tale  this  of  priest,  truth  is  or  he  tells  lie  ? "  And  she  said 
gaskiya  ne  abin  da  ya  sa  na  yi  mi-shi  hakkanan  don  ya  yi 
"  Truth  is,  thing  ivhich  it  caused  I  did  to  him  thus,  because  he  made 
gardamma  anche  anahaifuwam  mu  da  kirsa  ta  che 

disagreement  (when)  it  was  said  there  is  being  born  us  in  deceit."  She  said 
saboda  shi  na  nuna  ina-su  ana  haifuwam  mu  da  shi 

"  On  account  of   it    I    proved  to  them  there  is  being  born    us    in   it."* 

sai       malam    ya    che     to    ya       tuba  sai  sa(r)riki  ya        ber         shi         suka 

Then  priest  he  said  oh,  he  repented.  So  chief  he  released  him.  They 
teffi  gidda  suka  zamma  tana  farrakanta  abinta 

went  home,  they    lived,  she  was  (committing)  adultery  her  unmolested. 

A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


The  girl  did  not  agree  witb  the  mother's  milk  theory. 
[     26     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  14. 

REVIEWS. 
Germany  :  Archseology.  Schmidt. 

Die  diluvial  e  Vorzeit  Dcutschlands.  Von  R.  R.  Schmidt  (archiiologischer  41 
Teil),  unter  Mitwirkung  von  E.  Koken  (geologischer  Teil)  und  A.  Schliz  IT 
(anthropologrscher  Teil),  mit  50  Tafeln,  140  Text-figuren  und  2  Tabellen.  Stutt- 
gart,  1912. 

A  common  objection  to  the  dominant  palaeolithic  system  has  been  the  absence  of 
proof  that  it  applied  anywhere  but  in  France.  Excessive  caution,  bordering  on  insular 
prejudice,  has  stood  in  the  way  of  our  full  recognition  of  Continental  results,  although 
for  at  least  a  part  of  the  period  in  question  Britain  was  one  with  France,  and  conditions 
were  approximately  the  same  over  the  large  cretaceous  area  of  northern  France  and 
south-east  England.  Reactionary  tendencies  of  this  kind  will  be  checked  by  the 
appearance  of  Dr.  Schmidt's  work  on  the  palaeolithic  period  in  Germany,  where  the 
sequence  established  in  France  has  now  been  verified,  at  least  in  the  south-west. 

These  two  handsome  volumes  (for  the  plates  are  best  bound  separately)  are 
inspired  by  the  author's  own  discoveries  at  Sirgenstein  and  Ofnet,  both  sites  being 
roughly  half-way  between  Stuttgart  and  Augsburg  ;  and  they  more  than  realise  the 
student's  patient  expectation  of  a  comprehensive  work  on  the  early  Stone  Age  of 
Germany.  All  but  the  very  early  periods  are  here  represented  on  a  scale  that  throws 
into  relief  the  characteristics  of  the  various  stages  of  culture  now  generally  recognised 
in  the  older  Stone  Age,  and  by  a  happy  thought  a  few  plates  representing  the  main 
types  are  indicated  for  the  benefit  of  the  beginner  on  p.  iv  immediately  before  the 
plates.  Though  somewhat  cumbersome,  the  elaborate  table  at  the  end  of  the  text, 
with  the  fauna  and  culture  of  each  period  and  its  relation  to  the  glaciations,  can  be 
highly  recommended,  though  a  rival  system  has  been  championed  in  several  quarters, 
and  finality  is  not  yet  reached.  The  following  table  represents  in  outline  the  views 
upheld  by  the  three  authors,  following  in  principle  the  dominant  school  in  France  :  — 
GLACIATIONS  (PENCK 


AND  BRCCKHEB).  FRANCE  AND  GEEMANY-  SCANDINAVIA. 

Post-Daun  -     Campigny     -  -     Litorina-Tapes  :  Shell-mounds. 

Daun  stage       -  -     Mas  d'Azil  and  earliest  neo-     Ancylus  :  Maglemose. 

lithic. 

Gschnitz  stage  -     Late  La  Madeleine  -  -     Yoldia  period. 

Buhl  stage       -  -     Early  to    mid  La  Madeleine     Retreat  of  Baltic  ice-sheet. 

(upper  rodent  bed). 

Achen  oscillation  -     Solutre  and  Aurignac  -     Wanting. 

Wiirm  glaciation  -     Le  Moustier  -     Wanting. 

Riss-Wiirm  interglacial     St.  Acheul  and  Chelles        -     Wanting. 

Traces  of   the    Chelles    culture  have   not    yet    been   found    in    Germany,  but   the 
Elephas  antiquus  fauna  of  France  lasted  through  the   St.   Acheul  period  in  Germany 
associated    in  part    with    the    mammoth,    while   from    Le    Moustier    to    La    Madeleine 
inclusive    an    arctic-alpine    fauna    persisted.     Attention  should    also   be  drawn    to  the 
inclusion  of  the  period  of  Le  Moustier  in  the  early  palaeolithic  division,  and  the  beginning 
of  the    later    with  Aurignac.     Except  for  the   absence  of    Chelles    and   late    Solutre 
types   the   German    series    is  practically    identical    with    that   generally    accepted    for 
France  ;  but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  German  evidence  is  more  or  less  confined 
to  the  south-west  and  the   upper  Rhine.     The  map  opposite   p.  116  (plate  A)  shows 
the  periods  represented  on  the  various  sites,  which  are  treated  in  four  groups  :  — 
(i)  Suabia  and  S.  Germany  (Heidelberg  to  Munich). 
(ii)  S.W.  Germany  (Metz  to  Basel). 
(iii)  Rhine  and  Westphalia  (Wiesbaden  to  Diisseldorf). 
(iv)  N.  Germany  (Brunswick  to  Weimar). 

[     27     ] 


No.  14,]  MAN.  [1914. 

Excursions  in  district  (i)  were  organised  for  the  Prehistoric  Congress  at  Tubingen 
in  1911,  and  the  section  at  Sirgenstein  was  a  most  impressive  sight.  On  the  terrace 
of  the  cave,  120  feet  above  the  stream  which  joins  the  Danube  at  Ulm,  an  oblong  pit 
had  been  sunk,  and  in  little  over  five  feet  it  was  possible  to  trace  a  vertical  succession 
from  Le  Moustier  to  La  Madeleine,  both  included.  Such  a  result  involved  much 
patient  work  on  the  part  of  Dr.  Schmidt  and  his  colleagues  and  may  appear  incredible 
to  those  unfamiliar  with  recent  cave-research.  Besides  the  culture-levels,  each  with 
its  typical  implements,  were  two  thin  layers  of  rodents'  bones  in  some  places  without 
matrix  or  admixture — one  following  Le  Moustier  and  the  other  corresponding  to 
early  La  Madeleine.  In  the  former  the  dominant  animal  was  the  N.  American  lemming 
(Myodes  obensis)  ;  in  the  latter,  that  species  was  outnumbered  by  the  banded  species 
(M.  torquatus),  and  that  in  turn  gave  place  to  a  species  of  pica  (Lagomys  pusillus). 
The  lemmings  indicate  a  climate  similar  to  that  of  the  far  north  of  Russia  to-day  ;  but 
as  the  view  here  taken  is  that  the  cold  continued  throughout  the  Cave-period  it  might 
be  thought  that  rodent-beds  could  occur  at  any  level.  That  they  mark  a  considerable 
fall  in  the  temperature  at  two  definite  points  in  the  -sequence  is,  however,  practically 
proved  by  the  occurrence  of  rodent-beds  elsewhere  in  Germany  at  corresponding 
levels,  at  Wildscheuer  and  Ofnet.  The  latter  site  is  of  extreme  interest  to  the  anthro- 
pologist, as  it  yielded  no  less  than  thirty-three  human  skulls  in  two  groups,  including 
those  of  nine  women  and  twenty  children.  These  cave-dwellers  of  the  Mas  d'Azil 
stage,  immediately  after  La  Madeleine,  had  been  decapitated  not  by  their  enemies,  but 
solely  for  ceremonial  burial,  the  skulls  being  all  turned  towards  the  west  and  carefully 
arranged  with  beads  and  other  funeral  furniture.  The  date  is  fixed  by  the  stratifi- 
cation and  the  inclusion  of  pygmy  flints,  but  the  skulls  were  not  all  buried  at  one 
time,  fresh  additions  to  the  groups  having  been  made  in  concentric  rings.  Most 
are  brachy cephalic,  with  two  varieties  of  calvaria  (double-circle  and  pear-shape, 
corresponding  to  the  Crenelle  and  lake-dwelling  types  respectively)  ;  five  are 
dolichocephalic,  and  eight  mesaticephalic.  Further  analysis  shows  that  they  belong 
to  a  population  descended  from  two  distinct  races,  some  of  the  subjects  reverting 
to  type. 

It  would  be  ungracious  to  find  fault  with  this  imposing  work  on  the  very  ground 
of  its  magnificence  ;  but,  in  the  first  place,  the  most  advanced  work  on  such  a  subject 
must  presently  be  out  of  date,  and,  secondly,  the  necessarily  high  price  puts  it 
beyond  the  reach  of  most  students  who  cannot  borrow  it  from  a  library.  Its  perusal 
cannot  fail  to  have  a  steadying  and  inspiring  effect,  for  it  is  a  striking  confirma- 
tion of  the  current  system,  and  shows  what  might  be  done  with  the  much  richer 
material  in  this  country.  The  authors  know  as  well  as  anyone  that  many  of  the 
problems  they  treat  so  fully  are  matters  of  controversy  ;  and  it  is  perhaps  a  wise 
policy  to  take  a  strong  line  instead  of  presenting  various  views  and  leaving  the 
reader  to  choose  between  them.  The  only  objection  is  that  one  is  liable  to  take 
for  granted  what  is  still  under  discussion.  For  instance,  it  is  asserted  that  Mesvin 
is  probably  the  oldest  human  industry.  Dr.  Rutot  has  strong  views  as  to  the  date  of 
that  industry,  and  certainly  does  not  regard  it  as  the  earliest  known  ;  and  Dr.  Schmidt 
states  that  no  implementiferous  deposits  that  exclude  the  possibility  of  a  natural 
origin  for  eoliths  have  yet  been  found.  Again  a  matter  of  opinion,  not  to  mention 
the  possibility  of  man's  presence  in  Tertiary  deposits.  The  loess  question  once  more 
is  not  finally  settled,  though  recent  research  has  brought  it  nearer  solution  ;  and 
in  connection  with  Achenheim  it  may  be  observed  that  fig.  5  of  PI.  xxvii,  assigned 
to  St.  Acheul  II.,  looks  much  like  the  Northfleet  type,  also  found  in  the  Somrne 
valley  and  assigned  to  early  Le  Moustier.  Among  sites  for  the  Mas  d'Azil  type  of 
harpoon  occurs  Ecosse  :  why  not  Schottland  ?  The  specimens  from  Oban  are  well 
known  and  others  have  recently  been  found  in  Scotland. 

[     28     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  14-15, 

Among  other  statements  open  to  question  may  be  mentioned  two  at  the  end  of 
the  text,  in  Dr.  Schmidt's  lucid  summary  of  palaeolithic  chronology  and  its  relation 
to  the  antiquity  of  man.  "Very  few  open-air  stations  of  Le  Moustier  or  La  Madeleine 
"  date  are  known,"  and  "  the  Neandertal  type  represents  the  old  palaeolithic  culture" 
— but  several  open-air  sites  with  Le  Moustier  flints  have  recently  been  noticed  in 
France  ;  and  there  are  surface  finds  of  both  dates  in  England,  while  the  champions 
of  Galley  Hill  man  will  deny  the  second  dictum  with  considerable  vigour.  Though 
all  will  recognise  the  ability,  the  general  accuracy  and  enterprise  of  the  authors,  and 
will  be  grateful  for  a  handsome  addition  to  Stone  Age  literature,  the  thin  soft  paper 
of  the  text  will  prove  a  mistake  :  though  a  welcome  relief  from  the  usual  shiny  surface, 
it  will  not  withstand  ordinary  wear  and  tear. 

As  German  prehistoric  books  are  seldom  seen  in  this  country,  and  the  language 
itself  is  a  difficulty,  it  seems  advisable  to  append  a  short  list  of  technical  terms  with 
their  French  and  English  equivalents,  to  obviate  a  fruitless  search  in  dictionaries  : — 

FAUSTEL,  coup-de-poing,   hand-axe. 

SPITZMANDELFORMIGER  FAUSTEL,  ficron,  long-pointed  hand-axe. 

SCHOLLEXFORM,  limatide,  dab-fish  type. 

SCHABER,  racloir,  side-scraper. 

KRATZER,  grattoir,  end-scraper. 

KLIXGEXKRATZER,  grattoir  sur  lame,  end-scraper  on  blade. 

KIELKRATZER,  grattoir  carene,  keeled  plane  or  cone. 

STICHEL,  burin,  graving-tool,  graver. 

ECKSTICHEL,  burin  d1  angle,  angle-graver  with  short  slice. 

KANTENSTICHEL,  burin  lateral,  angle-graver  with  long  slice. 

STIELSPITZE,  pointe  de  la  Font  Robert,  tanged  point. 

KERBSPITZE,  pointe  a  cran,  shouldered  point. 

KAXNELIERRETUSCHE,  retouche  lamellaire,  fluting. 

DORSALRETUSCHE,  a  dos  abattu.  battered  back.  R.  A.  S. 


Congo.  Weeks. 

Among  Congo  Cannibals:  Experiences,  Impressions,  and  Adventures  during  4C 
a  Thirty  Years'  Sojourn  amongst  the  Boloki  and  other  Congo  Tribes,  with  III 
a  Description  of  their  Curious  Habits,  Customs,  Religion,  and  Laws.  By  John  H. 
Weeks.  London  :  Seeley,  Servia  &  Co.,  1913.  Pp.  352.  Fifty-four  illustrations 
and  map. 

The  people  chiefly  treated  in  this  book  are  the  Boloki  of  the  Middle  Congo, 
a  riverine  tribe  inhabiting  the  district  near  Nouvelle  Anvers,  formerly  known  as 
Bangala  Station.  The  name  Bangala,  which  has  been  variously  applied  to  them 
and  to  the  neighbouring  Bomuna  tribe,  and  is  used  by  MM.  Van  Overbergh  and 
De  Jonghe  to  cover  "  a  do/en  or  more  different  tribes  speaking  as  many  distinct 
languages,"  seems  to  have  been  quite  unknown  to  the  natives  themselves.  The 
"  Bangala "  of  Stanley  and  Coquilhat,  living  at  Diboko,  under  the  chieftainship  of 
Mata  Bwiki,  were  "  Bomuna  of  the  tribe  of  Bobanga."  Mr.  Weeks,  by  the  bye, 
disposes  of  a  certain  amount  of  legend  about  Mata  Bwiki,  whom  Stanley  imagined 
to  be  a  sort  of  paramount  chief — showing  (p.  169)  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as 
a  paramount  chief  among  the  Boloki,  and  that  the  translation,  "  Lord  of  many 
guns,"  is  an  error. 

The  outcome  of  thirty  years'  experience  cannot  fail  to  be  instructive,  and  an 
enormous  amount  of  valuable  information  is  contained  in  these  pages,  especially  in 
the  chapters  on  "  Social  Life  and  Organisation,"  "  Marriage  and  Child-bearing," 
"  Games  and  Pastimes,"  "  Law,  Crimes,  and  Ordeals,"  "  Mythology  and  Folklore," 
"Religious  Beliefs,"  "Taboos  and  Curses,"  &c.,  &c. 

[     29     ] 


No.  15.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Particularly  noteworthy — among  numerous  other  points  which  I  am  compelled 
to  pass  over — is  the  Boloki  theory  as  to  unborn  children  (p.  129).  Every  family 
has  a  liboma,  which  may  be  a  pool,  a  creek,  or  a  bombax  tree  (it  is  not  stated  whether 
any  other  tree  can  be  a  liboma),  and  "  is  regarded  as  the  preserve  of  the  unborn 
"  children  of  the  family.  The  disembodied  spirits  (mingoli)  of  the  deceased  members 
"  of  the  family  performed  the  duty  of  supplying  these  preserves  with  spirit-children 
"  to  keep  their  families  strong  and  numerous.  They  have  a  very  misty  idea  as  to 
"  how  these  liboma  are  supplied  with  spirit-children  (or  bingbongbci),  but  I  have 
"  a  suspicion  that  underlying  the  liboma  is  some  idea  of  re-incarnation — some 
"  thought  there  was  a  re-birth  of  certain  deceased  members  of  the  family,  and 
"  others  thought  the  disembodied  spirits  had  spirit-children,  and  these  were  sent  to 
"  the  liboma  to  be  endowed  in  due  turn  with  bodies  ....  If  a  man  has  one 
"  child  by  a  wife  and  no  more,  he  thinks  someone  has  bewitched  his  liboma  by 
"  taking  the  family's  stock  of  children  from  it  and  hiding  them  ;  or  it  may  be  that 
"  the  other  members  of  the  family  have  bewitched  her  so  that  she  may  not  be  able 
"  to  procure  another  child  from  the  liboma  that  there  might  be  more  for  themselves  ; 
"  if,  however,  none  of  the  family  have  more  than  one  child  by  their  wives,  then 
"  some  other  family,  through  hatred  or  jealousy,  has  taken  by  witchcraft  the 
"  children  from  their  liboma  and  concealed  them,  for  only  the  family  to  which  the 
"  liboma  belongs  can  give  birth  to  the  unborn  infant  spirits  then." 

Twins  (masa)  always  have  the  names  of  Nkumu  and  Mpeya  given  them,  just  as 
with  the  Anyanja  they  are  always  called  Mngoli  and  Nyuma,  evidently  meaning  "  in 
front "  and  "  behind,"  or  "  former "  and  "  latter."  Mr.  Weeks  gives  no  explanation 
of  the  Boloki  terms,  which  appear  to  be  used  also  by  the  Bobangi  (see  JVhitehead's 
Dictionary,  p.  481,  s.v.  Twin),  though  their  word  for  "twins"  is  different.  On  the 
Lower  Congo  the  word  is  nshimba  ;  the  elder  twin  is  also  called  Nshimba  (in  Bentley's 
spelling  Nximba),  while  the  younger  is  Nzuji.  Mr.  Weeks  does  not  offer  any 
suggestion  as  to  the  etymology  of  masa  ;  it  can  hardly  be  connected  with  the  Bantu 
root  given  by  Meinhof  as  paka,  which  is  found  in  Swahili  as  pata  (pacha),  in 
Pokomo  as  mpatsa,  in  Nyanja  as  mpasa,  in  Zulu  as  impahla,  &c.  Special  rules  have 
to  be  observed  with  regard  to  twins  : — 

"  The  first-born  of  twins  is  always  carried  on  the  right  arm  and  the  second  on 
the  left  arm.  Whenever  the  mother  replies  to  a  salutation  she  must  give  two 
answers,  one  for  each  child  ;  and  should  she  greet  anyone  she  must  duplicate  her 
greeting.  .  .  .  She  must  eat,  not  with  one  hand,  but  with  both,  that  each  child 
may  be  properly  nourished.  Presents  are  given  in  duplicate  or  the  child  not  receiving 
a  present  will  become  ill,  fret,  and  die." 

No  clan  organisation  is  mentioned ;  and  there  seems  to  be  a  good  deal  of 
uncertainty  about  terms  of  relationship,  which,  among  most  Bantu  peoples,  are  so 
minute  and  precise.  (See  p.  161  and  Appendix,  Note  4,  p.  342.)  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  there  is  a  word  nkaja,  like  the  Nyanja  mlongo  and  Swahili  umbu,  applied  by  a 
brother  to  a  sister  and  vice  versa,  but  never  by  a  sister  to  a  sister  or  a  brother  to 
a  brother.  Bokilo,  which  is  used  for  "  mother-in-law,"  but  includes  all  relations  by 
marriage,  is  derived  from  kila  "  to  forbid  "  (cf.  Zulu  zila,  and  Ronga  yila),  and  this 
etymology  is  confirmed  by  the  custom  of  mutual  avoidance  between  a  man  and  his 
wife's  mother,  and  a  wife  and  her  husband's  father.  Totemism  would  appear  to  be 
dying  out,  but  there  are  numerous  traces  of  it.  What  is  said  about  curses  and  the 
mode  of  taking  them  off  on  pp.  293-300  should  be  compared  with  Ronga  procedure 
described  by  M.  Junod. 

We  note  that,  in  Mr.  Weeks's  opinion,  polygamy  tends  to  restrict  the  population, 
as  it  seems  to  have  been  possible  (see  p.  135)  for  a  few  wealthy  men  to  "  corner"  all 
the  available  women  ;  the  numbers  of  the  sexes  would  seem  to  be  approximately  equal, 

[  30  ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos.  15-16. 

The  folk  tales  given  in  Chapter  XIV.  present  interesting  points  of  contrast  with 
other  Bantu  stories,  and  merit  careful  study,  especially  the  adventures  of  the  legendary 
hero,  Libanza. 

We  cannot  conclude  without  a  word  of  praise  for  the  excellent  illustrations,  see 
especially  Frontispiece  and  pp.  102,  118,  and  160.  A.  WERNER. 


Australia.  Malinowski. 

The  Family  among  the  Australian  Aborigines.  By  B.  Malinowski,  Ph.D.  JO 
Published  for  the  University  of  London  Press  by  Hodder  and  S  tough  ton,  10 
1913. 

Mr.  Malinowski  has  written  a  book  that  should  be  carefully  read  not  only  by 
every  student  of  Australian  institutions,  but  by  every  student  of  sociology.  It 
consists  of  a  critical  and  systematic  examination  of  all  the  information  at  present 
available  about  the  individual  family  in  Australian  tribes.  For  the  student  of 
Australian  ethnology  it  shows  the  fundamental  importance  of  the  individual  family 
in  the  social  organisation  of  the  aborigines,  and  gives  a  clear  and  illuminating 
account  of  an  institution  that  has  been  neglected  not  only  in  theoretical  works  but 
also  in  descriptive  works.  For  the  student  of  sociology  in  general  it  is  by  far  the 
best  example  in  English  of  scientific  method  in  dealing  with  descriptions  of  the 
customs  and  institutions  of  a  savage  people.  Thus,  quite  apart  from  its  value  as 
giving  a  detailed  description  of  an  important  institution  in  a  race  that  has  received 
much  attention  from  sociologists,  it  may  well  serve  for  some  time  to  come  as  a 
model  of  method,  and  for  this  reason  alone  should  be  in  the  hands  of  every  student 
of  ethnology. 

Although  the  work  is  purely  descriptive  in  scope,  yet  it  has  an  important 
bearing  on  theoretical  questions.  The  author  shows  very  clearly  that  the  individual 
family  is  of  extreme  importance  in  the  daily  life  of  an  Australian  tribe.  If  the 
individual  family  did  not  exist,  the  moral  and  economic  life  of  the  natives  would 
have  to  be  something  entirely  different  from  what  it  is.  This  important  fact  bas 
been  ignored  by  writers  who  have  defended  a  hypothesis  of  the  former  existence  of 
group-marriage  in  Australia.  The  individual  family,  far  from  showing  any  signs  of 
being  a  recent  innovation,  seems,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  one  of  the  most  fundamental 
elements  of  the  social  organisation.  This  much  is  evident  from  Mr.  Malinowski's 
book,  which,  therefore,  though  not  written  with  any  controversial  intention,  affords 
an  overwhelming  argument  against  hypotheses  of  group-marriage  as  they  are  commonly 
stated. 

The  scope  of  the  book  may  be  indicated  by  a  brief  summary.  Chapter  I. 
explains  the  problem  (to  provide  a  definition  or  description  of  the  individual  family 
in  Australia)  and  the  methods  used  in  dealing  with  evidence.  Chapter  II.  describes 
the  manner  of  obtaining  wives.  (In  this  chapter  there  is  one  conclusion  drawn  on 
what  seems  slender  evidence,  to  the  effect  that  marriage  by  exchange  of  females  is 
absent  from  tribes  of  Western  Queensland  and  Central  Australia.  Exchange  of 
females  may  be  disguised  under  betrothal  customs.  A  common  form  of  betrothal  is 
that  a  man  is  betrothed  to  a  girl,  and  at  the  same  time  his  sister  is  betrothed  to 
her  brother.  Further,  marriage  by  purchase — by  presents  to  the  father-in-law — and 
marriage  by  exchange  of  sisters  are  not  in  any  way  mutually  exclusive,  for  they  may 
both  exist  in  the  same  tribe.  In  Western  Australia,  although  a  man  may  have 
obtained  his  wife  by  the  exchange  of  a  sister,  he  is  still  obliged,  both  before  and 
after  marriage,  to  give  presents  of  food  and  weapons  to  his  father-in-law.)  Chapter  III. 
deals  with  the  relations  between  a  husband  and  wife,  in  so  far  as  concerns  the  autho- 
rity of  the  husband,  his  treatment  of  the  wife,  and  the  affection  and  attachment 

[  31  ] 


Nos.  16-17.]  MA.N.  [1914. 

between  them.  (One  remark  may  be  made  in  this  connection.  The  author  speaks 
of  the  ill-treatment  of  the  woman  by  her  husband.  It  may  be  observed  that  the 
Australian  woman  always  has  a  remedy  against  any  exhibition  of  physical  force  by 
her  husband,  in  the  use  of  her  tongue.  A  woman's  tongue  is  as  powerful  in  con- 
trolling a  wayward  husband  in  Australia  as  it  is  in  more  civilised  communities.) 
Chapter  IV.  deals  with  the  sexual  aspect  of  marriage  (the  only  aspect  usually 
considered  by  group-marriage  theorists).  Chapter  V.  discusses,  under  the  heading 
"  Mode  of  Living,"  the  connection  of  the  family  with  the  local  organisation.  (This 
chapter  is  unsatisfactory  owing  to  the  very  scanty  information  at  present  available 
about  the  Australian  local  organisation,  but  the  author  has  made  as  good  a  use  as 
seems  possible  of  the  imperfect  material  available.)  Chapter  VI.  deals  with  the 
notion  of  kinship  ;  one  part  of  the  chapter  is  an  attempt  to  throw  light  on  the  native 
notions  of  kinship  by  an  examination  of  mythological  beliefs.  (This  chapter  is,  on  the 
whole,  the  least  successful  in  the  book.  The  Australian  notions  relating  to  kinship 
cannot  be  studied  without  reference  to  what  the  author  calls  "  group  relationships  "  ; 
in  other  words,  the  relationship  systems,  classes  and  clans.  As  Mr.  Malinowski  has 
confined  himself,  quite  justifiably,  to  a  study  of  the  individual  family  relationships, 
this  part  of  his  work  remains  imperfect.)  Chapter  VII.  deals  with  the  relations  of 
parents  and  children,  and  Chapter  VIII.  gives  a  brief  account  of  the  family  as  the 
economic  unit.  A.  R.  B. 


Physical  Anthropology.  Buttel-Reepen. 

Man  and  His  Forerunners.  By  Professor  H.  von  Buttel-Reepen.  Autho-  4T 
rised  translation  by  A.  G.  Thacker,  A.R.C.S.  London  :  Longmans,  Green  &  I* 
Co.,  1913.  Pp.  96.  Figs.  70.  Price  2s.  6d.  net. 

We  have  nothing  but  commendation  for  the  manner  in  which  Mr.  A.  G.  Thacker 
has  rendered  Professor  von  Buttel-Reepen's  popular  German  book  into  excellent 
English.  It  is  little  more  than  two  years  since  the  original  work  appeared  as  a 
series  of  articles  in  a  German  scientific  periodical  which  were  afterwards  published 
in  book  form  under  the  title  of  Aus  dem  Werdegang  der  Menscheit.  The  book 
succeeded  in  the  fatherland  for  two  good  reasons  :  (1)  The  author  possessed  an 
excellent  judgment  in  selecting  the  most  essential  facts  in  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  of  ancient  man  ;  (2)  the  facts  were  presented  clearly  and  simply,  the  reader 
being  aided  by  excellent  illustrations.  Professor  Buttel-Reepen's  book  deserves  all 
its  success,  for  the  author  surveys  the  anthropological  world  without  prejudice  ;  he 
believes  rightly  that  his  sober,  hard-working  contemporaries  are  in  search  for  truth 
as  regards  human  beginnings,  and  renders  to  each  deserving  man  a  due,  if  brief, 
representation.  Anyone  in  search  of  a  simple  and  reliable  guide  to  the  present 
state  of  our  knowledge  of  early  man — his  features,  his  works,  and  his  manners — will 
find  it  here. 

The  English  edition  is  very  much  up-to-date.  It  includes  a  fairly  full  account 
of  the  human  skull  found  by  Mr.  Charles  Dawson  at  Piltdown,  Sussex,  which  has 
been  ascribed  to  an  extinct  genius  of  humanity — Eoanthropus.  Professor  Buttel- 
Reepen  has  evidently  been  misled  by  the  statement  of  the  finder  and  namer  of 
Eoanthropus — namely,  that  flints  of  the  Chellean  type  were  found  with  the  remains. 
He  consequently  refers  Eoanthropus,  with  Neanderthal  man,  to  the  Chellean  age,  in 
the  second  inter-glacial  phase.  The  original  authors  refer  the  remains  to  a  much 
earlier  time,  the  early  part  of  the  Pleistocene,  believing  them  to  be  of  about  the  same 
age  as  the  Heidelberg  jaw.  We  also  note  that  the  author  is  prepared  to  believe  in  the 
contemporary  existence  of  several  species  or  genera  of  mankind,  and  that  he  accepts 
Mr.  Reid  Moir's  sub-crag  flints  as  genuine  evidence  of  man's  workmanship. 

A.  KEITH. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  C. 


MAJT,  1914. 


The  small  gap  above,  in  the  base,  should  be  filled  in;  this  is  caused  by  a  flaw  in  the  negative. 

FIG.  3. 


naEBBBHBHBHHHHBBBBBi 


INLAID    BOWL    AND    STAND    FROM    THE    PELEWS. 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[No.  18. 


•  —  *f    • 

18 


ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

With.  Plate  C. 

Ethnography  :  Pelew  Islands.  Beasley. 

Inlaid  Bowl  and  Stand  from  the  Pelews.     By  H.   G.  Beasley. 

I  was  fortunate  to  discover  these  two  very  ancient  pieces  in  a  small  second- 
hand furniture  shop,  and  I  venture  to  think  that  a  short  explanation  of  them  may 
be  of  interest.  Articles  from  this  group  are  but  rarely  met  with,  and  even  our  great 
museums  are,  unfortunately,  but  poorly  supplied.  The  bowl  (Figs.  1-2)  is  of  rather 
heavy  wood,  cut  from  the  solid,  and  measures  23  inches  (58*4  cm.)  long,  14  inches 
(3o-6  cm.)  wide,  and  stands  9f  inches  (24*5  cm.)  high,  outside  measurement,  the 
sides  being  ^  inch  (l'3cm.)  thick.  The  depth  inside  is  7^  inches  (19  •!  cm.).  The 


FIG.  1. 

ends  are  shaped  and  inlaid  to  represent  a  human  face,  of  which  the  raised  nose  is 
the  most  striking  feature.  This  ridge-like  nose  seems  to  be  a  peculiarity  of  Pelew 
work,  since  I  have  another  bowl  with  the  same  feature,  though  otherwise  perfectly 
plain.  The  sides  of  the  bowl  are  divided  by  two  bands  of  inlaid  tridacna  shell,  and 
enclosed  by  them  are  four  human  figures  formed  of  the  same  material  let  into  the 
wood.  These  figures  are  highly  conventionalised  and  are  obviously  phallic ;  above 
and  between  these  figures  are  wing-shaped  pieces  of  inlay.  The  base  upon  which 
this  bowl  stands  would  seem  to  show  some  Asiatic  influence,  since  it  closely 
resembles  the  small  black  wood  stands  that  come  from  China  and  Japan.  Both 
Wilson*  and  Kubaryf  state  that  these  bowls  were  used  to  contain  syrup,  or  as  the 

*  WilsoD. — An  Account  of  the  Pelew  Islands.    London,  1788. 
t  Kubary. — Etkno,  Seitruge  :ur  den  Korollnen  Archipels.    Leiden,  1892. 

[     33     ] 


Nos.  18-19.]  MAN.  [1914. 

former  quaintly  describes  it,  "sweet  drink."  The  entire  surface  is  coloured  red, 
similar  to  the  British  Museum  specimens.  The  rim  of  the  vessel  is  quite  flat  and 
is  also  inlaid  sparingly  with  small  square  pieces  of  shell,  a  fact  which  would  imply 
the  absence  of  any  cover  such  as  is  present  in  the  British  Museum  example.  The 
presence  of  a  cover  in  the  last-named  is  doubtless  due  to  its  bird  shape. 

Amaso  Delano,*  who  visited  the  islands  with  McCluer  in  1792,  speaks  of  this 
inlay  work  with  admiration,  which  he  describes  as  taking  the  form  of  birds,  fishes, 
flying  foxes,  and  men,  and  adds  that  in  addition  to  their  utensils  this  work  was  used 
on  their  canoes  and  paddles.  Fig.  3  is  a  stand  or  low  table  on  which  fruit  and  taro 
were  placed  during  a  feast,  as  mentioned  by  Captain  Wilson,  unfortunately  without 
illustration.  Kubaryf  however  describes  them  fully  (page  204,  Plate  26,  Fig.  3). 
This  specimen  is  of  considerable  weight  and  cut  from  the  solid.  It  resembles  the 
bowl  in  being  coloured  with  red  pigment  and  is  elaborately  inlaid  in  the  same 
manner.  Each  of  the  four  legs  bears  a  highly  conventionalised  figure  having  very 
long  arms  and  legs,  each  of  which  ends  in  a  triangular  piece  of  notched  shell,  which 
may  represent  hands  and  feet,  the  head  and  body  being  two  round  pieces  of  shell. 
The  top  is  hollowed  out,  and  presents  a  flat  surface,  the  rim  being  about  1  inch 
wide  and  |  inch  high.  It  is  inlaid  with  five  small  square  notched  pieces.  The 
outer  edge  is  also  elaborately  decorated,  the  design  being  formed  of  triangular  pieces 
set  over  small  rosettes,  and  the  same  triangular  inlay  occurs  on  the  base.  The 
height  of  the  stand  is  15  inches  (38 '2  cm.),  the  diameter  of  the  top,  22  inches 
(56  cm.).  H.  G.  BEASLEY. 

Applied  Anthropology.  Temple. 

The  Value  of  a  Training  in  Anthropology  -for  the  Administrator.     4  A 

Part  of  a  Lecture  delivered  before  the  Oxford  University  Anthropological  lu 
Society,  by  Sir  Richard  Temple,  Bart.,  C.I.E. 

I  understand  that  I  am  called  upon  to  address  to-day,  amongst  others,  proba- 
tioners for  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  and  I  wish  to  say  at  once  that  in  urging  them 
to  train  themselves  in  Anthropology  I  have  no  desire  to  add  another  subject  to  their 
already  overburdened  curriculum.  My  object  in  doing  what  is  possible  to  forward 
the  movement  in  favour  of  Schools  of  Applied  Anthropology,  for  the  benefit  of  such 
students  as  they  are,  is  to  ensure  that  they  shall  be  put  in  the  way  of  knowing  for 
themselves  the  people  with  whom  they  may  come  in  contact.  The  essential  points 
of  knowledge  for  a  young  man  going  out  to  India  to  assist  in  the  Government  are 
Languages,  Administration,  and  Law.  I  put  them  in  that  order  advisedly,  as  the 
result  of  many  years'  experience,  and  to  these  I  strongly  desire  to  add  Anthropology, 
for  the  reason  that  if  you  are  to  succeed  in  governing  men,  knowledge  of  their  lan- 
guages or  of  the  administration  and  the  law  of  the  country  is  not  quite  enough.  It 
is  also  necessary  to  know  the  culture  of  the  people  with  whom  one  is  dealing.  This  is 
the  knowledge  that  the  Schools  of  Applied  Anthropology  advocated  by  myself  and 
others  wish  to  provide,  not  so  much  by  directly  teaching  it  as  by  putting  students 
in  the  way  of  acquiring  it  accurately  for  themselves.  We  know  very  well  the  weight 
of  the  tax  placed  on  the  intellectual  powers  of  students  of  the  Indian  Civil  Service 
examination  system,  and  we  know  how  loyal  are  the  efforts  they  make  to  meet  that  tax. 
We  have  no  wish  therefore  to  add  to  the  burden,  but  we  do  wish,  firstly,  to  interest 
them  in  Anthropology,  and,  secondly,  by  that  means  to  lead  them  on  to  the  study  of  it 
throughout  life,  to  the  benefit  of  themselves  and  of  those  amongst  whom  they  work. 

It  will  have  been  perceived  that  I  have  been  true  to  my  principles,  and  have 
used  only  general  terms  in  treating  my  subject,  but,  as  I  am  addressing  those  who 

*  Delano. — Narrative  of  Voyages  and  Travels.     Boston,  1817. 
7  Kubary. — Ethno.  Beitrage  zur  den  Korolinen  ArcTiipels.    Leiden,  1892. 

[     34    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  19. 

are  going  to  work  in  India,  I  propose  giving  one  or  two  general  hints,  not  so  much 
as  statements  of  positive  facts,  but  as  my  own  views  after  forty  years  of  study, 
which  they  can  most  usefully  spend  their  spare  time  in  verifying  later  on. 

The  outstanding  human  fact  in  India  is  caste,  which  is  the  principle  of  family 
exclusiveness  carried  to  its  logical  conclusion,  and  in  this  form  it  exists  nowhere 
else  in  the  world.  It  is  there  a  birthright  of  divine  origin  preserved  as  rigidly  as 
possible  by  immemorial  custom.  It  is  maintained  by  as  complete  avoidance  as  prac- 
ticable of  bodily  contact  with  all  outsiders.  This  has  made  the  marriage  rules  most 
rigid,  and  has  led  to  female  infanticide,  child-marriage,  and  widow  celibacy.  Work 
these  points  out  for  yourselves  with  such  help  as  you  can  get  from  old  students  like 
myself.  It  has  also  divided  the  natives  of  India  into  a  network  of  isolated  com- 
munities, and  rendered  the  population  unable  to  combine  against  attack  from  outside. 
Hence  the  many  foreign  rulers  in  India.  Hence,  also,  our  own  empire  over  a 
courageous,  physically  strong,  and  mentally  capable  population.  Hence,  too,  the 
tendency  of  the  people  to  split  up  into  innumerable  small  religious  sects,  each  with 
its  own  system  of  ethics. 

Caste,  being  the  rule  of  life  of  the  great  majority  of  the  people,  affects  everv- 
one.  It  will  affect  you  who  are  going  to  India,  for  you  will  find  that  Europeans  are 
there,  owing  to  the  conditions,  a  caste,  whether  they  like  it  or  not.  It  is  this,  and 
not  the  superciliousness  of  the  Englishmen,  that  makes  intimate  social  relations 
between  British  and  Indian  families  impossible.  The  common  complaint  that  our 
national  characteristic  of  aloofness  is  responsible  for  the  social  isolation  in  India  is  a 
shallow  observation.  It  occurs  simply  because  it  has  been  the  rule  of  the  land  from 
a  period  long  before  our  time. 

The  point  to  watch  in  the  future  is  the  breaking  down  of  this  social  system. 
It  is  coming  for  a  certainty,  and  its  advent  will  mean  a  complete  social  revolution, 
with  all  its  consequences.  The  causes  are  Western  education  awakening  the  critical 
faculties  of  the  natives  and  shaking  their  faith  in  the  complete  purity  of  their 
birthright,  and  modern  capacity  for  cheap  and  rapid  movement,  making  personal 
isolation  more  and  more  difficult. 

The  second  cardinal  point  about  India  is  Hinduism.  Like  caste,  it  permeates 
everything.  Hinduism  is  more  than  a  religion.  It  provides  a  rule  of  life  guiding 
the  conduct  of  practically  the  whole  Indian  populace,  whatever  the  form  of  the 
creed  they  may  profess.  Modern  Hinduism  is  the  outcome  of  many  centuries  of 
growth  and  exposure  to  outside  influences,  and  is  divided  nowadays  into  two  almost 
separate  parts — philosophy  and  practice.  The  philosophy  is  monotheistic  and  the 
practice  animistic  ;  that  is  to  say,  there  is  a  theoretical  belief  in  the  supreme  power  of 
one  God,  combined  with  a  practical  belief  in  the  powers  of  innumerable  supernatural 
personages  and  forces.  This  applies  to  the  higher  castes,  but  there  is  an  enormous 
population  below  them  who  are  known  as  the  low  castes ;  outcasts  according  to 
high-caste  Hindu  theory.  Their  faith  is  the  primitive  animism  of  the  country  largely 
tinged  with  the  philosophy  and  the  high  moral  teaching  of  the  popular  eclectic 
mediaeval  reformers  of  India,  as  to  whom  you  should  learn  all  you  can  when  you 
get  there. 

It  is  these  low  castes  that  are  becoming  ripe  for  accepting  Christianity  whole- 
sale. The  higher  caste  Hindus  and  the  educated  natives  generally  are  aware  of  this, 
and  have  started  a  strong  revival  of  all  the  old  native  religions  and  of  Hinduism 
especially.  This  is  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  unrest  you  will  hear  so  much  of 
when  you  get  to  India.  And  as  to  this  you  may  usefully  hear  one  or  two  things 
from  an  old  anthropologist.  The  first  point  to  grasp  is  that  the  unrest  is  real, 
inevitable,  and  natural.  It  is  due  entirely  to  the  revolution  caused  in  native  life  by 
the  contact  of  old  Eastern  and  Western  civilisations.  Our  mere  presence  in  India, 

[     35     ] 


Nos.  19-20.]  MAN.  [1914. 

as  the  controlling  power  with  a  strong  distinct  civilisation  of  our  own,  has  seriously 
threatened  the  caste  system  and  the  chief  religion  through  the  education  we  have 
imported  wholesale.  Western  education  is  also  completely  upsetting  the  whole  of 
the  long-established  methods  of  treating  women,  and  it  has  created  a  new  educated 
middle-class,  largely  unemployed  in  a  suitable  manner,  and,  therefore,  inflammable 
and  disappointed,  ready  to  fan  the  flame  of  unrest  whenever  possible.  All  this  is 
the  necessary  consequence  of  the  conditions  resulting  from  our  overlordship.  It 
is  essentially  a  state  of  things  where  the  anthropological  training  will  avail  largely 
to  make  you  understand  it,  and  by  understanding  it  to  keep  the  cool  head  required 
in  a  situation  that  can  only  become  dangerous  if  ignorantly  treated. 

One  or  two  more  words  with  your  leave.  Be  very  careful  to  learn  the  spoken 
languages,  or  at  least  the  chief  language,  of  the  province  in  which  your  lot  is  cast. 
You  can  never  secure  the  interest  of  the  people,  or  really  know  anything  of  them, 
unless  you  do.  It  is  better  for  the  people  you  govern  that  you  should  know  their 
language  well  than  to  be  a  first-rate  lawyer  or  a  minutely  accurate  administrator. 
The  other  point  is  as  regards  the  climate.  Long  continued  residence  in  India  affects 
the  nervous  system  more  than  the  muscles  or  the  vital  organs.  It  is  not  so  much, 
as  you  will  be  told,  the  liver,  the  spleen,  the  stomach,  or  the  head  that  are  injured 
as  the  nerves.  The  thing  to  avoid  is  the  local  "  head,"  a  common  colloquial  recog- 
nition of  that  insidious  disease,  neurasthenia,  the  visible  signs  of  which  are  irritability 
and  loss  of  memory  for  small  details,  such  as  names  and  words.  If  you  want  to 
keep  yourselves  fit  for  work,  endeavour  to  preserve  your  English  steadiness  of  nerve, 
knowing  that  it  is  being  more  and  more  undermined  by  every  year  you  spend  in" 
India. 

I  have  spoken  dogmatically  because  the  time  is  short,  but  I  wish  you  to  under- 
stand that  it  is  not  my  desire  to  dogmatise.  What  I  have  tried  to  do  is  to  give 
you  some  of  the  conclusions  resulting  from  many  years  of  study  as  a  basis  for  you 
to  work  on  for  yourselves.  R.  C.  TEMPLE. 


Archaeology.  Johnston. 

The    Origin    of   the    Horse-shoe   Arch.      By    Sir    H.    H.    Johnston,     Qfl 

G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.  LU 

The  reviews  of  a  work  on  Art  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  recently  published  by 
Mr.  Heinemann,  touch  on  a  very  interesting  problem  in  both  art  and  ethnology — 
the  origin  of  the  Horse-shoe  Arch — what  the  French  style  more  accurately  /'ore  a 
cintre  outre-passe.  Napoleon  III  wished  to  determine  whether  this  leading  feature 
of  Saracenic  architecture  really  owed  its  origin  to  the  Arab  uprising  under  the  impetus 
of  Islam,  and  despatched  two  architect-explorers  to  investigate  ruins  in  eastern  Syria 
which  were  alleged  to  contain  horse-shoe  arches  and  yet  to  date  from  the  sixth  and 
even  fifth  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  The  report  of  this  commission  in  the  form 
of  a  large  quarto  or  folio  volume  is  to  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum  Library  (I 
cannot  at  the  time  of  writing  remember  the  authors'  names,  but  this — and  the  work 
itself — could  be  easily  elicited  at  the  Library).  I  remember  that  the  evidence  collected 
went  to  show  :  (1)  That  the  horse-shoe  arch  was  possibly  connected  with  a  Phoenician 
sex-cult,  had  certainly  existed  long  before  Islam,  possibly,  with  other  phallic  emblems, 
had  penetrated  to  the  holy  shrines  at  Mekka  and  elsewhere  in  western  Arabia,  and 
had  been  closely  associated  with  the  mihrab  (mahrab),  or  holy  recess  of  Arab  temples ; 
an  element  in  Islamic  architecture  which  was  adopted  by  the  Muhammadans  almost 
coevally  with  the  first  organisation  of  their  cult.  But  there  was  already  a  tendency 
in  pre-Islamic  Persia  and  India  towards  the  pointed  arcli,  consequently  this  form 
influenced  in  many  places  and  at  different  periods  the  round  horse-shoe  shape  of  the 
original  mihrab.  Nevertheless  I  have  myself  found  and  photographed  in  some  of  the 

[    36    ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos.  20-21. 

oldest  mosques  of  north-western  India  (at  Delhi,  for  example)  forms  of  the  horse-shoe 
arch  which  are  only  slightly  pointed  in  the  middle. 

We  know  historically  that  one  of  the  earliest  foci  of  Saracenic  architecture  was 
central  and  southern  Tunis — Kairwan  to  the  beautiful  little  towns  of  the  Shatts,  or 
lacustrine  oases.  Here  may  still  be  seen  examples — fragments — of  eighth-century 
architecture  exhibiting  the  horse-shoe  arch  in  its  perfect,  rounded  form — literally 
rare  a  cintre  outre-passe.  Later  on,  under  Fatimid  rule,  architects  came  from  Egypt 
(where  Persian  influence  had  early  impressed  the  pointed  arch  on  the  local  Saracenic 
architecture)  and  influenced  Berber  culture  in  North  Africa.  Thence  arose  the  beau- 
tiful, slightly  pointed  shapes  of  the  arch  in  so  many  mediaeval  Algerian  and  Moroccan 
buildings,  and  in  the  Saracenic  architecture  of  Spain  and  southern  Portugal  from  the 
eleventh  to  the  fifteenth  century.  But  I  believe  I  am  right  in  saying  that  the  earliest 
Saracenic  buildings  in  Spain  and  southern  Portugal  have  the  rounded  horse-shoe  arch, 
and  not  the  pointed. 

In  the  island  of  Jerba,  and  elsewhere  in  the  adjoining  Tunisian  Sahara,  there 
may  be  seen  truly  remarkable  shrines  and  mosques  containing  what  was  obviously 
the  primal  shape  and  purpose  of  the  mihrab.  Traditionally  these  emblems  of  a  sex- 
cult  ante-date  Islam  and  the  arrival  of  the  first  Arab  invaders.  Here  seems  to  have 
lingered  down  to  the  end  of  the  Roman  rule  in  North  Africa  a  vestige  of  a  religion 
imported  by  the  Phoenicians.  This  same  Syrian  or  Persian-gulf  religion  quite  possibly 
penetrated  to  western  Arabia  and  left  behind  the  mihrab  (and  its  outcome,  the  horse- 
shoe arch)  in  the  temples  of  the  pagan  Arabs.  Its  relics,  we  know,  affected  the  first 
Islamic  colonists  of  Jerba  and  southern  Tunis,  who  were  the  earliest  schismatics  of 
Islam,  and  whose  descendants  to-day  (unless  the  advance  of  French  civilisation  has 
swept  the  buildings  away)  still  worship  in  small  shrines  and  strangely-decorated 
mosques,  which  have  been  described  and  pictured  by  me  in  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society's  magazine  for  1898.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  Phoenicians  may  have 
similarly  planted  in  Spain  the  same  cult  and  the  same  emblems  and  hollow  moulds 
of  emblems  (which  is  all  the  Arab  mihrab  is)  as  they  introduced  into  the  African 
territories  of  Carthage,  and  that  consequently  the  horse-shoe  arch  may  have  arisen 
independently  in  Spain  as  it  likewise  arose  in  Coele-Syria  and  southern  Tunis.  But, 
if  so,  it  is  perplexing  to  find  it  as  a  pre-Islamic  feature  in  Visigothic  buildings  of 
northern  Spain,  whither  the  Phoenician  influence  can  have  scarcely  penetrated. 

H.  H.  JOHNSTON. 


Chile,  Northern.  Evans :   Southward. 

A  Further  Note  on  the  Occurrence  of  Turquoise  at  Indio  Muerto,     HI 

Northern  Chile.       By  Oswald  H.  Evans  and  John  Southward.  £1 

During  last  year  a  short  note  was  forwarded  for  publication  in  MAN  dealing  with 
the  occurrence  of  turquoise  at  Indio  Muerto,  in  the  Chanaral  district  of  Northern 
Chile,  and  referring  to  the  use  of  the  substance  by  the  former  inhabitants  of  the 
region  (see  MAX,  1913,  87). 

A  short  time  afterwards,  through  the  courtesy  of  Don  Nicanor  Plaza,  of  Chanaral, 
some  examples  of  the  turquoise  in  the  crude  state,  and  also  in  the  form  of  beads  and 
pendants,  were  obtained,  together  with  a  most  interesting  example  of  carved  wood 
inlaid  with  the  same  mineral. 

As  we  understand  that  hitherto  the  occurrence  of  turquoise  deposits  in  South 
America  has  not  been  brought  to  the  notice  of  ethnologists,  it  is  as  well  to  state  that 
the  mineral,  for  which  chrysocolla  might  readily  be  mistaken,  has  been  indentified  by 
analysis  as  true  turquoise. 

The  turquoise  occurs  in  thin  bauds  throughout  an  igneous  vein,  as  shown  by  the 
matrix,  but  of  its  geological  relationships  in  situ  we  are  ignorant,  the  locality  being 

[  37  ] 


No.  21,] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


difficult  of  access  and  very  seldom  visited.  In  general,  the  colour  of  the  stone  is  poor, 
being  green  rather  than  blue,  and  the  pieces  used  by  the  Indians  for  beads  and 
similar  articles  are  full  of  flaws  and  earthy  discolouration:?. 

The  worked  specimens  forwarded  to  us  by  Senor  Plaza  consist,  firstly,  of  two 
large  pendants  to  which  a  roughly  conical  shape  has  been  given  by  grinding.  Each 
is  pierced  at  the  apex  with  a  hole  for  suspension,  and  in  one  instance  a  fragment  of 
twisted  thread  remained  inside  the  drill-hole  ;  one  of  the  pendants  is  scored  at  the 
base,  presumably  with  decorative  intention.  Secondly,  a  number  of  cylindrical  beads, 
subquadrangular  in  section,  all  perforated  throughout  their  entire  length  for  suspension. 

Some  few  years  ago  great  numbers  of  these 
beads  of  different  sizes  were  brought  down 
from  the  interior  to  Chanaral,  having 
been  obtained  in  an  Indian  burial  ground 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  mineral  vein.  It  is 
stated  that  the  graves  contained  "  mum- 
mies "  (using  the  term  as  generally  under- 
stood to  apply  to  desiccated  human  bodies) 
buried  in  a  contracted  posture,  the  orna- 
ments being  round  their  necks.  As  is 
usual  in  such  cases,  unfortunately,  the 
remains  were  treated  with  scant  ceremony, 
the  turquoise  objects,  with  few  exceptions, 
alone  being  preserved. 

Apart  from  the  beads  and  pendants, 
of  which  the  chief  interest  lies  in  the 
material  from  which  they  have  been  made, 
the  most  interesting  relic  consists  of  a 
small  article  of  carved  wood,  inlaid  with 
turquoise.  This  object  is  a  kind  of 
"  palette  "  of  hard,  dark-coloured  Avood, 
slightly  concave,  its  lower  half  is  hol- 
lowed out  into  a  shallow  "  tray,"  whilst 
the  upper  portion  bears  a  conventionalised 
human  figure  carved  in  low  relief.  The 
dimensions  are  as  follows  :  --  Length, 
15  cms.  ;  width  at  top,  6  cms.  ;  width 
at  bottom,  4^  cms.  ;  thickness,  |  cm.  to 
1  cm.  The  design  is  crude  but  the  work 
has  been  carefully  executed. 

The  aspect  of  the  little  figure  at 
once  recalls  that  of  the  central  image 
in  the  celebrated  monolithic  doorway  of 
Tiahuanaco,  and  it  may  at  least  be  referred  to  the  "  Tiahuanaco  style."  The  face 
and  body  are  almost  quadrangular  and  the  lower  extremities  are  represented  by 
two  small  squares.  Arms  are  lacking,  unless  the  turquoise  inlaying  was  supposed 
to  represent  them.  The  figure  had,  apparently,  ear-plugs ;  beneath  the  "  chin " 
runs  a  line  of  small  hollows  representing  a  necklace  and  the  body-square  bears 
three  circular  depressions  formerly  set  with  turquoise.  Above  the  head  are  two 
hollows,  one  circular  and  placed  centrally,  the  other,  on  the  left  side,  is  oval. 
There  is  no  corresponding  oval  on  the  right  side.  These  markings,  formerly  inlaid, 
may  possibly  represent  a  radiate  head-dress,  as  in  the  Tihuanaco  figure.  On 
either  side  of  the  head  are  cut  two  long  oval  hollows,  a  small  circle  is  placed 

C     38     ] 


FIG.  1. — WOODEN  "PALETTE"  FROM 
CHANARAL. 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  21. 

beside  each  leg,  a  large  one  beside  each  shoulder,  another  long  oval  runs  below 
the  legs,  and,  finally,  on  each  side  immediately  above  the  shallow  "  tray  "  are  two 
other  circles.  Two  pieces  only  of  the  turquoise  inlay  remain,  both  on  the  right 
side.  Certain  of  the  cavities  retain  traces  of  a  cement  which,  on  heating,  melts, 
swells  up,  and  finally  burns  with  an  aromatic  odour.  This  cement  may  possibly 
be  the  dried  exudation  of  a  species  of  Euphorbia  peculiar  to  the  North  Chilian 
deserts,  locally  called  the  Lechero  (milkman).  This  plant,  on  incision  of  the  limbs 
or  leaves,  yields  a  white,  strongly  adhesive  fluid,  said  to  be  poisonous,  but 
occasionally  employed  as  a  convenient  cement. 

The  turquoise  inlay  remaining  consists  of  two  irregularly  circular  flat  beads  of 
green  colour,  centrally  perforated.  The  latter  point  is  interesting,  since  it  shows  that 
the  maker  made  use  of  beads  in  common  use  for  personal  ornament  and  not  of  specially 
prepared  fragments  of  the  stone.  It  would  appear  that  the  ovals  were  filled  with 
cylindrical  beads  placed  lengthways  and  the  circles  with  transverse  sections.  A  hole 
has  been  bored,  presumably  for  suspension,  near  the  lower  rim  of  the  tray,  with 
an  unhandy  tool,  for  a  portion  of  the  rim  was  scooped  away  at  the  same  time.  This 
hole  has  been  plugged  up  with  cement  as  though  the  "palette"  was  intended  to 
hold  a  liquid  substance,  perhaps  face-paint  or  pigment  for  pottery  decoration.  At 
some  time  the  object  has  been  broken  at  the  upper  right-hand  side,  and  shows  signs 
of  an  attempt  at  mending,  two  small  holes  being  drilled  in  the  back  along  the  line  of 
fracture.  There  is  another  small  drill  hole  on  the  front  side  at  the  bottom  right-hand 
corner  of  unknown  use. 

The  material  of  the  "  palette "  merits  a  comment.  Timber  is  practically  non- 
existent in  the  Atacama  region,  but  it  is  well-known  that  deposits  of  fossil  or 
semi-fossil  wood  are  not  uncommon.  One  such  deposit  of  hardwood  occurs  in  the 
interior  of  Chanaral,  and  has  a  limited  use  as  fuel,  donkey  loads  being  occasionally 
brought  down  to  the  little  port  and  sold  under  the  name  of  "  carbon."  The  trees 
are  said  to  be  almost  buried  in  sand,  but  have  suffered  little  change,  not  being 
mineralised  in  the  slightest  degree.  They  bear  witness  to  a  gradual  change  of 
climate,  for  which  other  evidence  is  not  lacking. 

To  all  appearance  the  "  palette "  has  been  carved  from  this  material,  and  this, 
taken  in  conjunction  with  the  use  of  local  turquoise  for  the  inlaying,  renders  it 
probable  that  the  object  was  made  on  the  spot. 

The  close  proximity  of  the  Inca  road,  which  passes  near  Indio  Muerto  on  the 
way  to  Copiapo  ;  the  contracted  "  mummies  "  ;  and,  above  all,  the  style  of  the  work, 
all  point  to  Peruvian  influence.  Is  it  not  probable  that  at  Indio  Muerto  we  have 
the  source  of  the  turquoise,  which  found  its  way  throughout  the  whole  Peruvian 
culture  area  ? 

The  remaining  articles  sent  to  us  by  Senor  Plaza  comprise  a  spatula  or  spoon 
of  common  coast  form  shaped  from  part  of  the  scapula  of  some  animal,  probably 
the  guanaco,  a  few  arrow  heads,  one  of  them  of  crystalline  quartz,  belonging  to 
types  described  in  MAN,  1906,  12,  and  figured  in  Knoivledge,  1908,  July,  August. 
A  small  stone  object  of  unknown  use,  possibly  a  paint  muller,  and  three  discs  of 
pottery,  about  1  in.  to  1^  in.  in  diameter,  slightly  convex,  and  deeply  scored  with 
grooves,  in  two  instances  radial,  but  in  the  third  specimen  crossing  at  right  angles, 
dividing  the  surface  into  squares.  These  are  locally  known  as  "  Indian  money." 
They  have  evidently  been  ground  to  a  roughly  circular  shape  from  potsherds.  The 
cross-hatched  specimen  exhibits  traces  of  the  polished  red  slip  frequently  met  in 
the  early  pottery  of  the  coast.  OSWALD  H.  EVANS,  F.G.S. 

J.  SOUTHWARD. 


No.  22,]  MAN.  [1914. 

Archaeology :  France.  Lewis. 

On  Some  Prehistoric  Antiquities  in  the  Departments  of  the  AA 
Vienne  and  the  Charente,  France.  By  A.  L.  Lewis,  Officier  d"1  Academic.  LL 

The  following  particulars  were  collected  by  me  while  attending  the  meeting  of  the 
Congres  Prehistorique  de  France,  held  at  Angouleme  in  August  1912,  at  which  I  had 
the  honour  of  representing  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  by  request  of  the 
Council. 

There  is  a  fine  dolmen  very  near  to  Poitiers  ;  it  is  called  the  "  Pierre  Levee." 
and  tramcars  run  from  the  Hotel  de  Ville  past  the  prison,  at  the  back  of  which  the 
dolmen  stands  in  a  garden  at  the  corner  of  two  roads.  The  capstone  is  about 
15  feet  in  extreme  length  and  breadth,  and  a  further  length  of  4  feet,  apparent  ly 
broken  off,  lies  on  the  ground  at  its  north-east  end.  The  bearings  are  nearly  north- 
east and  south-west  ;  there  are  the  remains  of  seven  supporters,  forming  originally  a 
chamber,  10  feet  wide  from  north-west  to  south-east,  and  7  feet  or  8  feet  from 
north-east  to  south-west.  Of  these  supporters,  two  at  the  south-west  end  are  from 
5  feet  to  6  feet  high,  but  those  at  the  north-east  have  fallen  and  let  that  end  of  the 
capstone  down  to  the  ground,  so  that  without  excavation  it  is  not  possible  to  say 
whether  another  chamber  existed  there  or  not.  The  capstone  is  nearly  3  feet  thick, 
and  on  the  top  of  it,  near  the  north  corner,  are  a  rather  remarkable  boss  and  ridge. 

In  the  Foret  de  Boixe,  near  Vervant,  there  is  a  remarkable  monument  called 
le  Gros  Doignon.  It  consists  of  a  tumulus  with  a  large  capstone  supported  by 
other  stones.  On  getting  down  under  this  stone  through  a  narrow  opening,  one  side 
of  the  space  beneath  is  found  to  consist  of  a  wall  with  a  large  carefully-squared 
opening  through  it  communicating  with  another  rectangular  chamber  which  is 
completely  covered  by  the  tumulus.  Whether  this  is  a  later  addition,  and  if  so 
when  it  was  constructed  I  do  not  know  ;  but  when  Richard  wrote  his  France 
Monumentale  sixty  or  seventy  years  ago  its  existence  was  apparently  unknown,  and 
only  the  capstone  was  to  be  seen. 

About  6  kilometres  north  from  this  monument  there  were  formerly  five  dolmens, 
of  which  only  two  remain  ;  these  are  called  the  Great  and  Little  Perrottes,  and 
stand  about  165  feet  apart  in  a  line  25  degrees  east  of  north.  The  Great  Perrotte, 
which  is  at  the  south,  consists  of  a  very  regular  and  nearly  rectangular  chamber 
10^  feet  internally  from  north-west  to  south-east,  9  feet  from  north-east  to  south- 
west, and  6  feet  high.  Three  of  the  sides  have  three  supporters  each,  and  the 
fourth  (south-west)  has  four  ;  one  on  the  north-east  side  has  been  forced  inward, 
and  the  gap  thus  made  forms  the  present  entrance  ;  one  next  to  it,  at  the  north 
corner,  has  sculptured  upon  it  the  representations  of  tAvo  stone  axes.  The  capstone 
is  nearly  18  feet  long  by  13|  feet  wide,  and  from  6  feet  to  8  feet  thick.  There 
are  other  stones,  two  of  which  are  of  great  size,  and  also  remains  of  a  tumulus 
surrounding  the  chamber. 

The  Little  Perrotte  is  small  only  by  comparison,  the  capstone  being  about 
14  feet  long  by  8^  feet  wide  and  4  feet  thick.  It  has,  however,  remains  of  only 
five  supporting  stones,  but  there  are  what  seem  to  be  two  smaller  capstones  covering 
an  entrance  passage,  or  it  may  be  another  chamber,  on  the  south-east  side.  The 
longest  axis  of  the  dolmen  itself  is  25  degrees  east  of  north  and  west  of  south. 
Several  stones  are  scattered  about  near  the  two  Perrottes,  which  are  no  doubt 
remains  of  other  monuments.  The  material  was  said  to  be  coralline  limestone  with 
terebratula,  &c.,  brought  from  Chateau-Renaud,  3  kilometres  distant. 

Richard  (France  Monumentale)  describes  three  other  dolmens  in  this  neighbour- 
hood, which  I  suppose  were  those  mentioned  to  the  Congress  as  having  beei? 
destroyed.  These  were  at  Luxe  ;  one  of  them,  four  or  five  hundred  metres  south 
from  the  Perrottes,  was  verv  similar  to  the  smaller  Perrotte  ;  another,  two  or  three 

[  40  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  22. 

hundred  metres  further  south,  had  a  rather  circular  capstone  about  12  feet  in 
diameter  and  3  feet  thick,  and  was  at  the  east  end  of  a  mound  or  "  eminence," 
perhaps  natural,  56  metres  long  from  east  to  west,  16  to  18  metres  wide,  and  3  feet 
or  4  feet  high.  These  two  monuments  were  about  in  the  same  line  as  the  two 
Perrottes  ;  a  third  was  a  little  to  the  east  of  that  line,  but  was  too  much  destroyed 
in  Richard's  time  to  be  intelligibly  described.  Richard  also  mentions  another  dolmen, 
a  menhir,  and  a  number  of  detached  stones,  fragments  of  other  monuments,  as 
existing  in  his  time  in  the  same  arrondissement  (Ruffec),  but  these  were  not  brought 
to  the  notice  of  the  Congress,  and  may  possibly  have  been  destroyed. 

One  kilometre  north-east  from  Cognac,  by  the  side  of  the  road  to  St.  Brice,  are 
some  remains  called  the  dolmen  de  Sechebec  after  the  neighbouring  hamlet.  I  had 
only  time  to  take  a  snapshot  view  of  it  without  any  attempt  to  measure  it,  but 
Richard  (France  Monumentale,  p.  679)  says  that  the  capstone,  originally  in  one 
piece,  5  metres  long,  3  metres  broad,  and  nearly  1  metre  thick,  was  supported  by 
other  stones,  but  that,  some  of  these  having  sunk  down,  the  capstone  broke  in  two 
pieces  by  its  own  weight,  one  piece  remaining  horizontal  and  the  other  inclining  to 
the  north-east  ;  he  adds  that  this  dolmen  is  so  slightly  raised  above  the  ground  that 
it  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  cell  for  people  to  retire  into.* 

The  programme  of  the  Congress  included  a  visit  to  the  dolmen  of  St.  Brice, 
4  kilometres  from  Cognac,  but  want  of  time  prevented  it.  Richard,  however, 
describes  this  dolmen  as  consisting  of  two  large  flat  stones  of  very  irregular  shape 
placed  on  five  others,  four  of  which  support  the  larger  capstone  ;  this  is  3  metres 
long  and  3  metres  wide,  the  longest  diagonal  from  corner  to  corner  being  6  metres. 
The  smaller  capstone  is  nearly  square  and  is  little  more  than  half  the  length  and 
width  of  the  other. 

The  last  dolmen  visited  by  the  Congress  on  this  occasion  was  that  of  Segonzac, 
or  St.  Mesme,  13  kilometres  south-east  from  Cognac.  It  was  a  chamber  about 
15  feet  long  and  4  feet  or  5  feet  wide  inside,  covered  by  two  or  three  stones,  or, 
perhaps,  as  Richard  says,  by  one  large  one  which  has  broken  in  halves.  Only  one 
piece  now  remains,  partly  fallen  into  the  chamber,  but  the  other  half  or  another 
stone  would  appear  to  have  still  been  there  in  Richard's  time.  The  axis  of  the 
chamber  is  65  degrees  west  of  North  and  east  of  South.  The  material  is  limestone. 

Richard  describes  another  dolmen  at  St.  Fort,  14  kilometres  south  from  Cognac, 
as  consisting  of  a  capstone  7^  metres  and  6^  metres  in  its  respective  diagonal 
measurements  and  about  half  a  metre  thick,  supported  on  three  upright  stones 
1^  metre  high,  there  being  also  remains  of  others  which  completed  the  walls  of  the 
chamber.  This  dolmen  was,  however,  at  some  distance  outside  the  route  of  the 
Congress,  and  as  the  excursion  started  from  Angouleme  at  5.30  a.m.  and  did  not 
get  back  till  7.30  p.m.  it  could  not  be  extended  to  include  all  the  objects  of  interest 
in  the  vicinity. 

The  oldest  church  in  Poitiers,  the  Baptisteie  St.  Jean,  has  been  converted 
into  a  museum  for  large  stone  objects.  One  of  these  is  a  double  sarcophagus  of  the 
Merovingian  period.  There  are  also  some  lids  of  the  same  age,  one  of  which  has 
carved  upon  it  a  number  of  objects  very  like  the  axes  which  are  occasionally  found 
upon  the  stones  of  the  dolmens  as,  for  instance,  at  the  Grande  Perrotte  already 
described.  The  Merovingian  dynasty  existed  from  481  to  752  A.D.,  and  I  do  not 
suggest  that  there  was  any  direct  connection  between  the  people  for  whom  these 
sarcophagi  were  made  and  those  who  carved  representations  of  stone  axes  on  the 
dolmens,  but  I  think  it  not  unlikely  that  this  lid  may  have  been  made  by  a  Gallic 

*  A  very  full  account  of  this  dolmen  and  of  some  others  near  Cognac,  with  plans  and  views  by 
M.  A.  Cousset,  has  appeared  in  The  Compte  Rendu  of  the  Congres  Prehistorique  de  France  (AngoulSme, 
1912,  pp.  600-638). 


Nos.  22-23.]  MAN.  [1914. 

artisan  who  retained  some  lingering  idea  that  such  ornaments  as  these  were  especially 
appropriate  to  funereal  objects.  It  has,  however,  been  observed  that  neolithic 
weapons,  tools,  and  fragments  are  often  found  in  Merovingian  graves  ;  some  of  the 
French  archaeologists  think  they  were  placed  there  intentionally,  but  most  of  them 
maintain  that  they  got  in  accidentally,  because  the  Merovingian  burial  ground  bad 
previously  been  occupied  by  a  neolithic  population.*  There  were  in  the  same  museum 
some  other  stones  with  very  prehistoric-looking  figures  upon  them. 

Lastly,  there  is  a  kind  of  edifice  which,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover, 
is  confined  to  the  Charente.  It  is  called  the  "  Lanterue  des  Morts,"  and  is  a  small 
tower  standing  in  the  churchyard  and  having  a  place  at  the  top  for  showing  a  light, 
intended  apparently  to  guide  any  wandering  spirit  to  the  spot  to  which  all  well- 
conducted  ghosts  were  expected  to  retire.  They  are  not  used  now,  and  whether  the 
lights  were  kept  burning  every  night  or  only  on  the  night  succeeding  a  funeral  or  other 
special  occasion  I  do  not  know.  In  one  case  a  pinnacle  at  an  angle  of  a  church 
was  used  for  this  purpose.  These  monuments  belong  to  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries,  but  they  bear  a  remarkable  resemblance  to  the  Irish  round  towers  ;  both 
are  always  connected  with  burial  grounds  and  both  have  windows  at  the  top  in  four 
directions.  The  Irish  towers  are,  however,  four  or  five  centuries  older,  and  are 
much  larger  than  the  "  lanternes  des  morts "  and  were  probably  used  for  several 
purposes,  but  one  of  those  purposes  may  certainly  have  been  that  of  a  lighthouse 
for  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  If  we  admit  this  community  of  purpose  an  interesting 
question  arises  :  Was  there  a  lantern  or  tower  building  race  which  migrated  from 
Ireland  to  the  Charente  or  was  the  idea  separately  developed  at  different  periods  in 
those  two  countries  ?  The  answer  may  be  of  importance  in  the  consideration  of  a 
still  larger  question.  A.  L.  LEWIS. 

Anthropology.  REVIEWS.  Johnston. 

Views  and  Reviews.      By  Sir  Harry  Johnston,  G.C.M.G.,    K.C.B.     London,     OQ 

1912.  £U 

In  this  little  volume  Sir  Harry  Johnston  has  collected  and  revised  several  of  his 
interesting  and  suggestive  articles  which  have  appeared  in  various  periodicals.  He 
writes  from  the  point  of  view  of  an  experienced  officer  who  has  held  important 
charges  among  primitive  races  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  and  at  the  same  time  of 
an  anthropologist  of  very  definite  opinions,  not  untinged  by  the  political  views  advocated 
by  most  of  the  organs  in  which  his  papers  first  appeared.  Some  of  his  views  will 
undoubtedly  provoke  controversy,  and  some  of  his  statements  as  to  disputed  questions 
treat  too  absolutely  as  undoubted  facts  matters  still  under  discussion.  For  instance, 
on  p.  68,  he  says  that  St.  Patrick  was  a  "  native  of  British  Dumbartonshire,"  although 
Professor  Bury,  the  author  of  the  best  modern  book  on  the  subject,  has  traced  him  to 
the  Severn  estuary.  On  p.  134,  he  speaks  of  the  Baluchi  as  Dravidian,  although 
their  Iranian  origin  is  fairly  well  established,  and  even  the  Brahui,  who  speak  a 
Dravidian  language,  show  little  trace  of  Dravidian  blood.  Similar  cases  might  be 
quoted  from  other  essays,  but  these  are  minor  points  and  do  not  detract  from  the 
general  value  and  interest  of  the  work.  A  considerable  space  is  occupied  with  Irish 
and  German  subjects,  and  the  remaining  essays  on  "  Islam,"  "  Racial  Problems,"  and 
"  The  Rise  of  the  Native  "  should  be  studied  by  all  anthropologists. 

It  is  the  introductory  essay,  however,  which  more  than  any  of  the  others  claims 
the  recognition  of  all  members  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute.  It  is  entitled 
"  The  Empire  and  Anthropology,"  and  in  it  Sir  H.  Johnston  advocates  the  claims  of 
the  Institute  to  national  recognition,  and  points  out  the  urgent  importance  to  the 

*  "  Silex  N&>lithiques  clans  des  Tombes  M^rovingiennes  "  in  Bulletin,  de  la  Societe  Prehistorique 
Francaite.    Tome  IX  (1912),  p.  660. 

[     42     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  23-24. 

Empire  of  an  institution  based  on  scientific  principles,  where  young  men  proceeding 
to  the  backward  parts  of  the  earth  can  receive  at  any  rate  the  beginnings  of  a 
training  in  the  methods  of  dealing  with  the  primitive  or  barbaric  races  they  may 
encounter,  and  politicians  and  administrators  may  also  acquire  some  understanding  of 
matters  on  which  they  may  have  to  legislate.  This  is  what  the  Institute  has  long 
been  fighting  for,  but  its  efforts  have  hitherto  met  with  neglect,  and  the  Government 
of  the  Empire  more  interested  than  any  other  in  such  questions  cannot  afford  to 
spend  a  single  penny  on  promoting  such  vital  studies.  We  must,  therefore,  be 
grateful  for  Sir  Harry  Johnston's  forcible  and  well-argued  advocacy,  and  we  must 
continue  to  hope  that  the  public  and  the  public  men  of  this  country  may  in  time  be 
roused  by  such  appeals  to  some  perception  of  the  urgency  of  the  case.  Perhaps  the 
discussion  on  anthropological  teaching  at  the  late  meeting  of  the  British  Association 
is  a  sign  of  the  times,  and  something  definite  may  be  about  to  happen. 

M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 


America  :  Archaeology.  Beuchat. 

Manuel  cT  Archeologie  Americaine.     Par  H.  Beiichat.      Picard  :    Paris.   1912.     A  J 

Books  of  this  nature  are  in  a  sense  the  despair  of  the  reviewer  and  the  fmT 
delight  of  the  critic.  On  the  one  hand,  it  is  very  difficult  to  deal  shortly,  and  at 
the  same  time  fairly,  with  a  book  of  such  immense  scope,  on  the  other,  it  is  obvious 
that  a  volume  of  this  nature  must  offer  almost  limitless  opportunity  for  criticism. 

M.  Beuchat's  object  in  compiling  this  work  is  to  provide  students  with  a  manual 
in  which  they  may  find  set  forth  shortly  and  clearly  the  outlines  of  the  archaeology, 
using  that  word  in  its  widest  sense,  of  the  twin  American  continents. 

It  may  be  stated  at  once  that  in  this  extremely  laborious  task  the  author  has 
achieved  a  very  considerable  measure  of  success.  From  certain  points  of  view  the 
manual  is  all  that  could  be  desired  ;  the  many  highly  controversial  points  are  handled 
with  common  sense  and  restraint,  and  the  author  for  the  most  part,  as  is  best  in  such 
a  book,  maintains  a  conservative  attitude,  often  refraining  from  identifying  himself  with 
one  or  other  of  opposing  theories.  In  this  connection  a  word  of  praise  is  due  to  the 
section  dealing  with  the  possible  discovery  of  America  by  the  Norsemen.  The 
statements  in  the  text  are  supported  by  an  array  of  very  useful  bibliographical 
references  in  footnotes,  and  there  is  further  a  well-selected  bibliography,  which  is, 
however,  marred  by  the  amazing  omission  of  any  reference  to  Dr.  A.  P.  Maudslay's 
great  work. 

Of  course  a  work  of  this  nature  is  based  on  the  study  of  two  sources  of  informa- 
tion, viz.,  written  records  and  the  material  relics  of  ancient  culture,  and  the  proportion 
of  success  which  it  achieves  depends  in  a  very  great  measure  on  the  skill  with 
which  the  author  supplements  the  first  with  the  second,  and  interprets  the  second  in 
the  light  of  the  first.  M.  Beuchat  certainly  has  an  extremely  good  knowledge  of 
the  literature  of  his  subject,  and  though  a  slight  weakness  as  regards  books  and 
papers  written  in  English  may  be  apparent  from  time  to  time,  few  experts  have 
covered  as  wide  a  range  as  he.  His  acquaintance  with  what  I  may  call  the  material 
archaeology  of  America  is,  however,  not  nearly  so  extensive,  and  it  is  from  this  point 
of  view  that  his  book  affords  the  greatest  scope  for  criticism.  The  material  remains 
for  the  most  part — stone  implements,  pottery,  and  so  forth — receive  comparatively 
short  treatment,  and  areas  concerning  which  literature  is  relatively  scanty,  however 
rich  in  remains  they  may  be,  are  treated  rather  too  summarily.  This  is  especially 
noticeable  as  regards  Costa  Rica,  and  the  reader  is  made  to  feel  throughout  that  the 
author's  interest  in  his  subject  is  concentrated  on  the  literary  side,  while  his  appre- 
ciation of  "specimens"  is  not  nearly  so  keen.  In  fact,  the  book  was  written  in  the 
library  with  little  reference  to  the  museum.  Thus  he  devotes  over  thirty  pages  to 

f  43  ] 


No.  24.]  MAN.  [1914, 

the  Mexican  calendar  and  writing  system,  and  less  than  three  to  Mexican  pottery. 
It  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  the  illustrations  are  not  very  satisfactory  ;  they 
do  not  afford  a  comprehensive  view  of  American  culture  as  a  whole.  In  number 
and,  with  few  exceptions,  in  individual  quality  they  leave  little  to  be  desired,  but 
they  are  not  altogether  a  representative  selection.  While  on  this  subject  the  author 
should  be  urged  to  withdraw  in  future  editions  the  abominable  figure  purporting  to 
represent  types  of  Chiriqui  pottery,  which  constitutes  a  cruel  libel  on  those  who,  of 
all  American  potters,  had  perhaps  the  finest  appreciation  of  form  in  the  moulding  of 
their  vessels. 

The  book  starts  with  an  introduction  of  over  eighty  pages  devoted  to  the  various 
"  discoveries  "  of  America.  This  is  followed  by  a  series  of  chapters  on  the  northern 
continent,  its  geological  periods,  human  remains,  problematical  paleoliths,  the  mounds, 
and  cliff-dwellings.  The  question  of  early  man  in  South  America  is  then  treated,  and 
the  author  proceeds  to  deal  with  the  Mexican  and  Mayan  cultures.  The  Antilles 
follow  next,  and  then  the  Isthmus,  Columbia,  Peru,  and  the  Diaguite  area.  Finally,  a 
good  index  of  some  twenty-seven  pages  adds  to  the  value  of  the  book. 

It  is  obviously  impossible  to  criticise  the  chapters  in  detail,  but  it  may  be  said  that 
those  on  the  Mexican  and  Maya  are  the  best ;  that  on  Peru  perhaps  the  least  good. 

There  are  inevitably  many  individual  points  which  the  reviewer  would  like  to 
criticise,  but  restraint  is  necessary,  since  the  undoubted  value  of  the  volume  might 
thereby  become  unfairly  obscured.  One  or  two  only  will  therefore  be  mentioned. 

One  would  like  to  know  on  what  ground  the  author  calls  Tlaloc  "la  vielle 
"  divinite  Otomie."  It  is  almost  incredible  that  this  agricultural  deity  originated 
among  a  hunting  people.  Besides,  Sahagun  states  that  he  was  first  worshipped  by 
the  Toltec,  and  that  the  first  Chichimec  invaders  of  the  valley  found  there  an 
idol  of  him  which  was  adored  in  later  times,  until  broken  up  by  Zumarraga.  Again, 
Tlaloc  is  the  only  deity  who  has  been  identified  with  certainty  as  portrayed  by  the 
figurines  asssciated  with  the  pre-Aztec  culture  at  Teotihuacan.  It  would  seem, 
therefore,  that  he  was  the  god  of  the  early  valley-dwellers.  In  passing  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  the  stone  knife  with  the  fine  mosaic  hilt  which  the  author  figures 
is  wrongly  attributed  as  belonging  to  the  Uhde  Collection,  it  is  in  fact  in  the  British 
Museum,  while  the  spear-thrower  which  he  refers  to  that  institution  is — and  the 
reviewer  says  so  with  regret — not  there,  but  belongs  to  the  Dorenberg  Collection. 

Another  misstatement  relates  to  the  Kakchiquel  calendar.  M.  Beuchat  writes  : 
"  Les  mois  du  calendrier  Cakchiquel  nous  sont  totalement  inconnues,"  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  a  full  list  is  given  by  Brinton. 

His  remarks  about  the  distribution  of  amygdaloid  celts  in  the  Antilles  are 
misleading,  since  this  type  is  particularly  prevalent  in  Jamaica. 

In  writing  of  Colombia  he  makes  the  term  guecha  equivalent  to  "  soldier," 
whereas  it  seems  to  have  been  a  title  conferred  only  on  the  bravest  fighters. 

Of  Cuzco,  he  says  that  at  the  conquest  it  played  in  Peru  "  la  meme  role  que 
"  Mexico  vis-a-vis  du  Mexique."  This  is  certainly  not  the  case.  All  that  the 
Mexicans  required  from  the  other  cities  was  a  recognition  of  priority  in  the  con- 
crete form  of  tribute ;  otherwise  they  abstained  from  interference  in  political  or 
religious  matters.  The  Inca,  however,  imposed  their  own  laws,  state  religion,  and 
social  system  on  the  provinces  they  conquered,  and  in  reality  stood  at  the  head  of 
an  empire  such  as  never  entered  into  the  minds  of  the  Aztec. 

It  is  incorrect  also  to  state  of  the  Peruvians  as  a  whole,  "  Le  tatouage  semble 
"  aussi  leur  avoir  ete  inconnue,"  in  the  face  of  the  discovery  at  Ancon,  by  Reiss 
and  Stiibel,  of  human  remains  with  the  tatu  clearly  evident. 

Equally  incorrect  is  the  statement,  "  Les  Peruviens  ne  tissaient  pas,  au  sens 
"  que  nous  attachous  a  ce  terme."  The  existence  in  considerable  quantities  of 

[  44  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  24-25. 

undoubtedly  pre-Spanish,  double-faced  textiles,  and  of  a  loom  with  two  heddles 
(in  the  British  Museum),  on  which  a  piece  of  cloth  is  in  process  of  manufacture,  is 
sufficient  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

There  are  a  number  of  other  points  regarding  which  the  reviewer  would  challenge 
M.  Beuchat's  verdict,  but  the  present  occasion  is  hardly  suitable.  It  will  be  pleasanter, 
and  also  more  fair,  to  conclude  by  once  more  paying  a  tribute  to  the  author's  industry 
and  level-headedness,  combined  with  his  generosity  in  the  matter  of  footnotes,  which 
renders  his  book  of  considerable  value  as  a  work  of  reference  for  students  of  American 
archaeology.  T.  A.  J. 

Archaeology :  Mesopotamia.  Handcock. 

Mesopotnmian   Archceology.      By  P.  S.  P.  Handcock.      London  :    Macmillan 
&  Co.,  1912.     Pp.  423  +  xvi.     With  illustrations  and  maps. 

This  book  gives  in  a  handy  form  the  chief  results  of  excavations  in  Mesopotamia 
by  the  numerous  explorers  who  during  the  last  seventy  years  have  risked  their  lives 
in  trying  to  pierce  the  mysteries  of  the  past  in  that  wild  and  unhealthy  region. 
They  have  collected  evidence  which  will  be  invaluable  to  historians  when  the  time 
is  ripe  for  constructing  a  connected  history  of  early  civilisations.  Mr.  Handcock 
does  not  profess  any  intention  of  attempting  to  write  a  portion  of  such  a  history, 
he  has  merely  classified  his  material  under  various  headings  such  as  Architecture, 
Sculpture,  Dress,  Life,  etc. 

He  has,  however,  prefaced  his  work  by  a  short  account  of  the  various  States 
that  struggled  for  existence  or  supremacy  until  the  Assyrian  crushed  them  all  under 
his  iron  heel.  As  regards  the  earlier  periods,  such  a  sketch  is  at  present  chietly 
a  bald  chronicle  of  names  of  rulers  and  of  cities,  with  dates  more  or  less  hypothetical 
until  about  2000  B.C.  or  even  later.  Of  the  origins  of  the  two  contending  races,  the 
Semites  and  the  Sumerians,  very  little  is  known,  but  as  the  sea  covered  a  great 
part  of  Mesopotamia  until  a  few  thousand  years  ago,  we  shall  probably  have  to  seek 
for  their  origins  in  the  higher  lands  of  Arabia  and  Persia.  Mr.  Handcock's  account 
of  their  burial  places  is  very  meagre,  and  he  does  not  even  mention  Bahrein  Island, 
in  the  Persian  Gulf,  where  so  many  thousand  tombs  await  the  explorer,  and  where 
excavations  will  shortly  be  made  that  may  throw  a  much  needed  light  on  the  burial 
customs  and  racial  affinities  of  the  Mesopotamians. 

He  is  equally  reticent  about  the  German  explorations  at  Fara,  and  though  he 
alludes  to  them  several  times  he  gives  no  definite  references  and  does  not  warn  his 
readers  of  the  difficulties  they  would  have  in  trying  to  get  more  information  from 
that  quarter.  The  comparatively  modern  remains  of  Assyria  and  Babylon  fill  up 
the  greater  part  of  the  book,  which  is  quite  a  mine  of  information  on  this  subject. 
It  is  a  pity  that  the  exigencies  of  the  publishing  trade  compelled  recourse  to  outline 
sketches  instead  of  photographs  of  most  of  the  objects.  Such  sketches  are  useful 
reminders  to  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  originals,  but  are  of  little  value  to 
those  who  have  not  easy  access  to  the  objects  themselves  or  to  the  very  expensive 
reports  which  contain  better  illustrations  of  them. 

The  style  of  the  letterpress  is  necessarily  somewhat  dry,  and  it  would  have 
been  better  if  the  sentences  had  not  been  so  lengthy — some  of  them  are  more  than 
half  a  page  long.  It  is  perhaps  fortunate  that  the  author  has  touched  very  lightly 
upon  anthropological  subjects,  since  he  has  the  literary  man's  weakness  for  using 
technical  and  out-of-the-way  terms  even  when  common-place  words  would  be  more 
accurate.  Why  should  he  say  "  specific  gravity "  when  he  means  weight  (p.  255)  ? 
Is  an  under  garment  well  described  by  being  called  a  "  fringed  robe  or  chasuble " 
(p.  345)  ?  and  can  a  fragment  of  mother  of  pearl  be  said  to  have  "  emanated  "  from 
a  place  (p.  311)  ?  H,  G,  SPEARING. 

[    45    ] 


Nos.  26-27.]  MAN,  [1914. 

Sociology.  Webster. 

Rest  Days ;  a  Sociological  Study.  By  Hutton  Webster,  Ph.D.  Reprinted  OH 
from  the  University  Studies,  Lincoln,  Nebraska.  Vol.  XI.  Nos.  1  and  2.  £U 
Pp.  158. 

The  value  of  Professor  Webster's  work  is  well  known  to  anthropologists  from 
his,  by  now,  classical  study  on  Secret  Societies.  The  present  little  book  presents 
the  same  qualities  :  a  thoroughly  scientific  limitation  in  drawing  only  sound  and 
well-established  conclusions,  a  vast  knowledge  of  the  field  of  his  research,  and  a 
great  talent  in  putting  facts  together  and  letting  them  speak  for  themselves. 

As  Professor  Webster  promises  to  publish  the  results  of  his  studies  in  an 
amplified  form,  a  few  words  about  the  present  issue  may  be  sufficient.  Professor 
Webster  classifies  the  various  forms  of  rest  days  iinder  the  following  headings  : 
Periods  of  abstinence  at  critical  epochs,  periods  of  abstinence  after  death,  at  sacred 
times  and  seasons  and  periods  of  abstinence  connected  with  lunar  phenomena.  These 
categories  refer  to  savage  peoples.  There  are  besides  two  chapters  on  Semitic  rest 
days  :  the  evil  days  of  the  Babylonians  and  the  Hebrew  Sabbath.  Lastly,  the 
unlucky  days  in  the  lower  and  higher  cultures  are  analysed. 

In  conclusion  Professor  Webster  remarks  that  the  various  superstitions  about 
fatal,  nnlucky,  and  unfavourable  periods  have  been  often  a  hindrance  to  human 
progress,  and  that  the  development  from  days  of  superstitious  abstinence  into  regular 
holidays  has  been  extremely  slow. 

This  conclusion  of  Professor  Webster's  appears,  however,  somewhat  one-sided. 
It.  seems  to  heed  exclusively  the  dark  side  of  the  picture.  The  irrational  and  super- 
stitious rest  days  of  the  savage  may  have  had  some  importance  in  the  course  of 
economic  progress.  The  economic  value  of  holidays  in  our  present  society  is  well 
recognised,  and  has  received  a  legal  sanction  in  nearly  all  civilised  countries. 

The  primitive  rest  days  could  not  have  had  the  importance  of  the  modern 
holiday,  in  as  far  as  this  is  a  day  of  abstinence  from  labour.  The  savage  never 
works  too  hard  and  there  is  no  danger  from  that  quarter.  But  the  savage's 
mode  of  working  is  pre-eminently  irregular,  unsystematic,  and  desultory,  and,  as 
Professor  Biicher  has  shown  in  his  admirable  work  on  primitive  economics,  it  needs 
in  the  first  place  to  be  shaped,  regulated,  and  framed.  Now,  primitive  rest  days 
appear,  prima  facie,  to  be  such  external  regulators  of  labour,  frames  into  which  the 
economic  activities  must  be  fitted.  This  seems  to  apply  to  the  rest  days  and  con- 
nected festivities  observed  by  the  Kayans  of  Borneo  at  the  sowing  and  harvesting 
of  rice.  The  superstitious  and  religious  rites,  as  well  as  times  of  abstinence,  observed 
at  such  times,  did  certainly  hamper  the  economic  activities,  but  at  the  same  time 
they  regulated  them. 

The  savage  lacks  economical  foresight  and  a  developed  economic  organisation 
of  collective  labour.  He  has  other  stimuli,  other  external  coercion  to  be  put  to 
work.  Superstitious  and  religious  ideas  are  undoubtedly  one  of  them  ;  magic  and 
religion  did  certainly  play  an  important  part  in  man's  economic  evolution,  a  part 
hitherto  almost  entirely  ignored  by  students.  B.  M. 


Uganda.  Kagwa. 

Ekitabo    kya    Basekabaka    Bcbuganda.      By    Sir  A  polo  Kagwa,  K.C.M.G. 
London  :  Luzac  &  Co.,  1912. 

More  than  fifteen  years  ago  the  Katikiro  of  Uganda  began  to  help  two  missionaries 
to  learn  the  history  and  customs  of  his  country  ;  and  he  has  pursued  the  study  with 
singular  keenness  and  acumen.  To  the  personal  influence  of  the  Katikiro  himself  we 
owe  a  recent  book  in  English  on  the  Baganda*  ;  the  information  therein  contained  was 

*  The  Baganda,  Kev.  J.  Koscoe. 
[     46     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  27. 

gathered  from  representative  old  men,  who  for  the  European  would  have  been  quite 
unapproachable,  and  in  some  degree  also  unintelligible,  without  the  Katikiro.  In 
the  early  stages  of  this  enquiry  he  began  to  write  down  the  traditional  history  of 
his  country  ;  he  also  kept  many  records  of  the  stirring  times  in  his  own  eventful 
life,  and,  through  the  kindness  of  a  personal  friend,  the  collection  so  made  was 
privately  printed  as  far  back  as  1901.  We  now  welcome  a  second  edition  under  the 
a?gis  of  well-known  publishers.  It  contains  one  very  important  addition,  viz.,  some 
extremely  valuable  notes  on  the  history  of  the  closely  allied  kingdoms  of  Ankole, 
Toro,  Koki,  and  Bunyoro.  They  are  of  necessity  scanty.;  the  author  had  very  limited 
sources  of  information,  but  he  has  made  the  most  of  them.  What  is  locally  accepted 
is  put  down  with  faithfulness,  without  note  or  comment.  Our  purpose  shall  be  to 
add  that  comment  which  the  wider  outlook  of  many  European  students  has  made 
possible. 

We  might,  indeed,  enlarge  on  the  comparatively  recent  history  of  the  country  to 
which  about  one-half  of  the  old  edition  was  devoted  ;  in  doing  so  we  should  obtain 
an  autobiography  of  the  author,  a  most  striking  personality,  written  Avith  singularly 
little  egoism,  considering  the  important  role  he  played.  Sir  Apolo  Kagwa  might  well  be 
called  the  Bismarck  of  Uganda,  and  his  autobiography  is  consequently  of  the  deepest 
interest  to  all  his  many  personal  friends.  That  is  one  half  of  the  book  ;  the  other  half 
is  a  record  of  inestimable  value  for  the  ethnologist.  There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that 
in  Uganda  is  to  be  found  at  least  one  link  that  connects  Hottentot  with  Berber.  To 
Uganda,  no  less  than  to  Ankole,  in  prehistoric  times  there  came  a  visitor  from  heaven, 
the  mythical  ancestor  of  the  race.  That,  in  peasant  parlance,  expresses  the  arrival 
of  a  light-skinned  race  ;  more  than  once  has  the  present  writer  been  so  greeted  ; 
similar  usage  was  reported  from  the  distant  and  quite  unrelated  country  of  Usukuma, 
at  the  south-east  corner  of  the  lake.  The  date  of  this  migration  is  fixed  by  the  list 
of  kings  at  thirty-one  generations  ;  for  Kiwewa  and  Kalema  were  mere  usurpers  who 
only  held  power  a  few  months. 

The  centre  of  this  movement  was  Ankole  ;  and  from  Ankole  migration  continued. 
The  first  king  of  Ankole  was  called  Ruhanga — a  word  used  in  a  sense  equivalent  to 
God,  as  the  one  who  apportions  to  men  the  work  they  are  capable  of  doing.  He 
left  and  went  to  heaven  and  was  lost  ;  in  other  words,  the  route  of  migration  was 
still  open  and  he  returned  to  his  own  people,  or  more  probably  the  movement 
continued  southwards  ;  the  second  king  Lugaba  did  much  the  same  ;  so  also  did 
the  third  king  Nyamate.  Thus  in  Ankole  it  was  not  until  the  fourth  king,  after 
an  interval  of  three  full  generations  or  ninety  years  that  mention  is  distinctly  made 
of  building  a  royal  residence.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  history  of  Uganda  proper, 
even  the  first  mythical  king  Kintu  begins  almost  at  once  to  build  ;  he  is  a  residential 
ruler,  not  a  mere  nomad  halting  for  twenty  years  or  so  on  his  way  elsewhere. 

Koki  and  Toro  are  much  later  offshoots  of  this  movement,  the  dates  being 
approximately  fixed  in  this  history,  viz.,  Koki  about  nine  generations  back,  say  roughly, 
250  years  ;  and  Toro  only  four,  or  little  more  than  a  century  ago.  Both  these 
originated  from  Bunyoro,  not  Uganda ;  but  the  history  does  not  enlighten  us  a& 
to  the  origin  of  Buuyoro.  The  constant  rivalry  between  Uganda  and  Bunyoro 
points  to  a  common  origin  under  the  influence  of  the  Hamitic  migrants  who  made 
their  centre  in  Ankole.  Linguistic  evidence,  so  far  as  the  writer  has  followed  it, 
confirms  this  view  ;  the  original  prototype  for  the  language  of  Uganda  is  distinct 
from  the  prototype  for  Bunyoro.  The  latter  is  to  be  found  in  all  Bantu  languages 
of  the  district ;  the  former  is  traceable  amongst  the  Tonga  clans  on  the  north  of 
the  Zambesi,  and  possibly  also  much  further  south  in  Herero. 

But  the  Uganda  tradition  claims  that  these  ancestors  arrived  at  a  landing- 
place  called  Podo.  Podo  in  this  second  edition  is  now  said  to  be  in  Bunyoro  : 
that  is,  Bunyoro  was  the  first  country  traversed  by  these  Hamites.  The  tradition, 

[  47  ] 


Nos,  27-29.]  MAN.  [1914. 

however,  much  more  likely  preserves  their  place  of  origin.  They  came  from  Podo 
or  were  connected  with  Podo  ;  and  phonetically  there  is  nothing  impossible  in  the 
identity  of  this  word  with  Ful,  the  great  Fula  race  of  to-day,  some  sections  of 
which  still  describe  themselves  with  the  prefix  Futa,  such  as  Futa-Jalon  :  and 
the  Fnla  are  typically  Hamitic  in  language.  W.  A.  CRABTREE. 


Religion.  Main. 

Religious   Chastity:    an  Ethnological  Study.     By  John    Main.      New  York,     Afl 
1913.  fcO 

There  is  room  for  a  work  on  the  important  subject  of  the  sexual  element  in 
religion  and  in  magic.  This  book  (which  has  been  written  by  a  lady  under  a 
pseudonym,  and  appears  to  have  been  privately  printed,  since  no  publisher's  name 
appears  upon  it)  by  no  means  covers  the  ground.  But  it  contains  a  considerable 
collection  of  records  of  tales,  practices  and  superstitions  in  various  parts  of  the 
world,  relating  mainly  to  the  asceticism  and  immolation  of  widows,  and  to  conti- 
nence and  prostitution  in  the  service  of  the  gods.  The  psychology  of  the  subject, 
though  referred  to  in  the  preface  ;  is  scarcely  touched  ;  and  we  are  told  somewhat 
oracularly  that  the  ethnologist  should  not  "  rashly  trespass  upon  the  historian." 
These  limitations  reduce  the  value  of  the  work.  But  students  will  find  it  useful, 
for  the  author's  reading  has  been  wide,  and  they  will  obtain  many  hints  where  to 
look  for  practices  to  which  they  may  be  directing  attention. 

E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 

India  :  Cochin.  Iyer. 

The  Cochin  Tribes  and  Castes.  By  L.  K.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer.  OQ 
Vol.  II.,  23  x  15  cm.,  pp.  xxiii  +  504.  Madras,  1912.  £U 

The  second  volume  of  this  account  of  The  Tribes  and  Castes  of  the  Cochin 
State  is  an  improvement  on  its  predecessor,  because  the  writer,  a  Tamil  Brahman, 
is  more  familiar  with  the  higher  castes  than  with  the  menial  and  forest  tribes.  In 
the  present  instalment  the  author  deals  with  at  least  five  interesting  groups,  the 
Nayars,  the  Brahmans,  the  Mappillas,  the  Black  and  White  Jews,  and  the  Syrian 
Christians.  The  general  results  of  the  investigation  are  well  described  in  the 
Introduction  by  Professor  A.  C.  Haddon.  It  is  impossible  here  to  give  even  a 
nummary  of  the  interesting  material  now  supplied  ;  only  the  general  features  of  the 
volume  can  be  briefly  indicated.  In  the  first  place,  we  find  a  comprehensive  account 
of  the  Nayars  with  their  strange  social  organisation  and  their  marriage  system,  with 
its  bearing  on  the  question  of  polyandry.  Secondly,  the  author  gives  a  full  account 
of  that  remarkable  people,  the  Nambutiri  Brahmans,  who,  more  than  any  of  the 
existing  Brahman  groups,  maintain  the  Vedic  traditions.  This  forms  a  useful 
addition  to  the  information  already  collected  by  Messrs.  Thurston  and  Fawcett. 
Thirdly,  he  deals  with  the  Mappillas,  a  race  of  Musalmans  by  religion,  who  have  in 
recent  times  more  than  once  endured  attacks  by  British  troops  as  the  result  of 
fanatical  outbreaks.  Lastly  come  the  Black  and  White  Jews  and  the  Syrian 
Christians,  who  illustrate  the  development  of  Semitic  dogmas  and  ritual  in  an 
Oriental  environment. 

The  book,  as  a  whole,  will  be  useful  as  au  addition  to  Mr.  Thurston's  great 
work  on  The  Tribes  and  Castes  of  Southern  India.  It  would  possess  higher 
value  if  the  author's  training  in  anthropology  and  comparative  religion  had  been 
more  thorough,  but  when  he  describes  races  with  whom  he  is  personally  familiar, 
his  contributions  deserve  attention.  The  volume  is  well  illustrated  by  a  fine  series 
of  photographs,  and  is  issued  at  the  expense  of  the  Raja  and  State  authorities,  who 
deserve  congratulation  on  their  liberality.  It  is  understood  that  the  author  has  col- 
lected a  considerable  number  of  measurements  of  the  people  under  his  charge,  and  it 
may  be  hoped  that  these  will  be  published  without  delay.  W.  CROOKE. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


- 


i 


PLATE  D. 


MAS,  1914. 


STONE    IMPLEMENTS    FROM    SOUTH    AFRICA. 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos.  30-31. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

With  Plate  D. 

Africa,  South  :  Archaeology.  Doux. 

Stone  Implements  from  South  Africa.     By  J.  Lee  Doux.  Qfl 

Whilst  at  the  diamond  diggings  at  Windsorton,  on  the  bank  of  the  Vaal  UU 
River,  I  found  a  number  of  stone  implements.  I  kept  a  few  of  the  best  specimens 
of  different  types,  but  had  to  leave  some  very  bulky  ones  behind.  The  claims  I 
worked  were  in  the  "  deep  ground,"  necessitating  the  sinking  of  a  shaft  to  reach 
the  diamondiferous  gravel.  First  of  all  there  was  a  layer  of  red  brick  earth  of 
varying  depth,  according  to  whether  the  shaft  was  being  sunk  on  high  ground  or 
in  a  depression  on  the  veldt.  Having  gone  through  this  earth,  which  might  be  from 
6  feet  to  12  feet  in  depth,  a  bed  of  gravel  of  about  12  feet  in  thickness  was  come 
upon,  and  then  a  shale  or  "  cement "  bottom  was  reached.  It  was  stated  that  a 
further  layer  of  gravel  lay  under  this,  but  I  did  not  investigate  the  matter.  It 
was  whilst  sieving  the  gravel  that  I  came  across  a  number  of  stone  implements  of 
various  types.  The  gravel  consisted  of  very  rounded  boulders  of  all  sizes,  but  chiefly 
of  one  sort  of  rock,  close  grained  and  of  a  dark  slatey-blue  colour  when  broken. 
Mixed  up  with  these  were  stones,  pebbles,  and  sand,  and  such  things  as  agates, 
crystals,  garnets,  cat's-eyes,  &c.  Some  pretty  effects  were  obtained  by  keeping  vari- 
coloured pebbles  in  a  white  dish  of  water.  Most  of  the  implements  found  were  of 
the  same  stone  as  the  boulders.  Seeing  how  extremely  water-worn  this  gravel  is, 
the  diamonds  even  being  slightly  worn,  it  is  curious  that  some  of  the  implements 
found  in  it  should  be  quite  sharp-edged.  Besides  the  specimens  discovered  in  the 
gravel,  I  picked  up  one  (stained  red)  on  the  surface  of  the  veldt.  This  last  speci- 
men might  be  presumed  to  be  of  later  date  than  those  found  deep  in  the  gravel, 
and  therefore  better  made  and  shaped,  whereas  it  is  a  clumsy  looking  tool  compared 
with  many  of  the  latter.  Whilst  walking  on  the  present  bed  of  the  river,  in  the 
dry  season,  I  picked  up  a  dark  grey  implement  of  a  shape  somewhat  different  from 
the  others.  Arrow  heads  have  been  found  in  the  same  position,  but  I  did  not  find 
any  myself.  There  are  several  beds  of  gravel  along  the  banks  of  the  river  of 
various  depths  and  composition  and  at  different  levels, -some  having  no  overburden 
of  red  brick  earth.  With  the  exception  of  the  specimen  found  on  the  veldt  and 
the  one  on  the  river  bed,  all  my  implements  came  from  one  particular  bed  of  gravel, 
as  described  above.  Not  being  a  scientist,  I  cannot  give  any  information  concerning 
the  geology  of  this  part  of  Africa,  and  I  had  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  level 
of  the  different  beds  of  gravel  compared  with  that  of  the  present  river  bed. 

J.  LEE  DOUX. 


England:  Archaeology.  Smith. 

Flint  Implements  from  the  Crayford  Brick-earths.  />'//  /,'.  .  /.  Smith.  fll 

The  announcement  made  by  Mr.  Higgins  in  MAN,  1914,  No.  4,  and  the  Ul 
note  appended  to  it,  have  given  rise  to  some  misunderstanding,  and  a  few  words 
of  explanation  follow. 

At  the  November  meeting  I  was  invited  to  open  the  discussion,  and  not  having 
seen  or  heard  of  anything  of  the  same  type  from  the  Crayford  site,  pointed  out  the 
close  relation  of  the  flints  to  the  Northfleet  series,  and  subsequently  reduced  my 
remarks  to  writing.  Neither  Mr.  Higgins  nor  myself  intended  to  go  more  fully  into 
the  matter,  but  mention  should  have  been  made  of  the  fact  that  the  brick-earths 
have  for  years  been  attributed  to  the  period  of  Le  Moustier.  Mr.  Leach  has  kindly 
supplied  me  with  references  to  passages  in  Proc.  Geol.  Assoc.,  which  express  the 
prevailing  opinion,  but  which  are  not  accompanied  by  descriptions  or  illustrations  of 

C  49  ] 


Nos,  31-32.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


the  flints  on  which  the  chronology  is  based.  As  late  as  1912  the  question  was 
regarded  as  still  open  by  himself  and  Mr.  Chandler,  iu  their  report  on  an  excursion 
to  Erith  (ibid.,  xxiii.,  189).  Mr.  Worthington  Smith,  whose  opinion  was  quoted  and 
accepted  by  Messrs.  Hiuton  and  Kennard  in  1905,  writes  in  reply  to  my  inquiry 
that  he  cannot  remember  saying  or  writing  anything  about  the  Crayford  pit,  or 
discussing  it  in  any  way,  though  he  has  a  few  relics  from  the  site.  Having  never 
joined  an  excursion  to  Crayford,  I  was  quite  unaware  of  the  nature  or  existence 
of  flint-finds  other  than  Mr.  Spurrell's  series  in  the  Natural  History  Museum,  which 
(I  repeat)  as  a  group  hardly  present  Le  Moustier  features.  The  fauna  has  already 
been  carefully  worked  out,  especially  by  Mr.  Hinton  ;  and  Mr.  Higgins  does  not 
claim  to  have  collected  any  new  species,  but,  having  secured  some  datable  flints,  very 
naturally  proceeded  to  publish  the  find.  Mr.  Chandler's  report  on  the  Geologists' 
Association's  excursion  to  Crayford  in  June  was  published  too  late  for  notice,  but 
there  are  other  claims  to  priority,  and  Mr.  Higgins  joins  with  me  in  expressing 
regret  that  they  should  have  been,  overlooked.  R.  A.  SMITH. 


Jersey  :  Archseology.  Marett :  de  Gruchy. 

Excavation  of  a  Barrow  called  La  Hougue  de  Vinde,  situated  at     QO 

Noirmont,  Jersey.     By  R.  R.  Marett  and  G.  F.  B.  de   Gruchy.  Ufa 

This    barrow  was  examined  and    partially  excavated    by  the  Societe  Jersiaise  in 

May  1881,  and    a   report  of    the    work   done    appeared    in  Bulletin  No.    VII  of   that 

Society,  dated  1882.  Apart  from  the 
fact  that  the  mound  contained  a  wall 
of  dry  rubble,  roughly  circular  in  shape, 
little  was  discovered,  but  indications 
were  noticed  of  disturbance  at  some 
earlier  period,  while  a  sixteenth-cen- 
tury coin  occurred  deep  in  the  mound. 
The  actual  finds  within  the  wall  were 
a  stone  hammer,  a  few  flint  flakes — 
one  showing  signs  of  work — and  a  few 
fragments  of  pottery. 

The  present  writers,  one  of  whom 
owns  the  property,  decided  to  make 
further  researches,  and  in  August  of 
last  year  engaged  workmen  to  clear 
out  the  whole  central  portion  of  the 
mound.  The  barrow  stands  upon  the 
plateau  of  the  Warren  of  Noirmont 
Manor,  at  about  200  feet  above  sea 
level,  on  a  site  affording  a  clear  view 
in  all  directions.  At  the  time  of  the 
excavations  of  1881  the  mound  stood 
about  4  feet  to  5  feet  in  height  above 
the  level  of  the  surrounding  moorland. 
It  was  composed  of  earth  which  must 
have  been  brought  from  some  little 


LA   HOUGUE  DE  VINDE,   JERSEY. 

Sketch  plan  showing  outer  rubble  wall  and  remains  of  an 
iuiier  riug  of  large  stones. 


distance,  the  immediate  neighbourhood  not  affording  a  sufficient  supply.  Below  this 
earth  was  reached  a  level  surface  of  much  harder  earth,  which  was  doubtless  the 
original  floor,  as  it  agrees  in  level  with  the  surrounding  land  surface.  The  floor  in 
question  is  quite  18  inches  below  the  levels  of  the  trenches  made  in  1881.  It  is  due 

[    53    ] 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[No.  32. 


simply  to  the  shallowness  of  these  trenches,  and  to  the  partial  nature  of  the  former 
•excavation,  that  the  stone  circle  about  to  be  described  was  not  then  discovered.  The 
heads  of  four  of  the  stones  were  actually  uncovered,  and  are  roughly  indicated  in  the 
plan  attached  to  the  1881  report,  being,  however,  erroneously  represented  as  forming 
:i  straight  line.  The  rubble  wall  turned  out  to  be  built  upon  a  foundation  of  larger 
weather-worn  boulders,  and  to  be  some  42  inches  in  height,  not  18  inches  as  stated 
in  the  report.  Inside  this  wall,  and  roughly  concentric  with  it,  were  found  the 
remains  of  an  inner  ring  of  flat  stones  set  up  on  edge,  those  remaining  in  situ  (1-4, 
5—7,  and  8—11  in  plan)  forming  three  arcs  of  a  true  circle  of  11  ft.  2  ins.  radius.  The 
error  was  not  more  than  2  inches  to  3  inches,  implying  about  as  accurate  a  piece  of 
work  as  it  is  possible  to  accomplish  with  rough  stones.  One  of  the  slabs  of  stone 
(7)  was  tilted  inwards  at  an  angle  of  about  50  degrees.  There  also  occurred  a 
slab  (12),  similar  to  those  forming  the  ring,  standing  upright  but  at  nearly  a  right 


IE.  G niton 
LA   HOUGCE   DE   VINDE,   JERSEY  — VlEW,   LOOKING    EAST,    OF   EXCAVATED    INTERIOR. 


angle  to  the  next  slab  in  the  ring.  As  the  gap  so  left  coincides  with  an  old  trench 
from  outside,  it  seems  probable  that  this  slab  was  shifted  into  this  position  in  driving 
this  trench.  The  slabs  forming  the  ring  vary  from  39  inches  to  18  inches  in  height, 
and  from  40  inches  to  17  inches  in  width.  Where  the  earth  was  least  disturbed  (8-11 
in  plan)  the  ring  was  heightened  to  about  45  inches  by  a  well-fitted  rubble  coping 
built  on  top  of  the  slabs.  All  round  the  inside  of  the  ring,  but  not  in  the  centre, 
we  found  quantities  of  sharp-edged  stones,  none  too  large  to  be  lifted  by  hand,  upon 
the  floor  or  piled  against  the  slabs  of  the  ring.  These  showed  no  appearance  of 
having  been  arranged  as  a  flooring,  and  may  be  attributed  to  the  demolition  of 
a  similar  rubble  coping  all  round  the  ring.  Of  larger  stones  within  the  ring 
there  occurred  one  weather-worn  boulder  (13)  apparently  in  situ,  and  two  others 
embedded  in  the  earth  of  previous  excavations  which  had  evidently  been  moved. 
All  the  stones  used  seem  to  be  of  the  granite  which  outcrops  in  the  near 
.neighbourhood. 

[    51     ] 


No,  32.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Inside  the  ring  we  found  no  traces  of  a  dolmen  or  kist,  no  limpet  shells,  only 
three  sherds  of  pottery,  and  these  probably  recent,  and  very  few  flakes  of  flint.  The 
paucity  of  flint  flakes  is  remarkable,  since  the  soil  for  more  than  100  yards  round 
the  barrow  is  full  of  them,  some  showing  clear  signs  of  human  work  of  the  crude 
neolithic  type  common  in  Jersey.  Specimens  of  these  flakes  may  be  seen  in  the 
Museum  of  the  Societe  Jersiaise.  It  is  to  be  noted  that,  apart  from  disturbance  caused 
by  earlier  excavations,  the  mound  was  riddled  with  rabbit  holes,  and  hence  afforded 
ample  opportunity  for  objects  on  the  surface  to  find  their  way  below  ground.  Inside 
the  mound  occurred  a  number  of  beach  pebbles.  These  were  mostly  of  small  size,  but 
one  was  large  and  of  remarkable  appearance,  being  shaped  like  a  mattock,  square  at 
one  end  and  pointed  at  the  other.  It  is  composed  of  diorite  or  diabase,  measures 
15  inches  by  6  inches  by  1|-  inches  thick,  and  weighs  5^  English  Ibs.  ;  it  shows  no 
traces  of  grinding,  nor  perhaps  any  signs  of  use. 

This  barrow,  though  it  proved  so  barren  of  "  finds "  whereby  its  age  might  be 
accurately  determined,  is  of  interest  for  two  reasons  :  Firstly,  the  presence  of  two 
circular  walls,  the  inner  one  consisting  of  large  stones,  makes  it  unique,  it  would 
seem,  among  known  examples.  Secondly,  the  absence  of  any  trace  of  a  dolmen  or 
kist  makes  the  original  purpose  and  age  of  the  erection  something  of  a  mystery. 
It  is  highly  improbable  that  a  dolmen,  and  only  somewhat  less  improbable  that  a 
kist,  should  be  removed  without  leaving  any  trace  behind. 

Dry-walling  occurs  in  association  with  several  of  the  Jersey  dolmens,  a  single 
circular  wall  of  rubble  encircling  Les  Cinq  Pierres,  while  at  Faldouet  there  was  actually 
a  double  circle  of  nibble-walling,  to  judge  from  certain  remains  found  on  the  east 
side.  (See  R.  R.  Marett,  Archaologia,  LXIII  (1912),  217/z.)  Outside  the  Channel 
Islands,  we  find  an  encircling  wall  composed  of  loose  slabs  of  lias,  from  34^  to 
44^  inches  high,  and  with  a  radius  of  about  13  ft.  9  ins.,  in  Wick  Barrow,  Somerset, 
which  is  proved  by  the  contained  pottery  to  belong  to  the  Early  Bronze  Age. 
Curiously  enough,  here,  as  at  La  Hougue  de  Vinde,  a  chance  coin  betrayed  the 
incursions  of  ancient  treasure-seekers,  in  this  case  Romans  of  the  fourth  century,  A.D., 
whose  forcible  entry  through  the  wall  was  marked  by  the  displaced  stones.  (Sec 
H.  St.  George  Gray,  Report  on  the  Excavations  at  Wick  Barrow,  Stogursey,  Somer- 
setshire. Taunton,  1908.)  The  same  author  in  his  careful  memoir  cites  as  a  parallel 
from  the  British  Islands  a  circular  wall,  apparently  of  12  ft.  7  ins.  radius  and  about 
4  feet  high,  built  of  somewhat  heavy  blocks  that  were  found  within  the  "  horned  "  cairn 
of  Ormiegill,  Caithness  ;  while  round  various  British  long  barrows  dry-walling  occurs, 
or  even  in  short  lengths  within  them.  He  likewise  compares  a  walled  enclosure, 
surrounding  a  stone  cairn,  that  was  discovered  within  a  barrow  at  Asbo,  Ribe  County, 
Jutland,  Denmark,  and  two  similar  wall-circles  existing  within  tumuli  in  the  district 
of  Jaederen,  Norway,  all  three  examples  dating  from  the  Early  Bronze  Age.  (Gray, 
ib.,  53-9.)  We  are,  perhaps,  justified  on  the  strength  of  these  analogies  in  pro- 
visionally assigning  La  Hougue  de  Vinde  to  the  same  period,  more  especially  in  view 
of  its  position  on  ground  which  commands  an  unobstructed  sea-prospect,  a  situation 
common  to  Wick  Barrow  and  various  Scandinavian  burial  sites  of  the  Bronze  Age. 
(Cf.  Gray,  ib.,  9  and  60.) 

Herewith  are  a  view  of  the  inside  of  the  barrow,  looking  east,  which  was  kindly 
taken  for  us  by  Mr.  E.  Guiton,  and  a  sketch  plan  showing  the  outer  rubble  wall  and 
the  inner  ring  of  stones.  The  earth  excavated  has  not  been  replaced,  and  this  inner 
ring  is  consequently  to  be  seen  and  studied  in  the  state  in  which  it  was  discovered. 

R.  R.  MARETT. 
G.  F.  B.  DE  GRUCHY. 


[    52 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  33. 

Australia.  Brown. 

The  Relationship  System    of  the   Dieri  Tribe.      By  A.  ft.  Brown.     QQ 

In  Howitt'rf  description  of  the  relationship  system  of  the  Dieri  tribe  in  UU 
Native  Tribes  of  South-east  Australia,  there  are  one  or  two  errors,  and  a  number 
of  obscurities  that  are  possibly  due  to  errors. 

In  the  second  paragraph  on  p.  166,  referring  to  the  numbers  of  the  genealogical 
table,  Howitt  writes,  "  No.  1  is  the  Kaka  of  13-14  and  15-16.  No.  2  is  in  the  same 
"  relation  to  them,  because  he  is  in  the  relation  of  Ngaperi  to  them."  This  sentence 
as  it  stands  is  nonsense.  Kaka  is  "mother's  brother"  and  ngaperi  is  "father." 
The  statement  that  a  man  is  mother's  brother  to  another  because  he  is  also  father  to 
him  does  not  seem  to  have  any  meaning.  I  cannot  guess  what  Howitt  may  have 
meant  to  write. 

In  the  same  paragraph  a  little  further  on,  we  find  the  following  sentence, 
"  This  man  No.  13  is  also  the  Kaka  of  39  and  40,  under  the  Kanini  arrangement, 
"  because  their  mother  is  the  sister  of  the  woman  No.  3,  the  mother  of  13,  and 
44  therefore  stands  in  the  relation  of  Ngandri  to  him."  This  sentence  as  it  stands 
is  also  meaningless,  but  the  correction  in  this  case  is  a  simple  one.  It  should  read 
"  because  their  mother's  mother  is  the  sister,"  etc. 

In  the  paragraph  at  the  foot  of  p.  162,  Howitt  writes  that  "  the  children  of  a 
"  woman  are  considered  as  being  the  younger  brothers  and  sisters  (Ngatata)  of  her 
"  father.  Moreover,  this  carries  with  it  all  the  consequential  relationships."  If  this 
statement  be  correct  it  introduces  the  most  astonishing  confusion  into  the  Dieri 
relationship  system.  If  I  belong  to  the  Kararu  division  of  the  tribe  my  brothers  and 
sisters  (neyi,  kaku,  and  ngatata)  all  belong  to  the  same  division.  On  the  other  hand, 
my  mother's  father  belongs  to  the  Matteri  division.  It  seems  unlikely,  on  the  face 
of  it,  that  the  use  of  the  term  neyi  should  be  so  extended  that  I  can  apply  it  to  men 
of  the  opposite  division  to  my  own. 

Moreover,  Howitt  says  that  the  relationship  carries  with  it  all  the  consequential 
relationships.  Some  of  these  are  as  follows  : — 

(1)  I  am  father  (ngaperi)  to  my  mother's  brother,  since    my   mother's   father  is 
his  father  and  is  also  my  brother. 

(2)  I  am  brother  to   my  wife.     I  am  ngatata  (younger  brother)  to  my  mother's 
father,  and  therefore  to  my  mother's  father's  sister.       My  mother's    father's  sister  is 
elder  sister  (kaku)  to  my  noa  (mother's  mother's  brother's   daughter's   daughter)  these 
two  being  kanini-kaku  and  kanini-ngatata  to  one  another  (Howitt,  p.   163).     As  the 
woman  I  must  marry  is  my  mother's  mother's  brother's   daughter's  daughter  (my  noa) 
it  follows  that  any  woman  whom  I  may  many  is  my  sister. 

(3)  I  am  similarly  noa  (potential  husband)  to  my  sister. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  trace  out  all  the  relationships  that  would  follow  from 
Howitt's  statement  quoted  above.  The  three  examples  given  are  sufficient  to  show 
that  if  that  statement  be  correct  the  Dieri  relationships  are  very  complicated  and 
contradictory. 

It  seems  to  me  that  a  state  of  affairs  in  which  I  am  brother  to  my  wife,  husband 
to  my  sister,  father  to  my  mother's  brother,  &c.,  is  improbable,  and  that  Howitt's 
statement  is  wrong.  I  would  suggest  that  the  sentence  quoted  should  read,  "The 
"  children  of  a  man  are  considered  as  being  the  younger  brothers  and  sisters  of  his 
"  father,  and  this  carries  with  it  all  the  consequential  relationships,"  or  alternatively 
"  the  children  of  a  woman  are  considered  as  being  the  younger  brothers  and  sisters 
"  of  her  mother,  etc." 

As  the  basis  of  the  proposed  emendation  I  have  made  the  assumption  that  a 
man  only  applies  the  terms  brother  and  sister  to  persons  of  the  same  division  as 
himself.  Thus,  if  I  belong  to  the  Kararu  division,  I  applv  the  terms  for  brother 


No.  33.]  MAN.  [1914. 

and  sister  to  the  men  and  women  of  my  own  generation  who  belong  to  the  same 
(i.e.,  the  Kararti)  division.  The  peculiar  feature  of  the  Dieri  system  is  that  I  also 
apply  the  same  terms  (brother  and  sister),  in  a  looser  way,  to  some  of  my  grand- 
parents. Now  it  seems  on  the  whole  probable  that  the  grandparents  to  whom  I  should 
apply  the  terms  would  be  those  of  the  same  division  as  myself.  These  are  fonr  in 
number,  father's  father  (yenku\  father's  father's  sister,  mother's  mother  (kunhii), 
and  mother's  mother's  brother  (kanini).  We  know  from  Howitt  that  a  man  does 
regard  his  kanini  (mother's  mother  and  her  brother)  as  his  elder  brother  and  sister 
(see  p.  163).  We  are  not  told  that  a  man  is  also  regarded  as  the  younger  brother 
of  his  father's  father  (yenku\  but  it  seems  probable  that  this  is  so. 

If  this  emendation  be  accepted  the  Dieri  system  is  very  simple  and  easy  to 
understand.  I  apply  the  terms  neyi  and  kaku  in  the  first  place  to  my  brothers  and 
sisters  and  to  my  father's  brother's  sons  and  daughters,  i.e.,  to  the  men  and  women 
of  my  own  division  and  of  my  own  generation.  In  a  more  extended  use  of  the 
terms  I  apply  them  to  the  men  and  women  of  my  own  division  who  belong  to  the 
generation  of  my  grandparents,  i.e.,  to  my  father's  father  and  my  mother's  mother 
and  their  brothers  and  sisters.  I  do  not,  however,  apply  these  terms  to  men  and 
women  of  the  other  division,  such  as  my  father's  mother. 

Another  suggestion  that  I  wish  to  make  is  concerned  with  the  term  nadada, 
which  Howitt  never  precisely  defines.  On  p.  160  he  translates  nadada  as  meaning 
"mother's  father,"  and  this  is  repeated  on  p.  162.  The  more  usual  term  for  "mother's 
father"  is  kami,  as  stated  on  p.  164,  fifth  line  from  the  bottom.  (In  the  list  of  terms 
on  p.  160  the  "mother  father's  "  opposite  kami  should  obviously  be  "mother's  father.") 
The  question  at  once  arises  why  there  should  be  two  terms,  kami  and  nadada,  both 
applicable  to  the  same  relative  (mother's  father).  We  learn  from  Howitt  that  kami 
is  applicable  to  a  mother's  father,  mother's  father's  brother,  mother's  brother's  son 
and  daughter,  and  daughter's  son  and  daughter  (female  speaking),  or  sister's  daughter's 
son  and  daughter  (male  speaking).  A  man  may  not  marry  a  woman  who  is  his 
kami,  and  therefore  the  term  kami  may  not  be  applied  to  a  noa  (mother's  mother's 
brother's  daughter's  daughter).  We  learn  that  the  term  nadada  is  applicable  to  a 
mother's  father,  mother's  father's  brother,  daughter's  son  and  daughter  (female 
speaking),  sister's  daughter's  son  and  daughter  (male  speaking),  and  also  to  a 
mother's  mother's  brother's  daughter's  daughter  (noa].  This  last  relationship  is 
explained  by  Howitt  in  connection  with  the  statement  of  the  natives  that  "  those 
"  who  are  noa  are  nadada  to  each  other."  It  is  obvious,  therefore,  that  the  term 
nadada  is  not  simply  an  equivalent  for  kami,  since  my  noa  is  my  nadada  but  is 
not  my  kami. 

I  venture  to  suggest  that  the  term  nadada  is  really  the  term  for  "  father's 
mother "  and  "  father's  mother's  brother,"  and  that  it  is  only  used  in  a  looser  and 
more  extended  sense  to  apply  to  a  mother's  father. 

It  is  then  easy  to  see  how  it  comes  about  that  all  noa  are  nadada.  I  am 
younger  brother  (ngatata)  to  my  father's  father's  sister,  and  she  is  nadada  (father's 
mother)  to  the  woman  I  call  noa.  Jt  follows  that  as  I  am  brother  to  the  nadada 
of  my  noa  I  am  nadada  to  the  latter  and  she  is  nadada  to  me.  Howitt  shows 
the  same  thing  by  taking  other  relatives.  I  am  younger  brother  (ngatata)  to  my 
mother's  mother's  brother  (kanini),  who  is  kami-nadada  to  my  noa  (his  daughter's 
daughter),  and  I  am  therefore  also  nadada  to  her. 

If  this  suggestion  be  accepted  it  shows  us  that  the  Dieri  system  is  wonderfully 
simple  and  logical,  and  quite  in  agreement  with  other  systems  of  Australia.  This 
may  be  seen  from  the  accompanying  genealogical  table,  which  is  compiled  on  the 
assumption  that  the  suggestions  made  in  this  note  are  correct. 

It   may   be   worth   while   to   point   out    on   this  occasion   how   clearly   the   system 

[     54-    ] 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[No.  33. 


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*I» 

Nos.  33-34,]  MAN.  [1914. 

of  relationship  proves  the  existence  of  the  four  matrimonial  classes  in  the  Dieri 
tribe.*  As  the  classes  are  not  named  we  may  denote  them  by  the  letters  A,  B, 
C,  D,  the  classes  A  and  C  forming  the  division  Kararu,  and  the  classes  B  and  D 
forming  the  division  Matteri.  If  I  belong  to  the  division  Kararu  and  the  class  A, 
then  that  class  consists  of  the  men  and  women  I  call  yenku,  neyi,  kaku,  ngaiata, 
and  kanini.  The  class  C  (the  other  class  of  my  own  division)  is  composed  of 
the  men  and  women  whom  I  call  ngandri,  kaka,  taru,  and  tidnara.  The  class  B, 
from  which  I  must  take  my  wife,  contains  the  relatives  whom  I  call  nadada,  kami, 
noa,  and  kadi.  The  class  D  (which  is  the  class  of  my  father)  contains  the  relatives 
I  call  ngaperi  papa,  paiara,  and  ngatamura. 

Stating  in  terms  of  the  class  system  the  suggestions  made  in  this  note,  they 
are  that  a  man  of  the  class  A  applies  the  terms  neyi,  kaku,  and  ngatata  (brother 
and  sister)  only  to  persons  of  his  own  class,  and  applies  the  term  nadada  only  to 
persons  of  the  class  B  from  which  he  must  take  his  wife.  A.  R.  BROWN. 


REVIEW. 
Melanesia :  Migrations.  Friederici. 

Wissenschaftliche  Ergebnisse  einer  amtlichen  Forschungsreise  nach  dem 
Bismarck- Archipel  im  Jahre  1908.  Untersuchungen  iiber  eine  Melanesische 
Wanderstrasse.  Von  Dr.  Georg  Friederici,  Hauptmann,  A.  D.  Mit  einer  Karte. 
Wissenschaftliche  Beiheft  zum  Deutschen  Kolonialblatte.  Mitteilungen  aus  dem 
Deutschen  Schutzgebieten.  Ergiinzungsheft,  Nr.  7.  Berlin,  1913. 

In  the  second  volume  of  the  "  Scientific  Results "  of  the  Hanseatic  South-Sea 
Expedition  of  1908,  Dr.  G.  Friederici  gave  for  the  first  time  a  comprehensive 
account  of  the  ethnography  and  linguistics  of  the  Bismarck  Archipelago.  (See  MAN, 
1912,  No.  110.)  This  showed  a  good  deal  of  relationship  between  the  arts  and 
languages  of  the  archipelago  and  those  of  Eastern  Indonesia,  and  the  purpose  of  the 
present  and  third  volume  of  the  series  is  systematically  to  set  forth  the  evidence  for 
the  theory  of  a  Melanesian  Wander-Stream  from  the  West. 

The  Melanesians  are  regarded  as  having  come  from  that  part  of  Indonesia  which 
extends  from  the  Southern  Islands  of  the  Philippine  group,  through  the  Minahasa 
peninsula  of  Celebes,  to  the  Moluccas  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Burn  and  Ceram. 
From  the  Moluccan  region  they  passed  north  of  New  Guinea  to  the  region  about 
Vitiaz  and  Dampier  Straits,  which  Dr.  Friederici  regards  as  the  gateways  of 
Melanesia.  In  this  region  they  colonised  the  northern  shores  of  New  Pommern,  and 
part  of  the  swarm,  passing  through  Vitiaz  Strait,  settled  along  the  eastern  and 
south-eastern  shores  of  New  Guinea.  Another  stream  through  Dampier  Strait  passed 
to  the  Northern  Louisiades,  Southern  Solomons,  and  Northern  New  Hebrides.  The 
Philippine  or  sub-Philippine  stream  took  a  more  northerly  route,  going  by  the 
Admiralty  group  to  New  Hannover,  East  New  Mecklenburg,  and  the  Solomons. 

The  main  evidence  adduced  by  Dr.  Friederici  is  linguistic,  though  he  fully 
recognises  its  limitations  in  view  of  the  very  great  variations  in  the  physical  characters 
and  culture  of  the  peoples  discussed.  But  he  maintains  that  a  close  likeness  in  the 

*  It  has  been  assumed  by  many  writers  (Howitt,  Frazer,  Thomas,  Schmidt,  etc.)  that  because 
the  four  matrimonial  classes  are  not  named  in  some  Australian  tribes,  such  as  the  Dieri,  that  they 
therefore  do  not  exist.  This  assumption  is  entirely  unjustifiable,  and  1  do  not  know  that  any  of 
these  writers  has  attempted  to  justify  it.  By  matrimouial  classes  I  mean  divisions  of  a  tribe  such 
as  those  named  Ippai,  Kubbi,  Kumbo,  and  Murri  in  the  Kamilaroi  tribe.  There  is  not  a  scrap  of 
evidence  at  present  for  the  existence  in  Australia  of  any  tribe  which  has  not  four  divisions  of  this 
kind,  though  in  many  tribes  there  seem  to  be  no  distinctive  names  for  them.  The  four  classes 
certainly  do  exist  in  some  tribes  in  which  they  are  not  named,  as  the  Luridya  (southern  branch), 
Arabana  (Urabunua),  Dieri,  Wathi-wathi,  Tyap-wurong,  and  probably  also  the  Narrinyeri  and 
Kurnai. 

[     56     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos,  34-35. 

grammatical  structure  of  the  languages  of  two  regions,  with  a  considerable  amount 
of  agreement  in  the  vocabulary,  is  evidence  that  the  speakers  of  the  common  language 
reached  both  places.  Hence  he  shows  that  the  languages  of  the  Barriai  district  of 
New  Pommern,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Melanesians  of  New  Guinea,  have  a  remarkable 
likeness  in  grammar  and  part  of  their  word  store  to  the  Bahasa  Tana  of  the  Alfuru 
(or  inlanders)  of  Ceram,  and  part  also  of  their  word  store  in  common  with  the  dialects 
of  Minahasa.  This  indicates  a  common  foundation  for  the  languages  of  Ceram  and 
Minahasa  from  which  the  Barriai  and  its  relatives  have  been  derived. 

The  grammatical  evidence  is  discussed  in  detail.  Especially  striking  are  the 
remarkable  and  similar  variations  in  phonology  in  both  regions,  the  correspondence  in 
personal,  possessive,  and  interrogative  pronouns,  in  the  position  of  the  adjective,  and 
in  the  particles  and  syatax  of  the  verb.  Many  of  the  common  characteristics  are 
shown  to  extend  to  the  languages  of  New  Guinea,  the  Solomons,  and  New  Hebrides. 
The  position  of  the  genitive,  which  in  some  languages  precedes  and  in  others  follows 
the  governing  word,  is  regarded  as  important.  Dr.  Friederici's  conclusion  is  that  the 
Melanesians  in  general  brought  their  own  (preceding)  genitive  construction  from  their 
old  home  in  the  Moluccan  region,  but  this  has  been  changed  in  some  places  through 
the  influence  of  the  swarm  coming  from  the  Sub-Philippine  region,  who  used  the  other 
(following)  genitive  construction.  This  influence  is  evident  in  New  Hannover  and 
East  New  Mecklenburg,  and  extended  partly  to  the  Solomons  and  New  Hebrides. 

The  agreements  in  vocabulary  are  illustrated  by  a  tabular  arrangement  of 
117  words  in  seven  language  groups.  The  latter  include  on  the  Indonesian  side  : 
1.  The  Babasa  Tana  and  Alfuru  of  Ceram.  2.  The  Alfuru  of  Buru.  3.  The  Alfuru 
of  North-east  Celebes.  On  the  Melanesian  side  are  grouped  :  1.  The  Barriai  and 
related  dialects  of  New  Pommern.  2.  The  Western  Papuo-Melanesians  of  New  Guinea. 
3.  The  Solomon  Islands.  4.  The  Northern  New  Hebrides.  Extensive  explanatory 
and  illustrative  notes  follow  the  tables,  with  many  details  of  the  Bismarck  Archipelago 
languages. 

But  although  his  argument  is  mainly  linguistic,  Dr.  Friederici  has  by  no  means 
neglected  the  ethnographical  side.  This  was  partly  worked  out  in  the  second  volume, 
and  in  the  present  book  there  is  an  important  summary  discussion  on  the  distribution 
of  houses,  weapons,  and  other  artifacts.  These  are  shown  generally  to  support  the 
theory  based  on  the  languages. 

The  connection  of  the  Melanesians  with  Indonesia  by  way  of  the  Vitiaz  and 
Dampier  Straits  may  be  regarded  as  established  by  Dr.  Friederici's  evidence.  The 
details  of  their  dispersion  among  the  islands  is  a  problem  of  the  future.  The  book 
shows  evidence  of  very  extensive  study  and  inquiry,  and,  even  apart  from  the  theory 
involved,  will  form  a  most  useful  work  for  the  illustration  of  the  languages  and 
material  arts  and  crafts  of  Northern  Melanesia. 

An  index  and  a  more  extended  linguistic  map  than  that  of  New  Mecklenburg 
contained  in  the  second  volume  would  have  increased  the  use  and  value  of  the 
work.  The  present  volume  contains  a  map  showing  the  routes  of  the  migrations  and 
the  limits  of  the  two  kinds  of  genitive  construction.  SIDNEY  H.  RAY. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF  SOCIETIES. 
Anthropological  Teaching  in  the  Universities.  .        OC 

At  the  recent  meeting  in  Birmingham  of  the  British  Association  for  the  UO 
Advancement  of  Science,  the  President  of  Section  H,  Sir  Richard  Temple,  initiated 
a  discussion  on  the  practical  application  of  anthropological  teaching  in  Universities. 

Distinguished  administrators,  such  as  the  Governor-General  of  the  Sudan, 
Lieut-General  Sir  Reginald  Wingate,  G.C.V.O.,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  Sir  Frank 
Swetteuham,  G.C.M.G.,  and  Sir  Everard  im  Thurn,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  strongly 

[  57  ] 


No.  35.]  MAN.  [1914. 

supported  the  view  that  the  most  important  qualifications  for  success  in  dealing  in 
any  capacity  with  peoples  of  alien  culture  are  insight  into  and  knowledge  of  the 
habits,  customs,  and  ideas  governing  the  conduct  of  those  peoples.  No  less  cordial 
was  their  agreement  with  the  opinion  that  this  necessary  knowledge  can  be,  and 
therefore  ought  to  be,  taught  to  all  those  whose  careers  place  them  amid  the  non- 
European  races  of  the  Empire,  whether  as  members  of  the  Civil  and  Military 
Services  of  the  Crown,  or  as  representatives  of  other  Imperial  interests,  as  merchants, 
missionaries,  colonists,  or  as  engaged  in  the  various  other  forms  of  commercial 
enterprise  upon  the  success  of  which  the  material  prosperity  of  the  Empire  depends. 

These  views  are  supported  by  the  recent  Royal  Commission  on  University 
Education  in  London,  in  whose  report  it  is  stated  that,  "  It  is  almost  as  important 
"  that  officials,  and  others  intending  to  spend  their  lives  in  the  East,  or  in  parts  of 
"  the  Empire  inhabited  by  non-European  races,  should  have  a  knowledge  of  their 
"  racial  characteristics  as  that  they  should  be  acquainted  with  their  speech,  and  we 
"  believe  that  the  Colonial  Office  shares  this  view." 

A  committee  was  appointed  by  the  British  Association  for  the  purpose  of 
devising  practical  measures  for  the  organisation  of  anthropological  teaching  at  the 
Universities  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  With  this  committee  was  associated  a 
committee  appointed  by  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute.  These 
committees  met  in  joint  session  under  the  chairmanship  of  Sir  Richard  Temple,  and 
after  thoroughly  examining  the  question  in  all  its  aspects  arrived  at  the  following 
opinions  : — 

(1)  An    accurate    acquaintance    with    the    nature,    habits,   and    customs  of   alien 

populations  is  necessary  to  all  who  have  to  live  and  work  amongst  them 
in  any  official  capacity,  whether  as  administrators,  executive  officers, 
missionaries,  or  merchants,  because  in  order  to  deal  effectively  with  any 
group  of  mankind  it  is  essential  to  have  that  cultured  sympathy  with 
them  that  comes  of  sure  knowledge. 

(2)  Such  knowledge  in  a  considerable  though  varying  degree  is  actually  acquired 

by  all  who  attain  success  in  their  work  as  the  result  of  individual  capacity 
and  application. 

(3)  The  attainment  of  the  degree  of  knowledge  reached  in  such  cases  is  a  slow 

process  occupying  many  years,  because  it  has  to  be  learnt  empirically  by 
persons  without  training  in  the  correct  methods  of  learning. 

(4)  In  the  case  of  administrators  and  officials,  the  people  whose  lives  they  con- 

trol may  and  do  suffer  while   they  are   learning,  and  thus  in  the   absence 

of  previous  anthropological  training  their  knowledge  is  gained  at  the 
people's  expense. 

(5)  In  the  case  of   missionaries  and  merchants,  they  cannot  deal  efficiently  with 

the  people  to  whom  they  are  accredited  until  they  have  mastered  the 
requisite  knowledge  about  them,  which,  without  previous  anthropological 
training,  can  only  be  gained  at  the  expense  of  those  who  have  sent 
them  abroad. 

(6)  The    science   of   Anthropology    as    now    studied    is    a    system    of    pursuing 

inquiries  so  as  to  arrive  at  a  sure  knowledge  of  the  physical  and  mental 
development  of  groups  of  mankind,  and  the  teaching  of  correct  methods 
based  on  the  continuous  experience  of  expert  scholars. 

(7)  The   science    inculcates    in    students    habits    of   accurate   observation    of   the 

matters  which  it  is  useful  to  observe  and  of  making  correct  deductions 
therefrom,  and  thus  it  enables  them  to  arrive  at  the  sure  knowledge 
required  in  the  shortest  possible  time. 

[     58    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  35. 

And  resolved  that — 

(a)  It  is  necessary  to  organise  the  systematic  teaching  of  Anthropology  to 
persons  either  about  to  proceed  to  or  actually  working  in  those  parts 
of  the  British  Empire  which  contain  populations  alien  to  the  British 
people. 

(b~)  The  organisation  can  best  be  dealt  with  by  the  collaboration  of  the 
Royal  Anthropological  Institute,  the  British  Association,  and  the  Univer- 
sities, with  the  support  and  co-operation  of  the  Government,  the  Foreign 
Office,  the  India  Office,  the  Colonial  Office,  and  the  Civil  Service 
Commissioners. 

(c)  It    would   be   well   for   the   organisation    to   take    the   form   of    encouraging 

the    existing     Schools    of    Anthropology    at    the    Universities    and    the 
formation  of  such  schools  where  none  exist. 

(d)  As    laboratories,  a    library,    and    a   museum,    readily    available    for   teaching 

students,    are    indispensable    adjuncts    to   each    school,    it    is   desirable   to 
encourage  their  formation  where  they  are  not  already  in  existence. 
By  the    courtesy    of    the    Master   and  Wardens    of    the  Worshipful  Company  of 
Drapers  of  the  City  of  London,  a  Conference  to  consider  the  findings  and  recommen- 
dations of  the  Joint  Committee  was  held  in  the  Hall  of  that  Company  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  19th  February  1914.      The  President  of  the  Conference  was  the  Right  Hon. 
the  Earl  of  Selborne,  K.G.,  G.C.M.G.,  D.C.L.     Among  those  who  accepted  invitations 
to  be  present  were  : — 

The  Right  Hon.  Ameer  Ali,  LL.D.,  C.I.E.  (Privy  Council). 

Henry  Balfour,  Esq.  (Curator,  Pitt  Rivers  Museum,  Oxford). 

C.  O.  Blagden,  Esq.  (Royal  Asiatic  Society). 

J.  A.  Bryce,  Esq.,  M.P. 

Sir  Edward  Busk  (Chairman  of  Convocation,  University  of  London). 

Captain  Muirhead  Collins,  C.M.G.  (Acting  Agent-General,  Australia). 

Sir  Henry  Craik,  K.C.B.,  M.P. 

Major  R.  L.  Cummins,  R.A.M.C. 

Laurence  Currie,  Esq.  (India  Council). 

S.  Digby,  Esq.,  C.I.E.  (Royal  Society  of  Arts). 

W.  L.  H.  Duckworth,  Esq.,  M.D.  (representing  the  University  of  Cambridge). 

J.  Edge-Partington,  Esq.  (Trustee,  R.A.I.). 

Dr.  J.  D.  Falconer  (representing  the  University  of  Glasgow). 

Dr.  L.  R.  Farnell  (Rector  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford). 

Dr.  E.  Fawcett  (representing  the  University  of  Bristol). 

Alexander  Fiddian,  Esq.  (representing  the  Colonial  Office). 

Professor  H.  J.  Fleure  (University  College  of  Wales). 

Professor  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.  (representing  the  British  Science  Guild). 

Dr.  T.  Gregory  Foster  (Provost  of  University  College,  London). 

Sir  Krishna  G.  Gupta,  K.C.S.I.  (India  Council). 

Dr.  Haddon,  F.R.S.  (University  Reader  in  Ethnology,  Cambridge). 

Dr.  Harrison  (Horniman  Museum). 

P.  J.  Hartog,  Esq.  (University  of  London). 

Professor  Hepburn,  M.D.  (representing  the  University  College  of  South  Wales). 

Professor  W.  A.  Herdmau,  F.R.S.  (representing  the  University  of  Liverpool). 

Dr.  W.  P.  Herringham  (Vice-Chancellor,  representing  the  University  of  London). 

Sir  Everard  im  Thurn,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.  (representing  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society). 

Sir  John  Jardine,  K.C.I.E.,  M.P. 

Hon.  J.  G.  Jenkins  (representing  the  London  Chamber  of  Commerce). 

[    59    ] 


No.  35.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Sir  Harry  Johnston,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B. 

T.  A.  Joyce,  Esq.  (British  Museum). 

Professor  Arthur  Keith,  F.R.S.,  President  R.A.I,  (representing  the  University 
of  Aberdeen). 

H.  G.  A.  Leveson,  Esq.,  I.C.S.  (Burma  Commission). 

Sidney  Low,  Esq.  (King's  College,  London). 

Sir  Charles  Lyall,  K.C.S.I.,  C.I.E.  (representing  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society). 

Dr.  J.  Mackay  (University  College,  Dundee). 

H.  J.  Mackinder,  Esq.,  M.P. 

Sir  Philip  Magnus,  M.P.  (London  University). 

Dr.  R.  R.  Marett  (Reader  in  Social  Anthropology,  University  of  Oxford). 

Sir  Richard  Martin,  Bart.  (Trustee,  R.A.I.). 

Sir  Henry  Miers,  F.R.S.  (Principal,  University  of  London). 

Robert  Mond,  Esq.  (representing  the  British  Science  Guild). 

Colonel  Sir  Matthew  Nathan,  Gr.C.M.Gr.   (representing  the  African  Society). 

Professor  Carveth  Read  (University  College,  London). 

Sir  Hercules  Read,  P.S.A.  (British  Museum). 

Sir  J.  D.  Rees,  K.C.I.E.,  C.V.O.,  M.P. 

Hon.  Pember  Reeves  (London  School  of  Economics). 

Professor    Ridgeway    (Disney    Professor    of    Archaeology  in    the    University  of 
Cambridge). 

Sir  George  S.  Robertson,  K.C.S.I.,  M.P. 

Colonel  Sir  Richard  Temple,  Bart.,  C.I.E. 

Dr.  W.  H.  Rivers  F.R.S.  (University  of  Cambridge). 

Dr.  H.  W.  Marett  Tims  (Bedford  College  for  Women). 

Lieut.-Colonel  L.  A.  Waddell,  C.B.,  C.I.E. 

Dr.  T.  H.  Warren  (President.  Magdalen   College,  representing    the  University 
of  Oxford). 

S.  H.  Warren,  Esq. 

Professor  D.  Waterston  (representing  King's  College,  London). 

Professor    F.    E.    Weiss    (Vice-Chancellor,    representing     the     University    of 
Manchester). 

Sir  James  Wilson,  K.C.S.I. 

Letters  of  regret  at  their  inability  to  be  present  at  the  Conference,  and  conveying 
expressions  of  sympathy  with  the  purpose  of  the  Conference,  were  received  from 
Sir  Frank  Forbes  Adam,  C.I.E.,  the  Right  Hon.  Sir  William  Anson,  Bart.,  M.P., 
Professor  T.  W.  Arnold,  C.I.E.,  the  Right  Hon.  Arthur  Balfour,  M.P.,  Professor 
W.  Bateson,  F.R.S.,  Sir  Robert  Blair,  Professor  T.  H.  Bryce,  the  Lord  Hugh  Cecil, 
M.P.,  Professor  H.  E.  Egerton,  Professor  A.  J.  Herbertson,  Professor  W.  A.  Herdman, 
F.R.S.,  Sir  Philip  Magnus,  M.P.,  Sir  Harry  Reichel,  Professor  R.  W.  Reid,  the  Right 
Hon.  Sir  John  Rhys,  Sir  Frank  Swettenham,  G.C.M.G.,  Professor  Peter  Thompson, 
Sir  William  Turner,  and  Dr.  F.  Westbrook. 

LORD  CROMEK  wrote  :  I  regret  that  I  shall  be  unable  to  attend  the  meeting  of 
the  Anthropological  Institute.  For  reasons  based  on  the  state  of  my  health,  I  have 
been  obliged  almost  entirely  to  give  up  attendance  at  public  meetings.  I  sympathise, 
however,  with  the  objects  which  the  Institute  has  in  view.  It  is,  of  course,  of 
importance  that  students  of  the  School  of  Oriental  Languages,  which  will,  I  hope, 
be  in  operation  a  year  hence,  should  be  provided  with  instruction  not  merely  in 
languages,  but  also  in  other  subjects  which  come  more  especially  within  the  purview 
of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute. 

SIR  GEORGE  GRIERSON  pointed  out  that  in  former  times  Government  officers  in 
India  could  content  themselves  with  issuing  orders  and  seeing  that  they  were  carried 

[    60    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.   35. 

out.  They  had  to  say  "  Go,"  and  people  "  went."  But  of  late  years,  with  the  spread 
of  education,  this  has  changed.  Officers  have  to  lead,  not  to  drive.  They  have  to 
say,  "  Come,"  and  there  is  danger  of  their  not  being  followed  if  they  do  not  issue 
their  orders  with  sympathy  and  with  an  understanding  mind.  In  order  to  understand 
ever  so  little  the  thoughts  and  prejudices  of  the  Indian  masses,  an  acquaintance  with 
Anthropology  is  most  necessary.  It  alone  can  save  an  Englishman  from  treating 
natives  of  India  as  if  they  too  were  English,  and  as  if  their  habits  and  customs  of 
thought  were  the  same  as  his  own.  The  most  successful  administrators  of  India  have 
all  been  Anthropologists,  even  if  they  did  not  know  it.  In  his  opinion,  if  all  executive 
officers  and  all  judicial  officers,  from  Judges  of  the  High  Courts  down  to  Assistant 
Magistrates,  made  more  use  of  principles  based  on  the  study  of  Anthropology,  and 
less  of  principles  based  on  legal  technicalities  imported  from  England,  India  would 
be  a  country  better  governed  than  it  is  at  present.  We  should  then  have  greater 
chances  of  securing  not  only  the  obedience,  but  also  the  affection  of  our  Indian 
fellow  subjects  of  His  Majesty. 

SIR  HARRY  JOHNSTON  urged  the  view  that  anthropological  research  on  the  part 
of  many  of  our  Colonial  officials  is  often  hindered,  not  through  lack  of  sympathy 
at  the  Colonial  Office,  but  because  an  appreciation  of  Anthropology  has  not  yet 
penetrated  through  all  ranks  of  Colonial  officials.  There  are  still  a  few — in  Africa 
mostly — who  think  Anthropology  is  a  ridiculous  new-fangled  craze,  instead  of  being 
a  study  of  basic  importance,  and  who  discourage  their  subordinates  from  spending 
any  of  their  spare  time  in  this  pursuit.  This  is  why  the  desire  of  the  Colonial 
Office  for  the  encouragement  of  anthropological  research  is  sometimes  baulked,  while 
the  public  wonders  why  we  know  so  little  of  our  remote  dependencies. 

SIR  JOSEPH  LARMOR,  M.P.,  F.R.S.,  wrote  that  beyond  the  obvious  advantages 
desirable  in  public  administration,  we  simply  cannot  afford  in  this  age  to  be  apathetic 
with  regard  to  the  advancement  of  learning  in  matters  in  which  we  have  exceptional 
opportunities,  and  in  which  the  nations  are  keenly  and  practically  interested. 
National  self-respect  forbids  us  to  lag  behind. 

SIR  ERNEST  TREVELYAN  quite  agreed  that  some  study  of  Anthropology  would  be 
invaluable  to  an  I.C.^.  probationer.  The  difficulty  is  to  find  time  for  it  under  existing 
arrangements.  Should  the  period  of  probation  be  extended  it  would  be  possible  to 
do  something  in  this  direction. 

SIR  HENRY  CRAIK,  K.C.B.,  LL.D.,  M.P.  :  My  Lord  Selbbrue  and  Gentlemen, 
it  is  with  a  great  deal  of  diffidence  that  I  rise  to  move  this  first  resolution.  My 
diffidence  arises  from  the  feeling  that  I,  an  ignoramus,  am  speaking  amongst 
those  who  know  something  most  thoroughly,  and  especially  in  the  presence  of  one 
Avho,  like  the  organiser  of  this  meeting,  Sir  Richard  Temple,  has  not  only  given  to 
it  long  years  and  much  brain  work,  but  has  the  advantage  of  a  ripened  experience 
of  the  subject  in  other  countries.  I  speak,  My  Lord,  only  as  the  representative  of 
two  Universities,  both  of  them  deeply  interested  in  the  question.  Both  of  these 
Universities  send  out  more  than  their  share  of  men  who  are  to  carry  the  "  white 
man's  burden "  in  distant  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  for  these  Universities  it'  is  of 
supreme  importance  that  the  equipment  should  be  thorough. 

Now,  I  would  not  advocate  this  cause  if  it  were  merely  to  add  another  subject 
to  the  vast  mass  of  competitive  subjects  which  is  now  our  fetish  in  the  examination 
of  those  who  are  to  serve  in  the  Empire.  I  would  certainly  not  do  that,  nor  do 
I  wish  to  crowd  an  already  crowded  curriculum  with  some  new  subjects.  Just  as 
little  do  I  wish  to  set  aside  that  marvellous  insight  and  the  marvellous  power  that 
our  countrymen  possess  of  adapting  themselves  to  conditions,  however  strange,  and 

[  61  J 


No.  35.]  MAN.  [1914. 

of  finding    some  innate,  inborn   talent  that  teaches  them   to  be  masters   amongst  the 
men  in  the  midst  of  whom  their  lot  is  cast. 

Nothing  is  more  astonishing  than  to  see  how  an  Englishman  or  a  Scotchman 
rises  to  the  occasion  by  some  native  grit  in  his  constitution.  I  know  that  teaching 
will  not  supply  that  inborn  quality,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  teaching  may  not 
greatly  help  it. 

We  all  recognise  amongst  ourselves  how  dangerous  it  would  be  to  try  to  mix 
with  people  without  knowing  something  of  the  racial,  the  physical  differences,  the 
differences  of  history  and  tradition,  that  divide  race  from  race  in  the  strange  medley 
of  families  that  make  up  the  human  species.  I  do  not  suppose  that  a  foreigner  would 
find  it  very  easy  to  go  into  Ireland  and  speak  exactly  in  the  same  way  in  the 
south  of  Ireland  and  in  Ulster  at  present  without  some  little  instruction  as  to  the 
differences  of  race,  religion,  tradition,  and  feeling. 

And  with  regard  to  my  own  native  country,  Scotland,  we  are  accustomed 
sometimes  to  find  errors  made.  It  is  not  100  years  ago  since  the  ordinary  Englishman 
thought  of  Scotland  as  a  place  where  everybody  alike  wore  the  kilt  and  spoke  as 
his  native  language  Gaelic.  They  forgot  the  fact  that  there  were  two  races  in 
Scotland  who  had  been  enemies  for  centuries,  who  were  drawn  from  different 
sources,  and  who  were  as  widely  distinct  from  one  another  as  almost  any  of  the 
races  within  the  British  Empire. 

And  even  now,  I  doubt  if  the  ordinary  English  traveller  does  not  mass  in  an 
easy  totality  all  the  islands  that  surround  Scotland  as  being  more  or  less  Celtic,  and 
the  Western  Hebrides.  Take  care  of  that.  If  you  go  to  the  Orkneys  and  Shetland 
you  will  find  that  nothing  annoys  an  Orcadian  or  a  Shetland  man  more  than  being 
called  a  Scotchman.  1  learned  that  a  long  while  ago  when  I  used  to  go  there  to 
open  their  schools  or  to  give  their  prizes.  They  are  not  Scotchmen,  they  are  pure 
Scandinavian,  and  nothing  makes  them  more  uncomfortable  than  to  be  identified  above 
all  with  the  Celt,  towards  whom  they  have  no  very  congenial  feeling. 

So  much  for  ourselves.  But  when  they  go  among  races  entirely  ignorant  of  us, 
who  have  perhaps  in  more  acute  form  these  sensitivities  of  which  we  ourselves  are 
aware,  it  is  surprising  that  those  young  men  who  go  out  from  among  us  make  so  few 
mistakes  as  they  do.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Is  it  very  easy  in  South  Africa  for  the  young  men  to  distinguish  the  absolute 
racial  differences  between  the  Zulu  aud  the  Mashonaland  native  ?  Is  it  easy  in 
Northern  Africa  to  distinguish  between  the  Berber  absolutely  fitted  for  domestic 
service,  the  pure  negro,  as  the  Dinka,  and  the  man  with  Arab  blood,  Arab  ideas,  and 
Arab  traditions,  as  the  finer  races  of  the  Sudan  ?  And  in  India  is  not  the  difficulty 
vastly  greater  ? 

We  see  the  pitfalls  ;  we  see  the  difficulties  ;  we  recognise  the  enormous  pluck, 
the  tact,  the  inborn  qualities  of  our  race,  that  enable  so  many  of  our  young  men 
to  overcome  these  difficulties,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  it  is  not  our  duty,  our  duty 
both  as  the  leaders  in  educational  work  and  as  responsible  for  our  share  in  the  work 
of  the  State,  to  help  them  further,  to  give  them  those  ideas  which  they  might  get  in 
an  atmosphere  where  this  was  pursued  as  a  science. 

As  one  who  represents  many  of  those  young  men  going  out  to  take  up  the  burden 
of  Empire  in  its  distant  parts,  I  ask  for  them  that  they  should  have  the  opportunities 
which  are  of  such  enormous  advantage,  the  atmosphere  created  by  a  School  of 
Anthropology  amongst  them.  Do  not  burden  them  with  examinations  or  by  com- 
petitions ;  bring  them  in  contact  with  practical  teaching  ;  bring  them  in  contact  with 
men  who  know  about  the  subject  and  who  may  guide  them  in  that  way,  and  thereby 
make  more  easy  the  difficult  and  dark  paths  that  they  have  to  tread.  They  have 
just  to  trust  to  empirical  knowledge,  gained  painfully,  gained  perhaps  by  the  loss 

[    62    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  35. 

of  prestige  for  themselves,  and  perhaps  by  injury  worked  upon  the  native  races  for 
which  they  are  responsible.  You  have  to  help  that  empirical  knowledge  by  giving 
them  some  light  upon  the  difficulties  that  they  will  have  to  face,  some  sympathy 
in  the  work  which  they  will  have  to  do,  some  instruction  by  contact  with  men  who 
have  pursued  and  are  masters  of  the  science  of  the  subject  and  can  hold  out  to 
them  a  guiding  hand  which  will  save  them,  not  only  endless  mistakes,  but  endless 
labour,  loss  of  time,  and,  perhaps,  loss  of  energy  and  hopeless  confusion. 

It  is  for  these  reasons,  my  Lord,  that  I  claim  help  for  the  Universities  which 
have  tried  to  do  their  work  to  advance  this  branch  of  science  in  its  physiological  side, 
in  its  historical  side,  in  its  side  of  tradition,  of  custom,  and  manner  of  investigation 
of  customs,  manners,  and  religion.  They  have  tried  to  do  their  work.  I  claim  for 
them  the  help  that  might  come  from  the  great  State  authorities  whose  work  they 
are  preparing  men  to  do.  No  money  could  be  better  spent  than  by  encouraging  the 
work  which  the  Universities  are  ready  to  undertake  and  have  made  an  attempt  to 
undertake  ;  no  expenditure  would  be  better  repaid  than  any  expenditure  which  the 
State  is  prepared  to  make  in  aiding  them.  I  beg  to  move  the  resolution  which 
stands  in  my  name,  as  follows  : — 

"  That  this  Conference  approves  the  findings  and  views  of  the  Joint 
Committee,  and  is  of  opinion  that,  in  the  highest  interests  of  the  Empire, 
it  is  necessary  so  to  extend  and  complete  the  organisation  of  the  teaching  of 
Anthropology  at  the  Universities  of  Great  Britain,  that  those  who  are  about 
to  spend  their  lives  in  the  East  or  in  parts  of  the  Empire  inhabited  by  non- 
European  races,  shall  at  the  outset  of  their  career  possess  or  have  the  opportunity 
of  acquiring  a  sound  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  habits,  customs,  social  and 
religious  ideas  and  ideals  of  the  Eastern  and  non-European  races  subject  to  His 
Majesty  the  King  Emperor." 

SIR  EVERARD  F.  IM  THURX,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.  :  My  Lord,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen. 
I  have  very  great  pleasure  in  seconding  the  motion  which  has  been  made  by  Sir 
Henry  Craik.  I  am  here  to-day  as  an  empirical,  anthropological  administrator,  who 
has  for  some  thirty  years  or  more  had  to  learn  for  himself  how  to  administer  in 
certain  distant  parts  of  the  Empire.  The  fates  arranged  that  my  whole  active  life 
should  be  a  sort  of  experiment  in  which  I  played  the  part  of  corpus  vile;  a  sort 
of  experiment  to  prove  to  me  the  urgent  Imperial  necessity  of  good,  systematic, 
anthropological  training  for  the  young  men  that  go  out  from  us  to  the  distant  parts 
of  the  world,  British  young  men,  not  only  as  administrators  but  as  missionaries  and 
as  traders,  and  in  any  other  capacity  where  it  becomes  their  duty  to  advance,  no 
doubt  sometimes  in  the  first  place  their  own  interests,  but  ultimately  the  interests 
of  this  Empire  in  which  AVC  are  all  so  deeply  interested. 

I  started  in  life  before  the  days  when  Anthropology  had  reached  the  stage  of 
a  definite  science.  I  had,  however,  two  advantages  which  all  young  men  of  my 
time  probably  had  not.  First  of  all  I  was  from  the  first  especially  and  deeply 
interested  in  Natural  History,  and  chiefly  the  Natural  History  of  Man,  and  secondly 
I  had  as  the  very  kindest  of  friends  and  guides  my  very  old  friend  and  master, 
Sir  Edward  Tylor,  to  whom  I  could  always  refer  in  any  difficulty. 

After  leaving  Oxford  I  fell  almost  by  chance  into  the  position  of  Curator  of  a 
small  and  not  very  important  museum  in  one  of  our  tropical  Colonies,  British  Guiana, 
and  attached  to  the  appointment  was  a  very  attractive  condition,  that  I  was  to  travel 
for  half  each  year  in  the  interior  to  collect  for  the  museum.  As  soon  as  I  began 
to  travel  I  found  that  the  most  interesting  part  of  the  Natural  History  was  that  of 
the  red  man  among  whom  I  lived,  and  with  whom  I  made  really  great  friends  ;  and 
so  after  a  few  years,  when  the  Government  wanted  a  Magistrate  for  those  interior 
parts,  they  took  me,  and  then  I  started  on  the  career  of  administration,  bat,  always 

[    63    ] 


No.  35.]  MAN.  [1914. 

excepting  what  Sir  Edward  Tylor  could  tell  me,  I  had  to  learn  practically  everything 
for  myself.  That  went  on  for  twenty  years  in  British  Guiana,  afterwards  in  other 
places,  and  finally  for  seven  years  in  the  South  Sea  Islands. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  estimate  how  far  I  succeeded,  but  I  do  know  this,  and  I 
say  it  most  emphatically,  as  one  of  the  chief  lessons  I  have  learned  from  my  life, 
that  if  I  had  started  with  the  sort  of  anthropological  training  which  is  now  to  some 
extent  possible  to  get  at  the  Universities  and  elsewhere  in  England,  and  which  we 
hope,  as  the  result  of  this  meeting,  will  be  fully  organised  for  the  purpose,  I  know 
I  should  have  succeeded  much  better. 

So  far  I  have  been  speaking  personally,  but  I  am  here  to-day  in  a  double 
capacity.  I  also,  at  the  request  of  the  President,  came  here  as  representing  the 
Royal  Geographical  Society  to  express  the  interest  of  that  Society  in  this  question 
of  anthropological  training.  As  you  all  know,  there  are  a  great  many  men  who 
go  out  to  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  world  under  the  auspices  of  the  Royal 
Geographical  Society,  who  should  get,  and  do  endeavour  to  get  as  far  as  they  can, 
preliminary  training  in  a  great  many  different  subjects,  all  more  or  less  allied, 
I  might  almost  say  subsidiary,  to  geography.  Of  course,  it  is  to  the  interest  of  all 
of  us,  the  interest  of  knowledge  in  general,  that  those  travellers  should  have  sufficient 
knowledge  to  understand  what  they  see,  and  to  report  the  anthropological  facts  that 
they  see,  but  further  than  that,  it  is  of  enormous  advantage  to  themselves  that  these 
travellers  should  have  a  preliminary  training  in  Anthropology. 

The  whole  success  of  life  in  these  distant  parts  of  the  world — and  as  you  will 
have  perceived,  I  have  been  talking  of  the  more  primitive  places — depends  upon 
one's  knowledge  and  understanding  of  the  natives,  and  consequently  one's  power  of 
managing  them  in  a  friendly  sort  of  way.  That  is  why  from  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society  I  bring  a  message  to  this  meeting  of  sympathy  with  this  motion,  which 
I  hope  will  be  enthusiastically  carried. 

SIR  CHARLES  J.  LYALL,  K. C.S.I.,  C.I.E.  (representative  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society)  :  My  Lord  and  Gentlemen,  I  have  been  suddenly  called  upon  to  speak  to 
this  motion,  but  my  whole  heart  goes  with  it.  I  have  not  had  time  to  supply 
myself  with  the  language  needful  for  enforcing  the  doctrines  that  it  preaches  by  a 
perusal  of  the  publications  of  our  friend,  Sir  Richard  Temple,  but  after  thirty  years' 
experience  in  India,  of  which  a  large  portion  was  spent  in  remote  parts,  and  in  my 
opinion  the  most  interesting  corner  of  that  great  Dominion,  namely,  the  Province  of 
Assam,  I  am  here  as  a  witness  to  the  immense  importance  of  a  systematic  study 
of  anthropological  subjects. 

In  that  part  of  India  there  are  more  languages  crowded  together  into  a  small 
space  of  country  than  in  the  whole  of  the  rest  of  that  vast  territory.  There  are 
more  different  races  ;  their  habits  are  of  a  most  extraordinary  and  unusual  character, 
and  unless  one  makes  a  study  of  them  one  cannot  possibly  administer  the  country 
with  any  prospect  of  success. 

But,  although  that  is  the  case  in  these  remote  parts  of  India,  where  materials 
are  constantly  occurring  for  study,  I  would  plead  for  the  whole  of  that  great  Dominion, 
where  civilisation  has  had  its  roots  for  hundreds,  I  might  say  thousands  of  years. 
There  is  equal  need  there  of  a  systematic  anthropological  study  of  the  conditions. 
Unless  we  understand,  and  know,  and  sympathise,  we  cannot  possibly  do  good.  That 
is  the  very  first  principle  of  our  administration.  I  most  heartily  support  the  resolution 
that  has  been  put  before  you,  and  I  trust  that  the  outcome  of  it  will  be  a  systematic 
arrangement  for  the  study  of  Anthropology  by  all  those  who  go  out  to  India  or  to  the 
rest  of  our  dominions  for  the  purpose  of  administration,  for  exploration,  for  commerce, 
or  for  missionary  labours.  (Cheers.) 

[     64     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  35. 

PROFESSOR  ARTHUR  KEITH,  Aberdeen  (Royal  Anthropological  Institute) :  My 
Lord,  I  rise  to  speak  to  this  resolution  as  President  of  the  Royal  Anthropological 
Institute.  I  also  represent  Aberdeen  University,  but  it  is  as  President  of  the  Institute 
I  should  like  to  speak  to  this  motion,  and  as  President  of  that  Institute  I  claim  that, 
during  the  thirty  years  and  more  that  we  have  been  pressing  the  Government  to 
consider  this  matter,  the  Institute  has  taken  a  very  disinterested  view.  These  fifty 
years  and  rnon;  it  has  been  seeking  to  collect  that  information  we  want  to  put  at  the 
disposal  of  young  men  who  go  abroad.  We  ask  for  no  help  ourselves,  but  we  can 
see  that  if  this  subject  is  really  going  to  grow  it  must  be  planted  in  our  Universities. 

The  instance  that  Sir  Everard  im  Thurn  has  given  of  himself  shows  how  much 
could  be  done  if  we  kindled  ever  so  small  a  lamp  at  each  University. 

I  sat  near  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer  the  other  day,  the  man  who  has  opened 
up  the  whole  of  what  knowledge  we  have  of  the  native  life  of  Australia  ;  knowledge 
whioh  is  of  infinite  value  not  only  to  the  world  as  a  whole,  but  particularly  to  the 
Government  of  Australia.  He  has  put  at  their  hand  a  knowledge  which  they  otherwise 
could  not  have  had.  I  said  to  him,  "  You  are  a  Zoologist ;  how  did  you  think  of 
"  taking  up  Anthropology  ?  "  He  said  it  was  due  to  Tylor,  of  Oxford  :  "  Thank  God 
"  he  was  there.  Just  a  light  and  he  got  us  all  going  ;  just  that  little  touch  did  it." 
It  is  just  that  little  touch  that  we  want  to  put  into  all  the  Universities  of  this 
country  ;  to  set  a  flame  going  all  the  world  over. 

It  is  a  thing  in  which  the  Government  must  help.  I  know  that  time  is  brief,  and 
I  do  not  want  to  dilate  on  anything,  but  now  I  am  in  a  position  to  see  the  enormous 
good  that  could  come  out  of  this  resolution.  I  am  in  a  position  to  see  young  men 
coming  home  from  abroad  \v  ho  have  been  out  in  the  Colonies,  and  they  say,  "  Oh, 
"  goodness  ;  I  wish  I  had  known  something  of  this  before  I  went  out ;  there,  I  have 
"  missed  the  opportunities,  not  of  gaining  knowledge,  but  useful  information ;  informa- 
"  tion  which  might  be  of  use  to  the  men  going  out  after  me."  That  is  what  we 
want ;  we  want  to  systematise  all  the  information  which  is  being  gleaned,  and  to 
put  that  information  at  the  disposal  of  every  young  man  who  is  going  abroad  ;  and, 
therefore,  I  do  think  that  the  Government  must  see  to  it  that  that  information  is 
supplied  to  every  graduate  of  a  University.  Therefore  it  is  with  the  greatest  goodwill 
that,  as  President  of  the  oldest  and  the  leading  Anthropological  Institution  of  this 
country,  I  would  beg  to  forward  this  movement  with  all  my  heart.  (Cheers.) 

MR.  J.  G.  JENKINS  (Australia)  :  My  Lord,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen,  I  have  very 
few  words  to  say,  but  I  was  exceedingly  interested  in  the  words  which  have  just 
fallen  from  Professor  Keith,  because  I  was  Minister  of  Education  in  the  South 
Australian  Government,  and  also  Minister  in  charge  of  the  Postal  Department,  when 
the  arrangements  were  made  for  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer  to  be  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Gillen,  whose  name  will  be  well  known  for  his  work  in  conjunction  with 
Professor  Baldwin  Spencer.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  aid  of  the  Government  there 
at  the  time,  that  information  that  has  been  gathered  since,  probably  would  not  have 
been  gathered  at  all.  Mr.  Gillen  was  a  Government  official  who  had  been  some 
twenty  odd  years  in  the  very  interior  of  Australia,  and  by  his  own  experience  and 
study  of  the  natives  had  gathered  a  large  amount  of  information,  and,  working  in 
conjunction  with  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer,  visited  the  various  tribes  through 
Australia  and  gleaned  a  great  amount  of  information. 

The  South  Australian  Government  at  the  time  granted  the  necessary  financial 
assistance  to  allow  Mr.  Gillen  to  go  with  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer  and  do  this  work. 
Since  that  time,  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer  has  been  allowed,  and  assisted  financially 
by  the  Commonwealth  Government  of  Australia,  further  to  develop  his  studies  in 
connection  with  the  tribes,  and  I  am  sure  all  those  who  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing 
Professor  Baldwin  Spencer  in  the  lecture  that  he  gave  (over  which  Professor  Arthur 

[  65  ] 


No.  35.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Keith  presided  a  few  days  ago)  will  know  the  vast  amount  of  information  that  has 
been  gathered,  and  recognise  that  it  would  have  been  absolutely  impossible  to  have 
gleaned  it  in  relation  to  the  aboriginals  of  Australia  had  not  some  such  effort  taken 
place. 

I  would  like  to  say  just  one  word,  as  I  am  representing  the  London  Chamber 
of  Commerce  here,  from  a  commercial  point  of  view.  There  are  millions  of  pounds 
practically  being  wasted  in  the  British  Empire  by  commercial  institutions  and  firms 
sending  into  the  various  parts  men  who  have  but  little  or  no  knowledge  of  the  people 
they  go  amongst,  and  they  really  have  to  waste  the  money  of  the  firms  and  the 
companies  that  send  them  in  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  the  natives.  (Cheers.) 

Some  years  ago  I  went  through  British  New  Guinea,  or  Papua  as  it  is  now  called. 
They  have  as  many  languages  amongst  the  natives  as  they  have  tribes,  a  fact  which 
is  the  salvation  of  the  white  settlers  there,  because  if  the  tribes  were  all  of  one 
language  they  would  probably  have  wiped  out  the  whites  years  ago.  There  you  can 
see  at  every  one  of  their  tropical  islands  and  tropical  places  how  the  commercial 
man  is  learning  the  nature  and  the  customs  of  the  natives  at  the  expense  of  the 
company  that  is  sending  him  there.  You  will  see  how  the  missionaries  are  destroying, 
during  the  first  two  or  three  years,  any  advantage  that  they  ought  to  have  over  the 
natives  by  an  absolute  ignorance  of  the  natives  amongst  whom  they  are  working.  In 
travelling  through  any  of  these  islands  in  any  of  the  places  where  primitive  men 
exist,  you  cannot  fail  to  see  the  necessity  for  some  such  work  as  this  that  you  are 
attempting  to  carry  out.  I  most  heartily  support,  from  a  commercial  point  of  view, 
from  a  missionary  point  of  view,  and  from  an  educational  point  of  view,  the  proposition 
that  is  placed  upon  the  paper.  (Cheers.) 

MR.  ROBERT  Moxn  (representing  the  British  Science  Guild)  :  My  Lord,  I  have 
been  requested,  together  with  Professor  Frazer,  to  represent  the  British  Science 
Guild,  and  to  tell  you  how  very  heartily  they  are  in  sympathy  with  this  proposal. 
As  you  may  be  aware,  the  British  Science  Guild  has  been  formed  in  order  to  spread 
the  use  and  application  of  science  throughout  this  country,  and  it  is  just  in  this  study 
of  Anthropology  as  applied  to  the  more  backward  races  that  one  of  the  best  uses  of 
science  can  be  made. 

If  you  consider  that  this  Empire  covers  one-third  of  the  world  and  rules  about 
one-fifth  of  its  inhabitants,  it  is  perfectly  self-evident  that  this  stupendous  task  can 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  problems  which  are  involved. 
We  try  to  solve  it  by  sending  out  extremely  competent,  extremely  able  young  men — 
a  large  number  of  whom  I  have  had  the  great  pleasure  of  meeting — with  the  best 
intentions  in  the  world,  and  with  a  very  high  standard  of  ideals,  who  rise  fully  up 
to  the  enormous  responsibilities  which  are  thrust  upon  their  shoulders,  and  who  are 
handicapped  by  an  absolute  ignorance  of  the  conditions  they  are  meant  to  meet. 

It  is  really  our  business  to  see  that  these  young  people  whom  we  send  out  to 
do  the  work  for  us  should  not  be  handicapped  by  this  ignorance.  It  is  our  duty  to 
prevent  their  being  so  handicapped,  and  I  feel  certain  that  if  we  can,  by  our  united 
pressure,  see  that  the  funds  are  forthcoming,  that  educational  methods,  and  especially 
the  inspirational  side  of  the  educational  methods,  are  provided  at  our  great  seats  of 
learning,  we  shall  have  no  difficulty  in  solving  this  problem.  (Cheers.) 

SIR  MATTHEW  NATHAN,  G.C.M.G.  :  My  Lord  and  Gentlemen,  as  a  representa 
tive  of  the  African  Society  I  would  desire  to  say  that  the  relation  of  the  study  of 
Anthropology  to  Africa  differs  somewhat  from  its  relation  to  the  Eastern  countries. 
In  the  Eastern  countries  the  native  indigenous  people  have  their  own  civilisation.  We 
are  putting  round  this  civilisation  the  outer  garb  of  our  own.  In  Africa  there  is  only 
very  little  civilisation,  so  that  the  Administration  attempts  to  clothe  the  complete 
man,  and  the  sartorial  task  of  fitting  on  the  outer  garment  on  the  Eastern  nation  is 

i     66     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  35. 

a  less  difficult  one  than  the  fitting  of  the  complete  suit  to  the  nations  of  Africa. 
(Laughter.)  In  this  task,  the  study  of  Anthropology  by  the  man  who  has  the 
clothes  is  essential. 

The  application  of  the  study  differs  somewhat  in  East  and  West  Africa  as  com- 
pared with  South  Africa.  In  the  case  of  East  and  West  Africa  we  want  to  know 
all  about  the  native  in  order  to  develop  his  capacity  to  the  fullest  extent,  and 
gradually  to  increase  that  capacity  so  that  he  may,  in  the  future,  assist  in  the 
administration  of  the  Government  and  of  the  business  of  his  own  country. 

In  South  Africa  we  want  the  study  of  Anthropology  to  assist  in  dealing  with 
the  ever  present  native  problem.  I  have  always  felt,  and  I  think  I  have  some- 
times said,  that  the  more  we  look  upoii  the  native  in  South  Africa  as  a  scientific 
problem  the  less  we  shall  feel  that  he  is  a  social  danger.  It  is  with  nations  as  with 
individuals,  tout  savnir,  tout  pardonner.  We  want  to  know  all  about  the  native,  and 
this  movement,  which  is  intended  to  increase  our  knowledge  of  them,  has  the  hearty 
support  of  the  African  Society. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  put  the  resolution  to  the  meeting  and  declared  it  carried 
unanimously. 

SIR  C.  HERCULES  READ,  P.S.A.  :  My  Lord,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen,  this  second 
resolution,  the  proposing  of  which  has  been  put  into  my  hands,  seems  to  me  to  be 
in  reality  quite  a  formal  affair  ;  it  is  the  only  logical  sequitur  of  the  first,  if  the  first 
is  to  be  of  any  avail.  A  mere  pious  expression  of  opinion  in  these  days  is  of  very 
trifling  value.  Unless  it  is  carried  into  some  active  form  such  as  is  embodied  in  the 
resolution  which  I  have  to  propose,  it  is  of  very  little  use  at  all. 

But  I  take  it  that  I  was  asked  to  propose  this  as  having  been  formerly  very 
intimately  connected  with  anthropological  questions,  and  as  having  had  a  good  deal 
to  do  with  a  scheme  some  eighteen  years  ago  which  bore  a  very  near  relation  to 
this.  It  is,  I  think,  interesting  in  connection  with  this  meeting  to  find  that  the 
mover  of  the  first  resolution  is  a  member  of  Parliament  of  great  distinction,  who 
very  modestly  lays  claims  to  no  other  kind  of  knowledge  in  this  respect  ;  the 
seconder  was  a  Governor  of  more  than  one  of  our  distant  Colonies  ;  and  the  third 
speaker  is  myself,  a  home-staying  person  who  has  had  to  deal  with  these  questions 
as  they  come  before  an  official  of  the  British  Museum  ;  one  of  the  driest  things,  I 
suppose,  on  paper,  that  might  exist.  This,  I  think,  has  a  certain  interest  as  showing 
the  wide  grasp  of  this  subject. 

For  my  own  part,  as  I  said,  it  is  something  like  eighteen  years  ago — I  think 
in  the  year  1896 — that  I  brought  before  the  British  Association  at  its  meeting  at 
Liverpool  a  scheme  which  I  might  call  the  converse  of  the  scheme  now  in  question  : 
that  is  to  say,  one  by  which  knowledge  of  the  kind  that  we  now  want  might  be 
gathered  together  in  some  central  place,  preferably,  of  course,  London,  for  the  use  of 
just  those  people  with  whose  welfare,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Empire  at  large,  we 
are  now  concerned.  Such  a  scheme  has,  I  think,  a  very  near  relation  to  the  one 
we  are  discussing,  although  I  think  I  rightly  call  it  the  converse  of  it,  inasmuch 
as  I  had,  in  connection  with  that  scheme,  to  deal  with  the  heads  of  various  of  our 
Public  Departments — the  Foreign  Office,  the  Colonial  Office,  and  so  forth — and  I 
think  it  is  significant  in  relation  to  the  resolution  I  am  now  putting  before  you  that 
all  of  those  gentlemen  whom  I  then  interviewed  were  most  genial  and  helpful  in  the 
matter  of  forwarding  my  plans. 

The  difficulty  was  one  which  does  not  beset  our  present  scheme,  that  is  to  say, 
that  the  gathering  of  information  by  these  gentlemen  who  were  employed  in  the 
distant  parts  of  the  Empire  might  conceivably  interfere  with  their  official  duties, 
and  therefore  must  take  a  second,  or  even  a  lower,  place.  Therefore  the  approval 
expressed  by  the  Heads  of  Departments  was  qualified  in  a  way  that  to  me,  as  an 

[  67  ] 


No.  35.]  MAN.  [1914. 

enthusiastic  person,  was  not  quite  satisfactory.  But  I  think  it  promises  well  for  the 
resolution  which  I  have  to  put  to  you,  that  in  that  case,  clearly  very  germane  to 
the  one  now  before  us,  the  Heads  of  Departments,  and  not  only  the  Heads,  but  a 
great  many  of  those  in  the  lower  grades,  were  thoroughly  convinced  that  it  was  a 
good  and  a  satisfactory  idea,  and  gave  it  their  entire  sympathy. 

There  is  one  other  point  I  would  like  to  make  before  I  sit  down,  and  that  is, 
during  the  thirty  odd  years  in  which  I  have  been  working  at  the  British  Museum, 
nothing  has  struck  me  more  than  its  helpfulness  to  many  young  or  youngish  men 
who  have  come  back  after  five  or  six  or  seven  years  in  some  distant  parts  of  the 
Empire,  and  have  seen  for  the  first  time  in  their  lives  the  collections  from  those 
very  parts  that  have  been  on  show  for  thirty  or  forty  years  in  the  British  Museum. 
(Laughter.)  They  said,  "  Oh  ;  if  I  had  only  known  that  these  things  were  here." 
Well,  naturally,  we  British  do  not  go  to  the  British  Museum  (renewed  laughter), 
but  a  great  many  other  people  do,  and  latterly  I  think  our  own  countrymen  have 
taken  to  go  more,  thanks  probably  to  a  great  extent  to  the  efforts  of  Lord  Sudeley, 
who  has  forced  upon  the  public  that  Lecturer  and  Guide,  who  has  been,  I  think,  of 
most  enormous  utility  in  popularising  our  public  Institution. 

Another  thing  I  would  have  said — if  Mr.  Jenkins  had  not  spoken  first,  I  certainly 
should  have  maintained  it — was  that  no  business  firm  would  ever  undertake  its  busi- 
ness in  the  same  haphazard  way  in  which  the  British  Empire  manages  this  part  of 
its  concerns.  However,  Mr.  Jenkins  says  that  the  business  firms  are  just  as  bad. 
But  I  do  not  think  they  are  so  all  the  world  over,  and  what  I  am  convinced  of  is, 
whether  the  business  firms  do  it  iti  that  way  or  not,  that  it  is  a  very  bad  way,  and 
that  it  must  be  obviously  an  advantage  for  the  representatives  of  a  firm  or  of  a 
nation  to  be  well  instructed  in  the  business  they  are  going  to  perform  before  they 
begin  rather  than  after. 

My  Lord,  the  time  is  short,  and  though  I  have  a  good  many  things  that  I  might 
say,  I  will  spare  the  audience,  and  will  formally  move  the  resolution,  as  follows  : — 
"  That  this  Conference  hereby  authorises    the   Chairman   and  Members  of   the 
Joint    Committee    of    the  British  Association    for  the    Advancement   of    Science 
and  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  to  represent  to  the  Prime  Minister,  the 
Rt.  Hon.  Herbert   Henry  Asquith,  K.C.,  M.P.,  the    opinions  of    this  Conference 
as  set  forth  in  the  preceding  Resolution,  and  to  move  him  to  appoint  an  Inter- 
departmental Committee    for    the   purpose   of   advising   as   to  the  form   in  which 
the  sympathy  and  support  of  His  Majesty's  Government  can  be  best  expressed." 
DK.  T.  H.  WARREN  (the  President  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford)  :  Lord  Selborne, 
Ladies,  and  Gentlemen,  I  am  here  in  the  unavoidable  absence  of  the  Vice-Chancellor 
of   the  University  of    Oxford,  deputed    by  him    and    by  the    Hebdomadal    Council    as 
myself  a  former  Vice-Chancellor,  to  represent    the   University  of  Oxford    as  a  whole 
in  this  matter.       There  are  many  better   representatives  who   could   have  been  found 
by  the  University  of  Oxford,  if  your  desire  had  been  to  have  a  learned  and  a  special 
representative. 

Oxford  claims  to  have  a  very  considerable  School  of  Anthropology.  I  think  it 
is  only  her  duty  that  she  should  have  such  a  school.  I  have  heard  with  the  greatest 
pleasure — I  am  sure  all  Oxford  men  especially  have  heard  with  the  greatest  pleasure 
— the  allusions  which  have  been  made  to  that  grand  and  splendid  culture  hero  and 
Father  of  Anthropology  in  England,  our  old  friend  Professor  Tylor.  Professor 
Tylor  set  an  example  and  did  pioneer  work  in  Oxford  and  elsewhere,  and  has  raised 
up  a  very  considerable  school.  My  friend  Professor  Marett,  who  is  here  to-day, 
could  speak  more  especially  on  the  subject  too  ;  in  some  ways  I  have  the  advantage 
that  he  cannot  so  well  speak  of  his  own  work.  We  have  a  school  of  some  eighty- 
six  students  (I  do  not  know  whether  anyone  happened  to  see  the  report  which  was 

[     68     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  35. 

brought  out  the  other  day),  and  of  these  eighty-six  students  something  like  eighty 
are  serious  students,  pursuing  a  regular  course,  extending  over  some  two  and,  in  some 
cases,  three  years.  I  aui  glad  to  see  that  Mr.  Henry  Balfour,  of  the  Pitt-Rivers 
Collection,  has  just  entered  the  room.  That  collection  is  of  immense  advantage,  and 
also  imposes  upon  us  a  duty  in  this  matter. 

I  do  not  speak  in  any  but  the  most  generous  rivalry — if  I  speak  in  rivalry  at 
all — with  regard  to  other  Universities.  If  it  is  my  privilege  to  represent  Oxford, 
as  the  premier  University — by  the  word  "  premier "  I  only  mean  oldest — we  know 
only  too  well  what  is  being  done  by  the  other  Universities  in  this  matter,  but  it  is 
my  duty  to  speak  for  Oxford. 

Well,  I  would  say  just  two  or  three  things.  In  the  first  place,  I  think  we 
regard  this  introduction  of  Anthropology  as  only  a  legitimate  expansion  of  the  old 
classical  traditions  of  both  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  I  think  one  of  the  reasons  why 
those  Universities  were  so  successful  in  sending  out  distinguished  representatives  in 
the  last  generation  and  in  the  generation  before  that  was  that  these  classical  studies 
contained  in  themselves  so  much  of  Anthropology.  I  am  sure,  My  Lord,  that  your 
father,  who  was  such  a  distinguished  student  of  classics,  would  agree  with  me  that 
the  study  of  Herodotus,  of  Tacitus,  of  Agricola,  of  Strabo  and  many  other  authors, 
pursued  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge  in  a  liberal  spirit,  is  an  admirable  training  as 
far  as  it  goes  in  Anthropology.  Its  only  fault  was  that  it  did  not  go  quite  far  enough. 
We  should  have  understood  our  Herodotus  even  better,  I  think,  if  we  had  had  more 
training  in  Anthropology,  and  some  of  the  things  then  so  amusing,  and  at  which 
we  used  to  laugh,  we  should  still  laugh  at,  but  we  should  understand  better.  If 
I  may  digress  for  one  moment,  there  was  one  passage  which  we  used  to  dwell  upon 
with  great  gusto,  which  described  a  practice  in  Egypt  of  mourning  for  a  certain 
god,  and  Herodotus  tells  how,  "  For  whom  these  mourners  beat  themselves  it  is  not 
"  lawful  for  me  to  mention."  (Laughter.)  It  was  generally  supposed  that  the  trans- 
lation of  this  was,  "  on  what  part  of  their  body  they  beat  themselves  it  is  not  good 
"  for  me  to  mention."  Well,  we  should  have  understood  our  Herodotus  better,  and 
applied  the  lesson  even  better,  if  we  had  known  more  of  Anthropology.  (Laughter.) 

What  we  really  want  in  Oxford  is  more  system.  We  are  getting  it,  we  hope. 
I  think  it  is  the  same  in  the  other  University.  We  want  a  more  systematised 
training.  Certainly  the  system  is  in  advance  now  of  what  it  was  before,  but  we 
want  still  further  system. 

We  want,  of  course,  rather  more  money,  but  above  all  we  want  encouragement,  and 
we  want  the  encouragement  which  the  Government  through  its  powerful  agencies 
can  give  us,  and  these  other  things  'would  follow,  I  think,  if  the  Government  did 
recognise  even  more  fully  than  it  has  done  the  desirability  of  making  use  of  the 
schools  at  the  Universities  which  are  already  growing  and  making  such  advance. 

And  I  have  a  very  good  hope  indeed  that  if  this  resolution  is  carried,  and  if 
action  is  taken  in  consequence,  that  we  shall  meet  with  a  most  sympathetic  recep- 
tion. I  say  so  partly  from  what  might  be  expected  of  our  knowledge  of  the  liberal 
and  open  mind  of  the  Government  in  these  matters,  and  of  the  interest  which  the 
Prime  Minister,  an  old  Oxford  man,  has  shown,  not  only  in  the  older  studies,  but  in 
the  newer  interests  both  of  the  Empire  and  of  learning,  and  also  because  I  have  had 
some  little  experience,  as  Sir  Hercules  Read  has  told  us  he  has  had,  in  these  matters. 

I  remember  some  time  ago  when  it  was  my  privilege  to  go  on  a  small  deputation 
to  Lord  Crewe,  then  Head  of  the  Colonial  Office,  to  ask  him  to  take  into  considera- 
tion the  desirability  of  providing  that  young  students  of  the  University  who  were 
going  out  to  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  in  the  Colonial  Service  should  have 
some  special  training,  including  training  in  Anthropology,  I  was  struck  not  only 
with  the  general  sympathy  of  his  reply,  but  with  the  knowledge  which  he  displayed 

r.  69  ] 


No.  35,]  MAN.  [1914. 

of  the  problem  which  was  before  us  and  before  the  Empire,  and  I  am  quite  sure 
that  we  shall  find  that  it  will  be  the  same  when  AVC  approach  the  Head  of  the 
Government  as  a  whole. 

I  was  greatly  interested  on  hearing  the  allusion  made  just  now  by  Mr.  Jenkins 
to  the  Island  of  Papua.  It  so  happens  that  the  Governor  of  that  island  at  the 
present  moment  is  an  old  pupil  of  mine.  He  came  originally  from  Australia — from 
Sydney — to  an  English  school,  and  he  came  on  to  Oxford  and  took  the  Classical 
Schools,  and  theu  went  back  to  Sydney  as  a  lawyer,  and  now  he  has  gone  on  to  be 
Governor  of  Papua.  He  told  me  two  things  which  struck  me  very  much.  When 
he  first  got  there  he  said,  "Our  problem  is  to  pass,  per  saltum,  from  the  Stone  Age 
*'  to  the  19th  century."  He  might  now  have  said  to  the  20th  century.  He  said 
another  thing  shortly  afterwards  to  me.  He  said,  "  I  go  about  surrounded  by  a  band 
of  murderers."  When  he  came  home,  I  said,  "  Did  you  seriously  mean  that  ? " 
He  was  a  very  amusing  gentleman  of  Irish  extraction.  "  Yes,"  he  said,  "  I  do 
"  mean  it ;  but  murderers  are  not  the  same  in  Papua,  they  must  not  be  regarded  in 
"  the  same  light  as  they  would  be  in  this  country."  (Laughter.)  "  These  men,  no 
"  doubt,  have  taken  the  lives  in  blood  feuds,  and  in  other  ways,  of  their  fellow 
"  creatures,  and  I  found  that  they  are  very  good  fellows,  a  great  many  of  them. 
"  The  best  punishment,  and  also  the  best  way  of  keeping  them  under  surveillance, 
"  was  to  take  them  about  with  me  to  different  parts  of  the  island."  (Renewed 
laughter.)  That  is  the  sort  of  problem  with  which  you  are  confronted.  I  think  my 
friend,  Mr.  Murray,  has,  as  far  as  I  know,  risen  to  the  occasion. 

I  think  that  he,  and  all  like  him  that  find  themselves  going  out  to  these  situa- 
tions, would  be  immensely  advantaged  by  still  further  and  more  systematised  study 
before  they  leave  the  University  ;  it  would  be  of  immense  advantage  if  that  were 
provided  for  them.  I  could  name  ever  so  many  students — I  have  no  doubt  every 
member  of  a  University  could — of  different  kinds. 

Another  friend  of  mine  is  engaged  in  capturing  insects.  He  has  already  spent 
many  years  in  unknown  parts  of  Africa  moving  among  the  natives.  What  an 
advantage  it  would  be  to  a  man  like  that  to  have  this  sort  of  preparation. 

But  I  will  not  labour  these  points.  As  Sir  Hercules  said,  I  feel  sure  we  are  to 
a  certain  extent  pushing  an  open  door.  What  I  do  feel  is,  as  he  has  said,  that  it 
is  the  legitimate,  the  logical  consequence  of  the  motion  we  passed  before,  but  it  also 
is  a  confirmation  of  our  whole  faith  and  belief  in  it,  and,  speaking  for  Oxford,  I 
should  like  to  assure  this  assembly,  and  you,  Lord  Selborne,  that  Oxford  is  very 
anxious  indeed  to  prosecute,  and  to  be  encouraged  to  prosecute,  the  study,  to  develop 
its  school,  and  to  press  upon  all  the  young  men  who  go  out  from  it,  and  all  the 
students  who  are  concerned  with  it,  the  great  importance  of  taking  the  opportunity 
of  familiarising  themselves  in  a  scientific  and  systematic  manner  with  the  facts  and 
phenomena  which  a  School  of  Anthropology  can  bring  together.  (Cheers.) 

DR.  DUCKWORTH  (Cambridge  University)  :  My  Lord  Selborne,  La-dies,  and 
Gentlemen,  as  deputy  for  the  Vice-Chancellor,  and  consequently  representative  of  the 
University  of  Cambridge,  my  duty  is  first  of  all  to  say  to  you  that  the  University 
authorities  have  heard  with  the  very  greatest  gratification  of  the  proposals  that 
we  are  met  to  discuss  to-day,  and  I  would  add  to  that  the  University  authorities 
concerned  would  wish  to  assist  in  this  matter  to  the  very  utmost  of  their  resources, 
and  to  press  forward  the  schemes  outlined  in  these  resolutions  as  far  as  can  possibly 
be  the  case.  Having  said  that  much,  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  at  all  necessary 
for  me  to  say  more  as  regards  the  nature  of  the  teaching  nor  the  qualifications  of 
teachers  provided  at  the  present  time  in  .the  University  of  Cambridge.  Their  names 
are  known  to  most  of  you,  I  think  I  may  say,  in  this  room. 

[     70     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  35. 

In  the  next  place,  may  I  add  one  other  point,  and  it,  is  this,  that  those  who 
approach  His  Majesty's  Government  in  support  of  this  second  resolution  are  not 
unmindful  of  the  great  services  rendered  already  to  the  science  of  Anthropology  by 
administrators  who  had  had  no  previous  training.  Of  that  we  have  had  some  idea 
to-day. 

Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  literature  of  our  subject  in  the  anthropological 
journals,  have  only  to  look  through  these  volumes  to  see  them  crowded  with  reports 
furnished  by  His  Majesty's  administrators,  and,  let  it  be  remembered,  in  many  cases 
with  no  previous  expert  training  at  all.  In  so  doing,  however,  let  them  further  insist 
on  the  advantages  which  would  accrue  should  those  administrators  at  the  outset  of 
their  work  not  be  obliged  to  commence  in  each  case  each  man  for  himself  and  from 
the  beginning,  but  should  be  able  to  begin  where,  so  to  speak,  the  last  man  left  off. 
(Cheers.) 

DR.  W.  P.  HERRIXGHAM,  F.R.C.P.  (Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University  of 
London)  :  I  think.  Sir,  that  people  in  this  room,  being  interested  in  Anthropology, 
will  easily  understand  that  when  I  hear  the  representatives  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
saying  that  they  wish  to  support  Anthropology,  I  am  very  anxious  to  say  that  London 
does  too,  and  not  to  begin  but  to  continue  as  they  do  a  study  which  wo  have 
already  so  well  begun.  We  have  got  already  two  Chairs  upon  the  subject  :  a  Chair 
of  Sociology  which  we  owe  to  Mr.  Martin  White,  and  a  Chair  of  Anthropology  proper 
which  is  at  present  filled  by  Professor  Seligmann,  who  is  now  at  the  present  minute 
doing  the  very  thing  that  you  have  laid  so  much  stress  upon,  investigating  for  the 
Sudan  Government  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Sudanese. 

I  do  not  think  that  one  need  now  urge  any  more  the  importance  of  this  study 
to  those  who  are  going  to  live  in  foreign  parts.  I  am  sure  that  everyone  feels  what 
everyone  almost  has  said,  but  I  should  just  like  to  add  one  personal  note,  because 
the  most  interesting  winter  I  ever  spent  was  a  winter  spent  in  India,  and  I  felt 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  how  very  much  more  I  should  have  learnt  even  in 
addition  to  the  immense  amount  that  I  did  learn  if  I  had  had  an  opportunity  of  such 
a  training  as  you  are  describing. 

Furthermore,  although  I  do  not  govern  Indian  or  foreign  races,  I  teach  them.  I 
have  many  students  from  those  parts,  and  I  feel  exactly  in  a  very  small  way  what  in 
a  very  large  way  an  administrator  must  feel,  the  desire,  the  necessity,  the  very  great 
advantage  of  knowing  something  about  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  races. 

I  have  the  very  greatest  pleasure  in  assuring  you,  Sir,  that  the  University  of 
London,  like  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  is  already  doing  good  work 
on  the  subject,  and  is  only  anxious  to  do  more,  and  I  would  add  this,  we  do  like, 
certainly,  encouragement  from  the  Government,  but,  unlike  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  I 
think  we  do  like  it  to  be  accompanied  by  pecuniary  help. 

PROFESSOR  FRAZER  (Cambridge  University)  :  I  had  not  expected  to  have  been 
called  upon  to  speak,  but  I  certainly  cannot  refuse  to  support  a  motion  Avith  which 
I  am  so  heartily  in  sympathy.  I  come  with  Mr.  Robert  Mond  to  represent  the  British 
Science  Guild,  and  I  say  at  once  that  my  interest  in  Anthropology  is  speculative  and 
scientific.  We  are  here  to  urge  the  practical  importance  of  Anthropology  to  Govern- 
ment. Now,  that  is  a  side  of  Anthropology  of  which  I  have  no  experience,  and  on 
the  practical  side,  words  from  a  speculative  Anthropologist  can  carry  very  little  weight ; 
they  are  certainly  not  to  be  compared  with  the  testimony  of  those  who  have  carried 
on  the  British  Government  among  savage  races  such  as  we  have  heard  of  this  afternoon 
from  Sir  Charles  Lyall  and  from  Sir  Everard  im  Thurn,  who  have  not  only  administered 
justice  among  these  races,  but  have  made  valuable  contributions  to  our  knowledge 
of  them. 

[     71     ] 


Nos.  35-36.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Still,  though  I  cannot  speak  from  personal  knowledge  of  the  practical  importance 
of  Anthropology,  I  naturally  hear  much  of  the  practical  importance  from  my  friends 
who  have  lived  amongst  savages  and  worked  amongst  them,  and  their  testimony 
confirms  what  every  student  of  Anthropology  at  home  is  aware  of,  the  profound 
difference  which  separates  the  savage  races  of  man  from  the  civilised,  and  the  utter 
futility  of  attempting  to  govern  savage  races  by  civilised  law. 

The  Briton  at  home  is  apt  to  think  that  what  is  good  enough  for  an  Englishman 
is  good  enough  for  anyone,  but  it  is  a  very  fatal  mistake.  I  will  mention  a  particular 
case.  An  anthropological  friend  informed  me  that  an  administrator  who  had  lately 
come  out  to  his  district  made  an  investigation  of  the  savage  customs,  and  he  found 
that  they  were  extremely  odious  and  disagreeable  to  his  mind,  and  he  abolished 
them  all  at  one  stroke.  (Laughter.)  The  natives  came  to  him  shortly  afterwards 
and  said,  "  Amongst  the  rules  that  you  have  abolished  is  the  rule  that  we  may  not 
"  marry  our  sisters  ;  does  the  Government  wish  us  to  marry  our  sisters  ?  "  (Great 
laughter.) 

One  more.  I  parted  this  morning  from  one  of  the  best  Anthropologists  of  the 
day.  He  has  lived  amongst  savages  the  best  part  of  his  life.  He  told  me  what  I 
had  not  heard,  that  there  had  been  another  petty  war  in  East  Africa,  in  Somaliland, 
with  a  loss  of  British  life  and  heavy  loss  to  the  unfortunate  natives.  My  friend,  who 
has  very  great  experience,  believes — he  could  not  speak  from  practical  knowledge — 
but  he  believes  the  probability  is  that  that  war  sprang  from  a  simple  misunderstanding 
which  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  customs  of  the  natives  would  have  entirely 
averted,  and  that  the  loss  of  life  and  the  expenditure  of  money  and  all  the  friction 
and  discontent  created  would  have  been  saved  by  a  little  knowledge  of  Anthropology. 

I  have  great  pleasure  in  supporting  the  motion.     (Cheers.) 

(At  this  stage,  Lord  Selborne  had  to  leave  the  meeting  to  attend  to  his  duties 
at  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  Chair  was  taken  by  Sir  Richard  Temple.) 

MB.  HENRY  BALFOUK  (Curator  of  the  Pitt-Rivers  Museum,  Oxford)  :  I  think 
the  most  important  thing  Oxford  has  to  do  in  training  administrators  and  others  who 
are  going  abroad,  is  to  make  them  understand  that  the  natives'  ideas,  customs,  and 
what  not  are  things  which  have  grown  up  in  a  definite  environment,  and  must  be 
looked  upon  as  to  a  certain  extent, fitted  to  that  environment.  That  is  the  living 
stem,  and  it  is  upon  that  living  stem,  it  seems  to  me,  that  it  is  our  business  to  graft 
whatever  changes  we  have  to  make. 

That  is  the  business  of  Anthropology,  to  my  mind,  to  teach  those  who  are  going 
out  to  a  given  environment  the  nature  of  the  ideas  that  have  grown  up  in  that 
environment,  and  to  see  what  is  good  in  them  and  what  is  capable  of  gradual 
alteration  into  the  newer  conditions  of  things. 

The  resolution  was  then  put  to  the  meeting  and  carried  unanimously.  The 
Conference  passed  very  cordial  votes  of  thanks  to  the  Chairman,  Lord  Selborne,  and 
to  the  Master  and  Wardens  of  the  Drapers'  Company  for  their  courtesy  and 
hospitality. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

THE  joint  meeting  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  and  the  Folklore  OP 
Society,  at  the  invitation  of  the  Oxford  University  Anthropological  Society,  UU 
will  take  place  on  Thursday,  May  14th,  at  4  p.m.,  at  Oxford,  most  probably  in  the 
hall  of  Christ  Church,  when  Professor  Gilbert  Murray  will  deliver  an  address 
entitled  "  Folk  Influence  in  Early  Greek  Literature." 

Printed  by  EYHE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


' 


' 


PLATE  E. 


MAN, 


FIG.  i. 

POLYNESIAN    TYPE. 


FAIR    SKINNED,    STRAIGHT-NOSED    MAORI, 
POLYNESIAN    TYPE. 


FIG.  3. 
MIXTURE  OF  MAORI  AND  MARUIWI  PEOPLES. 


FIG.  4. 

MELANESIAN    TYPE.      MIXTURE   OF   TWO  RACES  SHOWN  IN 
HAIR  AND  LIPS  WITH  MARUIWI. 


THE    PEOPLING    OF    NEW    ZEALAND. 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  37, 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

New  Zealand.  With  Plate  E.  Best. 

The  Peopling:  of  New  Zealand.     By  Elsdon  Best.  Q"f 

We  have  been  asked  the  following  question,  "How  many  distinct  races  Uf 
"  do  yon  recognise  among  the  Maori,  and  what  psychological  characteristics  have 
"  they  ?  " 

We  believe  that  it  is  going  too  far  to  speak  of  distinct  races  in  New  Zealand, 
but  we  certainly  have  the  result  of  the  blending  of  two  races  ;  more  than  that 
cannot  be  said  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  though  we  may  note  such  a  curious 
and  persistent  type  as  that  known  as  the  Urukehu,  of  which  more  anon. 

The  two  races  of  which  we  see  types  among  our  natives  are  the  fair-skinned 
Polynesian,  with  good  features ;  and  the  swart,  thick-lipped,  flat-nosed  Melanesian 
type.  The  former  has  hair  with  a  slight  wave  in  it  ;  the  hair  of  the  latter,  if 
allowed  to  grow,  has  the  frizzy  and  bushy  appearance  of  that  of  the  Fijians.  We 
are  now  speaking  of  the  more  pronounced  of  the  two  types  ;  there  are  intermediate 
grades  showing  the  blending  of  the  two.  Neither  exists  in  its  original  purity.  It 
is  quite  certain  that  every  native  of  New  Zealand  is  of  the  offspring  of  such  inter- 
marriages. We  note  individuals  closely  resembling  the  fair,  well-featured  Polynesian, 
and  others  that  might  be  termed  Melanesians.  These  may  be  cases  in  which  less 
intermarriage  took  place  between  the  ti^o  types  in  former  generations,  or  they  may 
be  reversions  to  the  type  ;  we  strongly  incline  to  the  latter  opinion. 

An  old  native  friend  assures  us  that  the  ill-favoured  dark  skinned  Melanesian 
type  has  persisted  for  centuries  in  his  family  ;  in  almost  every  generation  there  has 
been  one,  or  possibly  two  such  in  the  family,  on  the  main  line  of  descent.  He 
traces  this  back  for  twenty-eight  generations  to  a  "  black  "  woman,  as  he  calls  her, 
who  was  married  by  a  fair-skinned  immigrant  from  Eastern  Polynesia. 

In  order  to  make  the  position  clear,  we  will  give  a  brief  account  of  the 
settlement  of  the  isles  of  New  Zealand,  as  preserved  in  tradition.  These  islands, 
were  first  occupied  by  the  fair-skinned  natives  of  Eastern  Polynesia  about  twenty- 
eight  or  twenty-nine  generations  ago,  but  long  prior  to  that  time  the  North  Island 
had  been  settled  by  a  people  of,  apparently,  inferior  culture,  who  must  have  been 
closely  allied  to  some  Melanesian  folk,  though  probably  having  a  strain  of  Polynesian 
blood  in  their  veins  and  Polynesian  words  in  their  language  ;  such  people  in  fact  as 
those  of  the  Fiji  group  that  have  long  been  in  contact  with  Polynesians.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  cannibalism  as  a  common  and  constant  practice  was  adopted  by  the 
Polynesian  settlers  here  after  intermarriage  with  the  aborigines,  and  during  the  wars 
that  raged  between  the  two  peoples,  but  this  can  scarcely  be  viewed  otherwise  than 
as  a  probability. 

The  description  of  the  aborigines,  as  handed  down  by  oral  tradition,  is  of 
interest ;  it  may  be  rendered  as  follows  : — 

"  They  were  a  very  dark-skinned  folk  of  repulsive  appearance,  tall,  spare  and 
spindleshanked,  having  flat  noses  with  upturned  nostrils,  in  some  cases  the  nostrils 
seemed  to  be  all  the  nose  they  had.  They  had  flat  faces  and  overhanging  eyebrows  ; 
certainly  a  disagreeable,  ill-favoured  folk,  though  some  were  of  fairly  good  appear- 
ance. They  were  a  big  boned  people  and  they  had  curious  eyes,  like  those  of  a 
lizard.  They  built  no  good  houses,  but  merely  rude  hut  shelters,  and  wore  little 
clothing,  merely  some  leaves  in  summer,  arranged  in  front  of  their  persons,  with 
rough  capes  made  of  Cordyline,  Phormium,  or  Freycinetia,  in  winter  ;  an  idle  folk 
and  a  chilly,  who  felt  the  cold  much,  and  slept  anyhow;  they  were  of  treacherous 
disposition.  Our  ancestors  viewed  them  with  dislike  and  contempt.  But  the  women 
folk  took  kindly  to  our  ancestors  when  they  arrived  in  this  land,  because  they  were 
much  finer  looking  men  and  more  industrious  than  those  of  Maruiwi,  for  such  is  the 

[     73     ] 


No.  37.]  MAX.  [1914. 

name  by  which  \ve  know  those  folk.  Those  people  told  our  ancestors  that  they  were 
descendants  of  the  crews  of  three  fishing  canoes  that  had  been  driven  to  sea  by  a 
west  wind  from  their  own  land  in  past  times,  and  that  the  original  home  was  a 
much  warmer  place  than  this  island.  They  were  an  ignorant  people,  and  could  not 
trace  their  descent  ;  they  did  not  preserve  a  knowledge  of  their  genealogies  as 
we  do. 

"  Our  ancestors  from  Hawaiki  and  Rarotonga  were  given  some  of  the  women, 
others  they  obtained  by  asking,  and  yet  others  they  took,  but  they  selected  the 
best-looking  ones.  As  time  went  on  wars  arose,  and  many  of  those  naked  black 
folk  were  enslaved  by  our  ancestors,  and,  at  last,  so  many  Avere  slain,  and  so  many 
Avere  enslaved,  especially  women,  that  Maruiwi  became  lost  to  the  world  as  a 
distinct  people.  You  must,  however,  know  this,  that  we  Maori  folk  are  all 
descended  from  those  original  people  of  the  land  because  of  those  women. 

"  Now  a  time  came  when  trouble  Avith  those  people  was  incessant,  and  our 
ancestors  set  to  work  to  exterminate  them,  that  is,  those  tribes  not  related  to  the 
Maori  by  marriage.  War  raged  all  over  the  island,  and  those  aborigines  were 
slaughtered  in  all  parts  until  few  were  left,  and  six  canoes  full  of  them  left 
Cook  Straits  and  Avent  to  settle  on  the  Chatham  Islands.  But  always  were  spared 
those  Avho  had  intermarried  with  the  Maori." 

Such  is  the  traditional  account  of  the  original  settlers  in  NCAV  Zealand,  and, 
judging  from  the  description  of  the  original  people,  they  must  have  come  from 
one  of  the  isles  of  Melanesia,  the  Fiji  group,  New  Caledonia,  or  the  NCAV  Hebrides. 
The  writer  is  unaware  of  the  style  of  canoes  made  by  the  natiA-es  of  the  last  two 
places  in  pre-European  times,  but  the  Fijians  made  superior  deep-sea  vessels, 
though  not  given  to  deep-sea  voyages  as  Avere  the  Polynesians.  Australia  and 
Tasmania  seem  to  be  out  of  the  question  as  the  homeland  of  Maruiwi,  inasmuch 
as  the  natives  of  those  lands  used  no  craft  that  could  cross  such  an  extent  of 
ocean.  If,  as  stated  by  tradition,  some  Avords  of  the  Maruiwi  tongue  Avere  Maori, 
then  it  appears  likely  that  the  former  folk  came  from  the  Fiji  group.  The 
castaways  may  have  been  driven  to  sea  by  a  westerly  Avind  and  then  drifted  south. 

The  traditions  concerning  the  language  of  the  aborigines  are  scarcely  accept- 
able as  good  proof,  howeArer,  as  the  feAv  Avords  thereof  preserved  may  not  have 
retained  their  original  form,  but  may  have  become  Maori-ised  in  the  course  of 
time.  Thus  we  are  told  that  kohi  mai  iu  the  aborigines'  tongue  meant  "come 
here,"  and  mai  ("hither")  is  pure  Maori,  though  the  former  Avord  is  unknown 
in  that  usage.  NOAV,  in  Mr.  Deighton's  notes  on  the  Chatham  Isles,  AVC  see  that 
the  above  expression  was  employed  by  the  natives  of  that  group  in  the  same 
sense,  hence  it  must  have  been  a  common  one  Avhen  broken  remnants  of  Maruiwi 
settled  the  Chathams  about  twenty-seven  generations  ago. 

It  seems  highly  probable  that  many  of  the  Polynesian  Maori  folk  Avho  came 
from  eastern  Polynesia  and  settled  in  NCAV  Zealand  eighteen  to  tAventy-eight  gene- 
rations ago  were  already  possessed  of  Melanesian  blood  Avhen  they  arrived  here, 
judging  from  their  own  traditions. 

In  the  Bay  of  Plenty  district  a  tradition  has  been  preserAred  that,  in  times 
long  passed  away,  a  canoe  full  of  black-skinned  folk  came  to  land  at  Whakatane. 
These  people  settled  at  a  place  called  Omeheu,  on  the  Rangitaiki  River,  but 
gradually  became  lost  to  the  world.  This  loss  Avould  probably  be  one  by  absorption, 
the  women  being  absorbed  by  the  previous  inhabitants,  and  the  men  by  the  ovens. 

The  various  types  seen  among  the  present-day  Maori  are  of  much  interest,  so 
many  gradations  are  there,  from  the  fair-skinned,  comparatiA'ely  thin-lipped,  straight- 
nosed,  wavy-haired  Polynesian  type,  to  the  dark-skinned,  thick-lipped,  flat-nosed, 
frizzy-haired  type  that  reminds  one  so  of  Melanesian  folk. 

[     74     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  37. 

In  regard  to  the  fair-haired,  very  light-skinned  type  termed  Urukehu,  we  may 
say  that  it  is,  and  has  been  for  at  least  thirty  generations  (probably  much  longer), 
remarkably  persistent,  though  such  persons  were  not  numerous.  Generation  after 
generation  this  type  has  appeared  in  certain  families,  sometimes  missing  a  generation, 
to  reappear  in  the  next,  usually  well  featured  and  good  looking,  admired  of  the 
people.  We  can  almost  believe  with  some  writers  that  it  betokens  contact  between 
the  Maori  and  some  fair  race  in  times  long  passed  away.  The  difficulty  is,  where 
are  we  to  locate  so  fair  a  race  within  reasonable  distance.  The  Urukehu  strain  is 
a  mystery. 

Of  true  Albinism  we  need  not  speak.  Albinoes  were  rare  and  proclaimed  no 
type. 

As  to  what  the  Maori  owed  to  the  Maruiwi  folk  it  is  impossible  to  say  after 
twenty-eight  generations  of  admixture.  We  can  only  guess,  and  guessing  is  a  most 
unsatisfactory  business.  We  have  a  dislike  for  theorising,  for  of  a  verity  the 
collector  of  ethnological  lore  who  allows  himself  to  evolve  theories  is  treading  a 
dangerous  path,  but  there  are  three  items  we  have  pondered  over  somewhat,  and 
these  are  : — 

1.  The    origin    of    the  Pa  Maori.      The  Maori    system  of  fortifying    villages   by 

means  of  earthworks,  ditches,  and  stockades. 

2.  The    custom    of   burying    human    beings  (?  human    sacrifice)  at  the    bases   of 

the    heavy  main    post    of  a  pa  or  fort ;    that  is,  if    it  ever    was    a   general 
custom. 

3.  The  origin  of  the  most  pronounced  cannibalism  of  the  Maori. 

1.  In  regard  to  the  elaborate  system  of  fortification    employed  by  the    Maori    of 
New  Zealand,  the  remains  of  which  are  seen  in  thousands,  we  may  say  that  such  a 
system    obtained    nowhere    in    Polynesia.      The    Tongans    had    learned    to    construct 
earthworks  and  stockades  of  a  kind,  evidently  through  their  contact  with  the  Fijians, 
even  as  they  borrowed  the  Fijian  deep-sea  vessels  ;    but  these  were    uncommon    and 
much  inferior  to  the  massive  works,  the  terraced  hills,  of  the  Maori. 

We  are  much  inclined  to  think  that  the  Maruiwi  folk  introduced  this  art  of 
fortification  into  New  Zealand,  for  tradition  says  that  they  fortified  places  in  the 
Taranaki  district  before  the  arrival  of  the  Maori.  The  pa  was  unknown  in  eastern 
Polynesia,  whence  the  Maori  came  ;  but  it  was  essentially  a  Fijian  institution,  and 
Maruiwi  were  a  people  who  must  have  at  least  closely  resembled  the  Fijians.  This 
is  a  subject  into  which  we  intend  to  inquire  further. 

2.  Some  years  ago,  when  Avorkmen  were  engaged  in  levelling  earthworks  of  the 
old  Tawhiti-nui  pa  near  Opotiki,  they  found  remains    therein    of    the  butts    of    large 
posts  that  had  once  supported  a  stockade.     At  the  base  of  each  of  these  posts  were 
discernible  the  remains  of  a  human  skeleton.     Now  according  to  tradition  Tawhiti-nui 
was  a  very  old  pa  (fortified  village),  and  was  occupied  by  the  original  people  when 
the  vessel  "  Matatua "  arrived    from  Polynesia    about    eighteen   generations  ago.      In 
this  case  "  original  people  "  means  a  mixed    race    produced    by  the    intermarriage   of 
the  early  Polynesian  immigrants  with  the  Maruiwi  aborigines.     We  have  no  evidence 
to    show    that    this    was    a    Maori    custom,  and    no    further    evidence    that    it  was  a 
Maruiwi    one,  but    it    seems    most    probable    that    it    was    introduced    by    the    latter, 
a    />a-building    people.       The    curious    ritual    by    means    of    which    a    new    pa    was 
"consecrated,"    as    one    may  say,  or  put  under    the    protection    of    certain    gods,  and 
the  locating  of  the  mauri  or  emblem  of  the  gods  therein,  are  highly  interesting,  1  nt 
all  too  long  to  relate  here.     We  leave  it  for  the  days  that  lie  before. 

3.  In  regard  to  cannibalism.      This  was  by  no  means  a  common  custom    in    the 
Society  group,  from  which    the  Maori    came  to  New  Zealand,  but  it  was    dreadfully 

[     75     ] 


Nos.  37-38,]  MAN.  [1914. 

common  in  the  Fiji  group.  The  inference  is  that  it  was  introduced  by  the  Maruiwi, 
a  folk  with  pronounced  Fijian  affinities,  and  so  acquired  by  the  Polynesian  Maori,  or 
rather  inherited  and  continued  by  the  mixed  descendants  of  those  two  peoples. 

As  to  the  second  part  of  the  query  at  the  head  of  this  paper,  respecting  the- 
psychological  characteristics  of  the  two  peoples  that  settled  New  Zealand,  we  must 
decline  to  venture  any  further  into  the  region  of  speculation.  We  can  speak  of  such 
characteristics  as  pertaining  to  their  mixed  descendant?,  but  no  more.  The  two- 
streams  which  intermingled  twenty-eight  long  generations  ago  have  so  flowed  down 
the  changing  centuries,  and  never  again  shall  those  waters  be  separated.  That  is  a. 
back  trail  that  no  man  may  lift.  ELSDON  BEST. 


Africa,  Central.  Campbell, 

A  Few  Notes  on    Butwa:  An  African   Secret  Society.      />'//  Dugald     QO 

Campbell,  of  the,   Garenganze  Mission.  UU 

The  Batwa  people  of  Lake  Bang\veulu  is  one  of  five  Bantu  tribes  scattered 
over  a  large  part  of  Africa  and  bearing — with  phonetic  variations — the  same  name.. 
These  Batwa  are  one  of  the  few  central  African  tribes  about  whom  little  or  nothing 
is  known.  They  inhabit  the  marshes  at  the  south  end  of  the  lake,  and  live  mainly 
on  fish  and  antelope  flesh.  They  cultivate  around  ant-hills  that  spring  up  here  andi 
there  throughout  the  marshes,  and  on  other  raised  patches  at  the  end  of  the  dry 
season  they  grow  meagre  crops  of  cereals  and  root  foods.  As  they  do  not  produce- 
a  tithe  of  the  food  necessary  for  their  support,  they  trade  their  sun-dried  fish  and 
smoked  antelope  flesh  with  their  inland  neighbours  for  meal  and  grain. 

As  for  the  other  four  Batwa  tribes,  I  know  nothing  at  first  hand  either  of  their 
language  or  literature.  All  the  information  I  possess  concerning  them  is  of  a 
geographical  nature,  and  to  the  effect  that  :  Batwa  No.  I.  live  in  Damaraland  ;  Batwa 
No.  II.  find  their  habitat  among  the  swamps  of  the  Kafue  River  in  N.W.  Rhodesia;- 
Batwa  No.  III.  reside  in  the  Kameruns ;  Batwa  No.  IV.  are  the  pigmies  of  the- 
Aruwimi  forests  and  swamps  on  the  Upper  Congo. 

The  Bangweulu  Batwa,  amongst  whom  I  have  travelled  and  worked  for  about 
two  decades — off  and  on — form  the  subject  of  this  paper. 

They  are  primarily  a  water  people — very  timid  and  conservative — and  their  full 
local  appellation,  as  a  tribe,  is  Batwa  Menda,  or  the  "  Water  Beaters,"  owing  to  the 
fact  that  they  spend  the  greater  part  of  their  time  in  canoes,  paddling  about  among 
the  swamps  fishing  and  hunting.  They  are  also  known  locally  as  the  Wana-Nika 
which,  in  common  parlance,  signifies  "  River  Children "  ;  and  their  country  (i.e.,  if 
the  agglomeration  of  marshes  and  ant-hills  amongst  which  they  live  can  be  justly 
denominated  a  country)  is  called  Manika,  or  the  "Land  of  Rivers." 

Philologically  their  language  belongs  to  the  Bantu  family  and  is  one  of  an 
allied  group  of  fifteen  dialects  mutually  intelligible  and  spoken  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  north-eastern  Rhodesia,  part  of  north-western  Rhodesia,  and  the  south-eastern 
corner  of  the  Congo  State.  Their  claim  to  separate  and  special  consideration  here 
is  due  to  their  being  the  founders,  and  generally  members,  of  a  powerful  secret 
society  designated  Butwa.  Whether  the  society  named  Butwa  sprang  from  the  tribal 
name,  Batwa,  or,  vice  versa,  is  a  moot  question  and  of  no  immediate  importance. 
The  word  Butwa,  etymologically,  is  made  up  of  two  parts,  consisting  of  prefix  and 
stem.  The  prefix  bu  is  a  qualificative  one,  containing  the  idea  of  "  society,"  whereas 
twa,  the  stem,  is  a  word  in  almost  universal  use  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Central 
Africa.  Twa  is  the  root  of  the  verb  ku-twa,  meaning  "to  pound  meal,"  primarily,, 
and  secondly,  "  to  pound  anything  "  in  a  mortar  with  a  pestle,  an  African  custom  in 
vogue  since  the  days  of  Herodotus.  Like  most  African  words  it  has  its  metaphorical 

[     76     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  38. 

as  well  as  its  material  uses,  and  is  put  very  severely  into  practice  metaphorically, 
if  perchance  a  hapless  exoteric  should  venture  too  near  the  Butwa  temple  while  a 
service  is  being  held. 

Butwa  is  an  old  institution,  though  different  in  form  from  other  mysteries. 
I  suggest  an  alternate  etymology,  which  for  years  has  seemed  to  me  the  true — and 
probably  the  original  one — namely,  that  Butwa  is  derived  from  the  verb  buta  (root, 
but-),  much  used  by  neighbouring  tribes,  and  meaning  "  to  cover  up,"  "  to  cover  over  " 
(with  the  idea  of  hiding),  and  bears  the  meaning  of  the  Greek  verb  KaXvirrco. 
The  suffix  -wa  indicates  the  passive  voice,  and  together  the  root  but-  and  the 
suffix  wa-  mean  "  the  hidden  thing,"  the  mystery.  The  noun  being  used  in  both 
•singular  and  plural  numbers  should  be  translated  here  plurally,  and  signifies  the 
mysteries,  the  exact  name  given  to  the  Greek  Elensinian  cult.  It  is  by  no  means 
easy,  however,  to  exhume  from  under  the  accretions  of  ages  the  original  significance 
of  such  a  word. 

Butwa  is  likewise  a  distinct  cult,  possessing  initiatory  rites,  ceremonies,  and 
temple  services,  with  life  secrets  imposed  at  initiation.  Its  members  speak  an 
•esoteric  language  known  only  to  the  initiated  and  called  Lubendo.  Ability  to 
benda,  or  speak  this  cryptic  speech,  is  looked  on  as  the  sure  mark  of  a  member  of 
the  society.  This  speech  finds  its  counterpart  in  European  argots,  and  is  formed 
variously  :  sometimes  by  transposing  the  syllables  of  a  common  word,  e.g.,  kasaka 
for  kakasa,  meaning  "  a  little  foot "  ;  again  by  changing  an  initial  letter,  e.g.,  temuka, 
for  semuka,  "  to  be  demon  possessed,"  or  by  introducing  an  obsolete  word  as,  e.g., 
Yambe,  an  archaic  name  for  God  ;  sometimes  by  a  compound  metaphorical  word 
such  as  busankabemba,  meaning  "  the  lake  sprinkler,"  which  is  the  secret  word  for 
water. 

The  female  members  of  Butwa  form  themselves  into  singing  bands,  and  to  the 
accompaniment  of  a  native  banjo  called  chansa,  peculiar  to  the  cult,  they  carry 
on  nocturnal  concerts  which  are  usually  accompanied  by  wild  dancing.  Like  most 
Bantu  tribes  they  are  totemic,  many,  perhaps  most  of  them,  belonging  to  the 
Ant-hill  clan.  As  usual  in  Africa,  their  totemism  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with 
worship,  as  was  formerly  thought.  Its  main  idea  is  exogamic  and  is  directed 
towards  controlling  marriage  relationships  outside  certain  circles  to  avoid  consanguinity. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  discuss  Butwa  roughly  under  four  heads  : — 

1.  Butwa,  its  membership.  3.  Butwa,  its  aims. 

2.  Butwa,  its  constitution.  4.  Butwa,  its  influence. 

1.  The  members  of  this  society  are  generally  found  among  the  water  peoples, 
though  of  recent  years  some  land  tribes  have  built  Butwa  temples,  called  in  Butwa 
priests,  and  initiated  young  and  old,  establishing  lodges  over  a  large  part  of  the 
adjoining  land.  Its  membership  is  promiscuous,  and  is  made  up  of  both  sexes 
and  all  ages.  Central  and  branch  lodges  are  found  on  both  banks  of  the  Southern 
Chambesi  River  that  runs  into  Lake  Bangweulu ;  all  round  the  lake  and  on  its 
thirty  islands  ;  also  among  the  marshes  occupied  by  the  BaUnga  on  the  east ;  among 
the  Batwa  at  the  south  end  of  the  lake,  and  along  the  entire  length  of  the  Luapula- 
Congo  as  far  as  Lake  Mweru  on  both  the  British  and  Belgian  sides.  The  chief 
Nkuba — originally  of  Kihva  island,  on  Lake  MAveru — whom  I  have  known  intimately 
for  years,  is  the  recognised  introducer  of  Butwa  throughout  these  parts,  and  his 
name  is  famous  in  many  a  Butwa  song.  The  tribes  affected  by  the  cult  on  North 
Bangweulu  are  the  BaBisa  and  the  BaUnga.  At  the  south  end  and  on  the  western 
side  are  the  BaTwa  and  BalJshi.  These  with  the  BaLamba  and  BaLunda  along 
the  Luapula,  with  the  BaShila  and  a  few  BaBemba  and  Baltabwa  around  Lake 
Mweru,  form  the  entire  Butwa  community  of  these  parts. 

Lodges  with  a  flourishing  membership  are  to  be  found  some  thirty  to  sixty  miles 

L  77  ] 


No.  38.]  MAN.  [1914. 

inland  from  both  river  and  lakes,  and  everywhere  a  marked  enthusiasm  is  evidenced 
for  Butwa,  while  its  power  is  felt  in  every  relationship  of  life.  Many  divorces  are 
annually  sought  and  obtained  because  of  the  treatment  of  husband  or  wife  who  may 
be  non-members.  This  is  due  to  the  refusal  of  either  to  join  the  society.  The 
non-member  has  frequently  to  submit  to  the  insulting  language  of  the  other  spouse, 
while  the  whole  society  backs  husband  or  wife  in  his  or  her  endeavour  to  convert 
the  obstinate  partner.  The  only  possible  solution  is  divorce.  Of  a  husband  who 
resists  his  wife's  entreaties  to  become  a  member  the  following  sarcastic  ditty  is 
sung  : — 

SONG  OF  THE  OBSTINATE  SPOUSE. 
Song :  The  husband  at  home, 

He  lies  in  a  heap, 
Like  a  pig,  in  a  pile. 
(Id  est,  He  sleeps  alone  while  his  wife  is  enjoying  herself  at  the  Butwa  camp.) 

Young  boys  and  girls  are  here  stripped — at  and  after  initiation — of  all  sense  of 
shame,  and  the  latter,  as  will  be  seen  later,  are  forced  to  submit  to  gross  indignities. 
Here  also  they  gain  their  first  lessons  in  sexual  immorality.  Even  babies  are 
initiated,  and  as  they  grow  up  are  gradually  instructed,  until  in  mature  years  they 
become  full  members,  when  they  are  introduced  to  the  whole  arcana  of  Butwa. 

2.  To  speak  of  the  constitution  of  Butwa,  I  shall  have  to  avail  myself  of  a 
paper  written  for  me  in  the  native  language  by  an  ex-witch-doctor.  I  here  give 
the  translation  as  literally  as  English  will  allow. 

INITIATION  CEREMONIES. 

Firstly,  on  initiating  people  into  the  Bntwa  Society,  chief's  dung  is  gathered  and 
dog's  dung,  parings  of  the  feet  of  the  crocodile,  elephant,  the  armadillo,  the  'tortoise, 
and  the  scorpion,  besides  herbal  medicines  of  various  kinds.  Pulverised  crystal  is 
also  added.  The  whole  is  then  put  into  a  pot  with  the  powdered  crystal  and  boiled 
together.  When  this  is  done  the  first  novice  is  given  a  drink  out  of  the  pot  in 
this  manner  : — He  or  she  is  seized  hand  and  foot  by  the  priests  and  taken  inside  a 
hut  where  the  initiation  drink  is  administered.  At  this  point  all  strike  up  a  song 
and  sing  : — 

Song  :  Oh  !   Come  and  drink, 

Ye  mother's  children,  come  and  drink, 
If  any  stay  away 

He's  the  child  of  a  slave,  let  him  stay. 

Now  the  pot  is  passed  round  and  all  the  initiates  drink,  whereupon  the  priest 
gives  each  a  new  name,  saying,  "  Now  your  name  is  Ferryman."  They  then  continue 
singing  and  dancing  throughout  the  whole  night.  Those  who  have  brought  their 
children  for  initiation  cook  messes  of  porridge  and  chickens,  and  make  beer,  with 
which  the  feast  continues.  Thus  the  night  is  spent.  After  a  few  days  have  passed 
and  the  new  moon  appears,  all — both  men  and  women — become  spirit-possessed  and 
speak  oracularly.  On  returning  the  dishes  in  which  the  food  for  the  feast  has  been 
brought,  the  young  people  beg  from  those  who  prepared  the  feast  while  they  strike 
up  a  little  song  and  sing  : — 

Song  :  In  the  hospitable  home 

May  there  never  lack  food. 
Ye  mothers  of  the  Ferryman 

Bring  out  your  food. 

The  women  give  them  food  and  they  answer  saying:  "I  bow  the  knee  to  the 
"  mothers  of  Butwa."  The  women  reply  :  "  Arise  a  perfect  Butwa  member  and  look 

78     1 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  38, 

"  out  for  scorpions."     They  now  turn  about  and  go  back.     At  this  point  the  Butwu 
Temple  is  built  and  all  the  members  prepare  to  remove  there. 

At  the  cross-roads  fetish  medicine  is  laid  down  and  the  place  is  given  a  name, 
saying  :  "  This  is  the  Kaminsarnanga."  The  remainder  of  the  food  they  are  eating 
is  thrown  down  here.  Here  also  a  bower  is  made  of  two  saplings,  the  large  ends 
of  which  are  inserted  into  the  ground,  the  small  ends  are  bent  in  towards  the  centre, 
where  they  unite,  forming  an  an  arch.  Each  initiate  must  pass  through  this  arch 
before  entering  the  temple.  On  passing  through  each  hangs  his  Butwa  fetish  over 
the  bower  as  it  may  not  be  carried  into  the  temple.  Reaching  the  temple  they  strike 
up  a  song  and  sing  : — 

Song  :  Oh  !   Travellers, 

Oh  !  Travellers, 
This  is  the  music, 
Oh  !  Listen  all. 

Leaving  the  cross-roads  they  sing  another  song,  saying  : — 
Song  :  No  iieed  to  point  out  the  path, 

Butwa  itself  shall  lead  the  way. 

Finally  arriving  at  the  temple  with  all  the  initiates  in  procession,  a  big  man 
(usually  a  head  priest)  chooses  a  little  girl,  saying  to  her  "Kneel  and  take  the 
"  medicine,  oh  initiate."  She  consents,  and  he  lies  with  her  publicly,  whereupon  the 
whole  camp  is  given  over  to  adultery. 

While  this  is  going   on    the    elder  Butwa  priestesses   bring    in    beer  with  cooked 
porridge  and  chickens,  while  a  cryptic  song  is  sung,  which  runs  thus  : — 
Song  :  Hurrah  !  Hurrah  !  Oh  !  Hurrah,  sir, 

We  who  give  the  fetish  horns, 
We  twist  up  your  tongue,  you  are  tied. 
Oh  !  Hurrah  !  Hurrah. 
(Id  est,  You  are  now  subject  to  Butwa  secrets  and  may  not  speak.) 

The  following  day  they  prepare  for  the  final  grand  ceremonies  of  the  Butwa 
festival,  when  everyone  is  dressed  up  fantastically  and  painted  with  stripes  to 
represent  zebras,  while  the  whole  camp  dances  all  night.  The  favourite  bird  of  the 
BaTwa  is  the  crested  crane  whose  antics  and  call  they  imitate  in  their  dances.  At 
dawn  the  following  day  the  chief  priests  and  priestesses  called  "  the  mothers  of  the 
crystal  fetish  "  gather  the  initiates  together  and  compound  for  each  a  fetish  horn. 
Some  receive  two,  some  three  and  even  four.  Another  song  is  struck  up  : — 
Song  :  Be  quick  and  get  on  the  white  paint. 

The  king's  drums  are  sounding, 
The  drums  are  sounding,  sounding. 
Quick  and  put  on  the  white  paint. 

They  then  smear  white  chalk  over  their  bodies,  while  "  the  mothers  of  the 
crystal  fetish  "  instruct  them  saying  :  "  On  no  account  must  you  reveal  the  secrets 
"  to  the  uninitiated.  On  no  account  must  you  speak  of  the  proceedings  and  of  what 
**  you  have  beeen  doing  here."  Then  ';  the  mothers  of  the  Butwa  mysteries  "  bring 
out  articles,  including  pots  of  beer,  calico,  boes,  beads,  and  other  things,  the  temple 
initiation  fees.  Drums  strike  up  boisterously  now,  and  all  join  in  a  wild  war  dance 
while  the  following  song  is  sung,  stooping  as  they  dance  to  pick  up  the  various  things 
lying  all  over  the  ground  : — - 

Song  :  Oh  !  this  is  the  place 

Where  we  pick  up  the  good  things.      (Repeated  again  and  again.) 
When  the  dancing  is  finished  the  ceremonies  end,  and  all  scatter  to  their  villages. 
Note. — The  priesthood  or  council  of  Butwa  officers  is  composed  of  five  or  more 
elders  of  each   sex,  who  wear  special  dress  and  bear  special  names. 

[     79    ] 


No.  38.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Here  are  a  few  of  the  names  of  both  sexes  : — 

BAINANGULU  (or  mothers  of  the  crystal  fetish). 
MEN.  WOMEN. 

Katumpa.  Buyamba. 

Chimundu.  Katempa. 

Luougo.  Ngobola. 

Shinini  (ya  mukulakulu).  Chabo. 

Kasumpa.  Lubuta. 

These  are  looked  up  to  as  the  organisers  and  officers  of  the -cult  meetings,  and 
take  charge  of  the  initiates,  giving  the  "  chibolo "  or  initiatory  drink.  They  each 
have  their  band  of  initiates  from  whom  they  receive  recognised  fees  for  their  services 
at  initiation.  They  also  claim  to  possess  magical  powers,  and  terrorise  the  young 
members  into  obedience  by  threats  of  witchcraft,  which  they  sometimes  put  into 
practice.  Each  Inangnlu  looks  on  his  or  her  band  of  initiates  hereafter  as  his  or 
her  "fetish  children,"  Bana  Ba  Bwanga. 

3.  The  aims  of  Butwa  in  the  individual  are  to   suppress  selfishness  and  promote 
social  life.     Their  chief  attractions  are    dancing,  singing,  concerts,  beer-driuking,  and 
sexual  licence.     Lubendo  or  ability  to  speak   the   secret  language  of  Butwa  is,  I  am 
told,  another  much-coveted  acquisition.     From    the   family  standpoint  Butwa  cements 
members  by  means    of  a  common    tie.     Sometimes    a  recalcitrant    son  or  daughter    is 
found  who  refuses  to  be  initiated.     When  such  happens,  life  is  made  unbearable,  and 
the  stubborn-  child  becomes  the   subject  of  mocking  jests  and  covert  raillery  in  song. 
Socially  Butwa  resembles  a  club  whose  members  are  bound  by  common  rules.     Pro- 
cessions are    the  order    of    each  day  while  services  are   in  progress.     To  draw  water 
at  the  river  or  collect  firewood  in  the  forest  all  go   in  procession,  singing  and  dancing 
as  they  go.     Even  going  to   the   bush  for  necessary   purposes,  all — men,  women,  and 
children — go  in  procession,  and  no  sense  of  shame  is  attached  to  any  necessity,  while 
no  privacy  is   observed  or    allowed.       A   man  may  have   sexual   intercourse  with    his 
mother,  sister,  his    nearest    relation,    even    his    own  daughter.     However,  this   licence 
becomes  null  and  void  outside  the  temple  precincts,  and   immediately  after   the  final 
ceremony  of  "  Subula." 

Politically,  Butwa  is  a  tremendous  force  to  be  reckoned  with.  Its  unity  gives  it 
power,  so  that  headmen  of  villages,  to  safeguard  and  ingratiate  themselves  with  their 
people — if  not  already  members — become  members  on  assuming  chieftainship. 

4.  The  influence  of  Butwa  from  a  purely  native  standpoint  is  beneficial,  with  its 
feasting,  drinking,  and  orgies.     Its  help  in  sickness  or  need,  with   the  prospects  of  a 
respectable    funeral   and  worship  after  death,  is  much  to  be  desired.       On   the    other 
hand,  looking  at  it  from  a  government  point  de  vue,  Butwa  is  decidedly  and  grossly 
immoral,  besides  being  contrary  to  good  citizenship  in  any  form — e.g.,  in  the  year  190l>, 
when  the  Luapula  river  had  been  closed  to  traffic  owing  to  sleeping  sickness  regula- 
tions, certain  snakes  were  said  to  have  appeared   in  some  villages  on  the  river  bank. 
These,  it  was  reported,  were  sent  by  Songa — a  powerful  local  deity — who,  they  said, 
was  very  angry  because  Butwa  ceremonies  and   his  worship    had  fallen  into  neglect. 
He  ordered  them    to    be    revived    at  once,  and    that    all  Batwa    who    had    wished  a 
successful  harvest  must    send  to  him  to    have  their  seed  blessed.      This  order  led  to 
the   wholesale  secret  infringement   of    Government  regulations  by    chiefs    and    people 
alike.     In  some   places  where  they  failed  to  cross    the  river    surreptitiously  they  did 
not  cultivate,  dreading  Songa's  curse,  and  hunger  ensued. 

From  a  Christian  standpoint  the  influence  of  Butwa  is  pernicious.  It  poisoiin 
the  fountains  of  youth,  kills  all  sense  of  shame,  atrophies  even  ordinary  negro  morality 
and  prevents  the  spread  of  civilisation  and  education.  Butwa  is  powerful,  and  a  man 

[     80     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos,  38-39. 

woman,  or  child  presuming  to  change  and  become  a  Christian  exposes  himself  to 
the  dangerous  shafts  of  the  whole  Bntwa  fraternity.  Non-members  are  not  interfered 
with,  but  all  members  are  bound  by  the  sacred  drink  to  stand  by  the  rules  of  the 
society,  and  never — under  penalty  of  death — to  divulge  its  secrets. 

DUGALD  CAMPBELL. 


REVIEWS. 
India  :  Ancient  Hindu  Medicine.  Hoernle. 

The  Bower  Manuscript.  Edited  with  English  Translation  and  Notes  by  OQ 
A.  F.  R.  Hoernle,  C.I.E.,  Ph.D.  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  New  Imp.  00 
Series,  Vol.  XXII.,  Calcutta,  1893-1913.  Imp.  Fo.  Pp.  xcv  +  401,  plates  of 
facsimile  leaves  54. 

This  ancient  Indian  birch-bark  manuscript,  picked  up  in  the  ruins  of  one  of  the 
old  sand-buried  cities  in  the  Turkestan  desert  in  1890  by  Lieutenant  (now  General) 
H.  Bower,  has  a  unique  ethnological  interest.  For  it  was  this  document  which 
supplied  the  clue  to  the  rich  stores  of  historical  treasures  lying  buried  in  those  regions, 
and  led  the  Government  of  India  and  several  European  countries  to  despatch  to 
Central  Asia  missions  for  the  exploration  of  those  sites  of  ancient  civilisation,  result- 
ing in  the  marvellous  discoveries  by  Sir  Aurel  Stein,  Professor  Griinwedel,  Dr.  von 
Lecoq,  M.  Pelliot,  and  others. 

The  historical  importance  of  this  pioneer  manuscript  (or  rather  bundle  of  manu- 
scripts) was  revealed  by  Dr.  Hoernle,  the  well-known  Sanskrit  scholar  of  the  Indian 
Educational  Service,  so  long  ago  as  1891.  He  found  that  its  so-called  "unknown" 
script  was  an  imperfectly  known  form  of  the  Indian  character  which  was  current  in 
Northern  India  about  the  fourth  century  A.D.,  and  by  conclusive  paleographic  evidence, 
by  the  transitional  forms  of  certain  critical  letters  and  otherwise,  he  definitely  fixed 
the  date  of  the  manuscript  (which  bore  no  actual  date)  at  350-375  A.D.,  a  conclusion 
subsequently  confirmed.  It  was  thus  the  earliest  known  Indian  MS.,  by  several 
centuries. 

Its  contents,  however,  presented  what  seemed  insuperable  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  translation.  It  was  obviously  the  pocket-book  of  an  ancient  Buddhist  monk- 
physician,  full  of  technical  medical  terms  and  obsolete  words  and  phrases  in  verse, 
in  an  irregular  form  of  Sanskrit  which  modern  Indian  pandits  could  not  read,  and 
the  inscribed  leaves  were  badly  worn  in  places  and  almost  undecipherable.  Despite 
these  difficulties  and  the  dreary  iteration  of  such  Oriental  treatises,  Dr.  Hoernle  with 
rare  scholarly  zeal  and  devotion  set  himself  to  learn  all  that  had  been  written  about 
Indian  medicine  in  the  extant  texts  and  translations  in  order  to  qualify  himself  for 
the  work  of  translating  adequately  the  MS.  This  was  a  Herculean  task  of  several 
years'  strenuous  toil. 

Now,  at  last,  after  about  twenty  years  of  almost  continuous  labour,  we  have  the 
results  in  a  masterly  monograph  which  is  the  last  word  in  textual  exposition,  whilst 
the  encyclopaedic  notes  and  commentaries,  with  their  precise  bibliographic  references, 
are  a  mine  of  research  in  themselves.  It  extends  in  many  directions  our  scant 
knowledge  of  early  Indian  medicine,  as  found  in  the  works  of  Wise,  U.  C.  Dutt, 
G.  Watt,  and  Jolly  ;  and  it  incorporates  some  recent  results  by  the  learned  Dr.  P. 
Cordier.  It  also  supplies  an  important  new  chapter  in  Indian  paleography  which 
alone  will  make  it  an  indispensable  standard  work  of  reference. 

The  prescriptions  of  Indian  medicine  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.  are  here  seen  to 
display  a  considerable  technical  knowledge  of  the  properties  of  drugs,  with  more 
freedom  from  magical  and  astrological  trammels  than  might  have  been  anticipated  ; 
though  two  of  the  MSS.  are  devoted  to  incantatory  protective  spells  and  divination. 
The  medical  formulas  purport  to  have  been  revealed  by  the  gods  and  certain  mythical 

[  81  ] 


Ko.  39.]  MAN.  [1914. 

sages  to  the  legendary  fathers  of  the  Indian  medical  art,  of  whom,  however,  only 
Susruta  is  historical,  and  he  is  placed  so  lately  as  the  second  century  A.D.  The 
"  science "  of  disease  as  seen  in  the  curative  prescriptions  is  of  the  speculative  fan- 
tastic kind  found  in  the  "humoral"  dogmas  of  Hippocrates,  depending  on  imaginary 
combinations  of  the  "elements"  and  "humours."  Long  categories  of  diseases  are 
mentioned  for  which  the  formulas  are  appropriate.  Reference  is  made,  amongst 
others,  to  "the  five  kinds  of  abdominal  tumours,"  "the  eight  kinds  of  enlargement 
of  the  abdomen,"  "  blood-tumours,"  "  diseases  caused  by  poison,  including  apparently 
what  are  now  called  auto-intoxications,"  "  the  twenty-one  kinds  of  morbid  secretions 
of  urine."  To  the  usual  six  tastes  :  sweet,  sour,  bitter,  acid  or  pungent,  astringent, 
and  saline,  is  added  a  seventh,  namely,  caustic  (ksaraj.  Another  hexade  of  "  tastes,' 
apparently  for  solids,  as  the  qualities  are  rather  those  of  touch,  are  "  heavy,  light, 
"  cold,  hot,  greasy,  and  dry."  Poisons  are  divided  into  "natural  or  "non-manu- 
factured "  (akritrima)  and  "  artificial "  (kritrimci),  and  the  "  natural "  are  subdivided 
into  "animal"  and  "non-animal"  (i.e.,  vegetable  and  mineral) — the  former  comprises 
"  poisons  produced  in  animals  with  poison-fangs  "  and  the  latter  "  poisons  produced 
in  roots."  The  animal  substances  employed  are  various,  and  include  urine,  human 
and  animal — here  it  may  be  noted  that  the  reviewer  has  pointed  out  that  the 
efficacy  of  this  excretion  as  a  medicine  is  probably  owing  to  free  ammonia,  which  is 
early  present  in  the  fluid  as  a  decomposition-product  in  hot  climates.  It  seems 
doubtful  whether  some  of  the  vague  Sanskrit  epithets  for  the  diseases  and  other 
morbid  conditions  are  always  correctly  translated  by  the  modern  equivalents  adopted 
by  the  author,  such  as  "  syncope,"  &c.  "  Cholera,"  for  instance,  is  not  necessarily 
chikam,  for  modern  research  has  failed  to  trace  cholera  with  certainty  beyond  the 
seventeenth  century  A.D. 

The  theories  upon  which  the  treatment  is  based  are  generally  quaint,  though 
some  of  these  may  have  prevailed  in  the  West  in  the  middle  ages.  Thus,  in 
prescribing  for  baldness  we  are  given  the  supposed  reason  why  this  complaint 
affected  men  more  than  women  in  those  days  :  "  The  constitution  of  women  is 
"  generally  phlegmatic,  lying  down  ....  enjoying,  they  discharge  their  vitiated 
"  menstrual  blood.  Hence  their  scalp  becomes  relieved  of  the  heat  of  their  blood 
"  and  bile,  and  thus  they  do  not  lose  their  hair,  and  therefore  women  are  not  bald- 
"  headed.  On  the  contrary,  the  blood  and  bile  of  men  become  vitiated,  hence  losing 
"  the  roots  of  the  hair,  their  head  becomes  bald."  So  for  baldness,  or  grey  hair, 
the  MS.  recommends  the  heroic  remedy  of  frequent  blood-letting  to  remove  the 
vitiated  blood,  with  frequent  washings  of  the  head  to  remove  the  bad  humours, 
followed  by  the  application  of  coloured  oils  mixed  with  pepper  and  the  ubiquitous 
myrobalans.  All  this  friction,  with  the  application  of  the  peppery  oil,  would  no  doubt 
exert  some  stimulating  effect  on  the  scalp  and  so  favour  the  growth  of  hair. 

A  somewhat  whimsical  method  of  treatment  by  arithmetical  progression  is  seen 
in  "  The  Graduated  Treatment  with  Pepper  "  (Pippala  Vardhami),  or  "  The  Thousand 
Long  Peppers."  In  this  the  peppercorns  are  increased  by  regular  increments  of 
ten  each  day,  so  that  on  the  tenth  day  the  patient  will  be  taking  100,  and  the  total 
taken  will  be  550.  On  the  eleventh  day  he  reduces  the  dose  to  ninety,  and  so  on 
daily  by  tens,  and  on  the  twentieth  day  it  is  omitted.  Thus  the  number  taken  in 
the  whole  course,  progressive  and  retrogressive,  is  500  +  450  =  1,000.  Another  form 
increases  the  dose  by  one  pepper  only  each  day  for  100  days,  so  that  on  the  100th 
day  he  will  be  taking  100  peppers  (!),  then  gradually  reducing  by  -one  each  day  till 
finally  omitted  ;  but  this  course  of  treatment  takes  200  days  and  imposes  special  diet 
with  confinement  to  the  house  all  the  time  ! 

The  magical  elements  are  not  very  conspicuous,  although  the  efficacy  of  some  of 
the  chief  drugs,  such  as  the  Myrobalan  and  Varuna,  obviously  rests  less  upon  the 

[  82  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  39. 

therapeutical  activity  of  the  drug  itself  than  on  the  association  of  the  plant  with  a 
deity.  Astrological  conditions  are  specified  in  regard  to  some  formulas  thus  :  Com- 
mence the  treatment  "  when  the  moon  is  in  conjunction  with  any  of  the  asterisms  of 
"  Punarvasu,  Pushya  ^ravana,  &c.,  after  having  fasted,  washed  over  head,  put  on 
"  clean  clothes,  repressed  desires,  worshipped  the  gods  and  Brahmans." 

The  myrobalan  drug  demands  special  notice,  as  it  enters  into  the  great  majority 
of  the  formulas,  and  it  is  esteemed  sacred,  and  figures  in  Hindu  mythology.  "  Pungency 
"  resides  in  its  bark,  sourness  in  its  fibres,  astringency  in  its  pulp,  bitterness  in  its 
"  buds,  but  sweetness  in  its  marrow."  The  name  Myrobalan  is  a  generic  term  used 
by  Europeans  to  denote  the  aromatic  astringent  medicinal  fruits  or  drupes,  called 
by  Indians  "The  three  [divine]  fruits"  (traiphala),  which  are  the  products  of  at 
least  three  different  species  of  trees,  namely,  (1)  Amalaka  (Phyllanthus  emblica)  ; 
(2)  Harltnkl  (Terminalia  chebula\  of  which  seven  different  kinds  are  enumer- 
ated ;  and  (3)  Vibhituka  (Term,  belcrica}.  They  may  be  conveniently  referred  to  as 
"  Emblic  "  (the  European  spelling  of  Amalaka},  "  Chebulic,"  and  "  Beleric  "  myrobalans, 
all  of  which  are  articles  of  European  commerce  for  the  use  of  tanners.  How  it 
obtained  its  sacred  character  is  related  in  a  well-known  legend  which  describes  the 
tree  as  sprung  from  the  drops  of  ambrosia  spilled  on  the  earth  by  God,  and  as  having 
its  virtues  directly  revealed  by  the  supreme  God  himself. 

The  version  in  the  Bower  MS.  states  : — "  To  Brahman  [i.e.,  personified  Vedic 
"  Magic,  which  ultimately  became  deified  as  the  supreme  God  Brahma]  while  sitting 
"  at  his  ease,  the  Asvin  pair  [pre- Vedic  Aryan  beneficent  gods  and  '  physicians  to 
"  the  gods ']  spoke  as  follows  :  '  Whence  has  the  chebulic  myrobalan  sprung  and 
"  how  many  kinds  of  it  are  there  said  to  exist  ?  How  many  primary  tastes  is  it 
"  held  to  have,  and  how  many  secondary  tastes  ?  What  are  its  names  and  colours 
"  and  forms  ?  In  combination  with  what  other  drugs  what  diseases  does  it  cure  ?  ' 
"  Having  heard  the  words  of  the  Ascin  pair,  Brahman  spoke  as  follows  :  ' . 
"  There  fell  a  drop  on  the  earth  when  Sakra  (i.e.,  Indra)  drank  the  ambrosia, 
"  then  that  most  excellent  of  medicinal  plants  chebulic  myrobalan  took  its  origin.' 
"  [Here  follow  descriptions  of  the  various  kinds  with  their  several  tastes  and  other 
"  properties.]  ' .  .  .  Whoever  eats  chebulic  myrobalan  of  the  "  fearlessness 
"  conferring  "  species  (Abhaya}  with  rock  salt  and  ginger  and  alternately  with  these 
"  long  pepper,  no  disease  will  be  able  to  overcome  him.  Or  let  any  man  eat  two 
"  well  mixed  with  an  equal  quantity  of  molasses  every  day,  he  will  then  overcome 
"  every  disease  and  reach  a.  thousand  years  (!)  .  .  .  Long  pepper,  rock  salt, 
"  baberang,  and  chebulic  myrobalan  (Haritaki  or  "the  expelling"  variety)  mixed 
"  with  cow's  urine  and  turmeric  acts  as  a  purgative.  .  .  .  There  does  not  exist 
"  on  earth  the  disease  of  men  which  cannot  be  effectually  overcome  by  chebulic 
"  myrobalan.  That  glorious  drug  sprung  from  ambrosia  should  therefore  be 
"  administered  steadfastly  under  all  circumstances.  Beneficial  to  horses  is  salr, 
"  water  is  recommended  for  elephants,  potential  cautery  for  cows,  chebulic  myrobalan 
"  is  the  very  best  medicine  for  men.'  Thus  spoke  the  Lotus-born  (i.e.,  Brahma)." 
Much  the  same  is  said  in  regard  to  the  properties  of  the  Amalaka  species.  The 
Agvius,  the  divine  physicians,  prescribed  Amalaka  fruits,  plucked  in  the  cold  season 
and  macerated  in  their  own  juice  for  twenty-one  nights,  as  a  tonic  linctus  warranted 
amongst  many  other  things  "  to  make  a  man  live  for  a  hundred  years  in  full 
"  vigour  of  mind.  .  .  .  This  treatment  has  been  appointed  by  God  himself.'1'' 

Garlic  also  is  so  highly  esteemed  that  it  has  likewise  been  invested  with  a 
divine,  or  rather  demoniacal  origin,  for  it  is  related  in  the  MS.  that  this  root  also 
sprang  from  drops  of  ambrosia,  not  however  shed  by  a  god  ;  but  from  those  which 
fell  on  earth  from  the  severed  head  of  the  sun-eclipsing  demon  Rahu,  who  was 
beheaded  by  the  sun-god  Visuu  in  the  act  of  drinking  the  stolen  ambrosia  of  the 

[    83     ] 


Nos.  39-40.]  MAN.  [1914. 

gods.  A  demoniacal  imputation  was  also  attached  to  asafoetida  in  Europe  in  the 
middle  ages. 

A  still  more  ancient  and  important  sacred  tree  is  incidentally  mentioned  in  the 
MS.,  although  now  almost  forgotten  by  modern  Hindus,  namely,  the  Varuna  tree 
(Crataeva  religiosa}  or  "  Sacred  Garlic  Pear."  This  tree  has  lately  been  found  by 
the  undersigned  to  be  of  much  archaic  significance,  not  only  in  Indian,  but  Iranian 
ritual  and  mythology  ;  and  has  a  special  hymn  devoted  to  its  magical  properties  in 
the  Atharva  Veda  (c.  600  B.C.). 

An  admirably  full  index,  extending  over  150  pages,  greatly  facilitates  reference 
to  Dr.  Hoernle's  classic  work,  and  enhances  its  usefulness  to  students  of  comparative 
mythology  and  folk-lore.  L.  A.  WAD  DELL. 


Borneo.  Hose :  McDougall. 

The   Pagan    Tribes   of  Borneo.        By    Charles    Hose,     D.Sc.,    and    William 
McDougall,  F.R.S.     London,  1912  :  Macmillan.     2  vols.      Pp.  xv  +  283  +  374. 

This  long-expected  work,  the  fruit  of  the  many  years,  twenty-four  in  all,  which 
Dr.  Hose  has  spent  as  a  civil  officer  in  Sarawak,  will  be  accorded  a  warm  welcome 
by  all  anthropologists.  In  its  production  Dr.  Hose  has  been  fortunate  in  securing  the 
co-operation  of  Dr.  McDougall,  who  himself  possesses  a  first-hand  knowledge  of  the 
land  and  people  and  whose  scientific  attainments  are  too  well  known  to  require  com- 
ment. In  a  short  notice,  such  as  this,  it  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  contents 
of  the  two  handsome  volumes  which  contain,  in  as  complete  a  form  as  possible,  the 
Anthropology  of  the  pagan  tribes  of  Borneo  ;  and,  indeed,  the  wealth  of  detail  which 
their  pages  enshrine  becomes  forcibly  brought  home  to  the  reviewer  who  sets  himself 
to  give  a  brief  resume  of  the  contents. 

The  authors  divide  the  tribes  with  which  they  deal  into  six  principal  groups, 
as  follows  :  (1)  Kenyah,  (2)  Klemantan,  (3)  Punan,  (4)  Kayan,  (5)  Murut,  (6)  Iban 
(the  so-called  Sea-Dayaks).  The  Kenyah  predominate  in  the  central  highlands  a 
little  north  of  the  centre  of  Borneo  ;  many  tribes  of  the  Klemantan  are  widely 
scattered  throughout  the  island,  with  a  tendency  to  congregate  on  the  lower  reaches 
of  the  rivers  ;  the  Punan  do  not  live  in  villages,  but  in  small  groups,  being  nomadic 
forest-dwellers  ;  the  Kayan  are  distributed  through  central  Borneo,  on  the  middle 
reaches  of  the  principal  rivers,  except  those  draining  northward  ;  the  Murut  are  con- 
fined to  northern  Borneo  ;  and  the  Iban  have  been  spreading  northward,  chiefly  from 
the  region  of  the  Bataug  Lupar. 

The  theory  held  by  the  authors  regarding  the  peopling  of  the  island  by  these 
tribes  majT  be  briefly  stated  as  follows  :  The  earliest  inhabitants  were  the  ancestors 
of  the  Kenyah,  Klemantan,  and  Punan,  of  whom  the  last-named  alone  preserve  the 
original  nomadic  form  of  life.  All  three  were  primitive  "  Indonesian  "  tribes,  defined 
as  a  mixture  between  early  Caucasic  and  southern  Mongolian  stocks,  the  former  pre- 
dominating, and  made  their  way  to  Borneo  at  a  time  when  it  was  still  connected  with 
the  mainland.  These  tribes  were  long  isolated  by  the  separation  of  Borneo  from  the 
continent,  but  eventually  Mongolian  influence  began  to  have  its  effect  upon  them, 
bringing  with  it  the  knowledge  of  iron-working,  house  and  boat  building,  and  agri- 
culture. At  a  still  later  period  the  culture  of  some  of  the  tribes,  especially  the 
Kenyah,  was  considerably  affected  by  the  invasion  of  the  Kayan,  a  people  of  Indonesian 
stock  related  to  the  Karen,  who  arrived  in  southern  Borneo  via  Sumatra  and  the  Malay 
Peninsula  from  the  Irrawadi.  The  Murut,  the  authors  believe,  reached  northern 
Borneo  from  the  Philippines,  where  prevail  the  methods  of  agriculture  which  are 
characteristic  of  this  tribe,  involving  the  use  of  the  buffalo  and  a  knowledge  of  the 
principles  of  irrigation.  The  Iban  are  regarded  as  "  Proto-Malays,"  a  blend  of 

[     84     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  40. 

Indonesian  (or  Mongoloid)  and  Proto-Dravidian  elements,  who  probably  reached  Borneo 
from  Sumatra  less  than  two  centuries  ago.  The  ethnological  scheme  sketched  above 
is  supported  by  numerous  arguments,  drawn  from  physique  and  culture,  which  are 
clearly  and  concisely  put.  Of  course,  when  dealing  with  ethnological  history  which 
reaches  so  far  into  the  past,  an  element  of  speculation  must  necessarily  be  present, 
but  the  authors  do  not  dogmatise  unduly,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  they  have 
made  out  a  very  fair  prima  facie  case  for  the  opinions  which  they  hold. 

For  students  of  primitive  man  the  Punan  are  the  most  interesting  of  the  tribes, 
since  they  stand  on  far  the  lowest  plane  of  culture.  They  still  obtain  all  their 
metal  tools  from  their  more  advanced  neighbours,  even  the  rods,  without  which  the 
manufacture  of  their  wooden  blow-guns  would  be  impossible,  for  they  have  no 
knowledge  of  metal-working.  Unfortunately,  owing  to  their  extreme  shyness,  the 
information  concerning  them  is  very  scanty.  At  the  top  of  the  scale  stand  the 
Kayan,  the  best  artizans,  possessing  a  tribal  solidarity  superior  to  the  rest.  The 
Iban  have  been  subjected  to  Malay  influences,  having  been  employed  by  that 
people  as  crews  in  their  piratical  excursions.  On  these  forays  the  heads  of  the 
victims  were  generally  assigned  to  the  Iban  as  their  share  of  the  plunder,  the 
Malays  annexing  the  objects  of  greater  material  value.  In  this  way  their  taste  for 
head-hunting  has  been  fostered  until  the  Iban  acquired  an  evil  notoriety  in  this 
respect.  As  to  the  origin  of  head-hunting,  the  authors  put  forward  two  theories. 
One  of  these  is  that  it  arose  from  the  practice  of  taking  the  hair  of  the  slain 
enemy  to  decorate  the  victor's  shield  and  parang.  This  is  supported  by  a  native 
tradition,  but  does  not  seem  very  satisfactory,  since  the  use  of  human  hair  for  this 
purpose  is  practically  peculiar  to  the  Kenyah.  Still,  it  is  supported  by  a  native 
tradition,  that  a  celebrated  Kenyah  chief  was  told  by  a  frog  to  take  the  heads  of 
his  fallen  foes  instead  of  their  hair  only.  A  better  explanation  is  that  the  practice 
arose  from  the  former  custom  of  sacrificing  slaves  to  the  dead  ;  it  is  suggested  that 
in  course  of  time  prisoners  were  substituted,  and  later  still  that  the  heads  of  slain 
enemies  were  brought  from  the  field  of  battle  instead.  This  theory  has  much  to 
commend  it  in  that  it  is  supported  by  various  facts,  in  particular  that  a  head  is 
necessary  for  the  ceremony  by  which  the  period  of  mourning  after  the  death  of  a 
chief  is  brought  to  a  close. 

The  question  of  religion  is  treated  at  great  length.  The  beliefs  and  ceremonies 
of  all  the  tribes  run  on  very  similar  lines,  though  the  Iban  are  peculiar  in  believing 
in  the  existence  of  personal  and  individual  helpers,  or  "familiars,"  taken  from  the 
animal  world  and  usually  revealed  in  a  dream.  There  are  indications  that  much  of 
the  worship  is  based  on  the  regard  paid  to  ancestors,  though  certain  high  gods  are 
reverenced,  and  animistic  beliefs  play  an  extremely  important  part.  An  interesting 
belief  is  that  the  souls  of  men  who  die  by  violent  deaths  go  to  a  special  paradise 
in  a  certain  river  valley,  where  they  live  in  prosperity  and  idleness,  having  as  wives 
the  souls  of  women  who  have  died  in  childbirth.  The  association  of  these  two 
classes  of  souls  recalls  the  belief  of  the  ancient  Mexican  that  the  souls  of  warriors 
went  to  the  eastern  paradise  of  the  sun,  while  the  souls  of  women  dying  in  child- 
birth, regarded  as  their  female  counterparts,  lived  in  the  western  paradise  ;  though 
in  this  case  there  was  no  inter-marriage.  The  description  of  divination  by  means  of 
the  sun  is  particularly  complete  and  interesting,  but  is  too  long  to  quote  here. 

The  belief  in  omens  is  so  strong  that  even  in  training  boys  in  the  use  of  weapons, 
methods  of  delivering  a  blow  are  merely  indicated,  and  the  blow  is  never  allowed  to 
go  home  ;  consequently  it  has  been  found  at  present  impossible  to  introduce  any 
system  of  fencing,  even  as  an  amusement. 

While  on  the  subject  of  weapons  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  authors  cite  the 
occurrence  of  bows  as  playthings  among  boys  in  the  mimic  fights  which  celebrate 

[  85  ] 


Ncs,  40-41.]  MAN.  [1914. 

the  return  of  a  successful  war-party.  This  is  the  only  occasion  on  which  these 
weapons  are  used,  though  the  principle  is  employed  in  traps. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  authors  believe  the  matriarchal  practices 
observable  among  the  Borneans  to  be,  not  survivals,  but  of  late  introduction.  They 
hold  that  the  custom  whereby  the  bridegroom  takes  up  his  residence  with  his  wife's 
relations  has  been  adopted  as  a  means  of  avoiding  part  of  the  expense  involved  in 
the  older  form  of  marriage  by  symbolical  capture  and  actual  purchase. 

Besides  the  social  system,  clothing,  ornament  (including  head-deformation  and 
/«/«,  the  latter  being  treated  in  especial  detail),  manufactures,  and  occupations  are 
discussed  at  length  ;  and  the  treatise  concludes  with  an  interesting  chapter  on 
government  by  Europeans,  the  history  of  the  island  having  been  detailed  at  the 
commencement.  The  illustrations  are  furnished  on  the  most  liberal  scale,  there  being 
over  200  plates  from  admirable  photographs,  mostly  taken  by  Dr.  Hose.  There  are, 
further,  several  maps,  appendices,  and  an  excellent  index.  The  volumes  are  well 
printed  on  good  paper,  and  are  not  unduly  heavy,  a  fact  for  which  the  reader  will 
be  grateful.  The  above  is  but  a  slight  indication  of  the  contents  and  nature  of 
the  book,  but  the  ground  which  it  covers  is  so  wide  that  a  review  at  length  is 
out  of  the  question.  It  must  suffice  to  say  that  it  will  inevitably  remain  a  classic. 

T.  A.  J. 


Religion.  Frazer. 

The  Scapegoat.  By.  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.  London:  14 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.  1913.  -8vo.  Pp.  xiv  +  453.  "11 

The  third  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough  draws  near  its  completion.  This  is 
the  sixth  part  and  eighth  volume.  It  corresponds  to  the  first  half  of  the  third 
and  final  volume  of  the  second  edition.  When  all  the  volumes  are  full  of  such 
profound  interest  it  is  difficult  to  choose  between  them,  but  perhaps  this  is  from 
some  points  of  view  the  most  interesting.  The  great  argument  unfolded  through 
the  whole  series  is  manifestly  drawing  to  its  close.  Something  more,  it  is  true, 
remains  to  be  expounded  before  the  various  threads  of  reasoning  are  drawn  together, 
but  the  reader  who  has  not  followed  it  in  earlier  editions  may  now  begin  to  see 
something  of  the  pattern  that  is  intended  to  be  woven. 

The  theme  of  the  volume  is  the  expulsion  of  evils,  whether  directly  or  by 
transference  to  a  scapegoat  that  will  bear  our  sins  and  carry  away  our  sorrows  and 
our  fears.  The  transference  to  inanimate  objects  occupies  comparatively  a  small 
space.  The  theory,  with  all  deference  to  Professor  Frazer's  authority,  hardly  seems 
to  apply  to  every  case  cited.  There  has  probably  been  convergence  of  two  distinct 
rites,  if  not  more. 

In  the  chapter  on  the  Omnipresence  of  Demons  he  has  collected  a  convincing 
array  of  evidence  for  the  practically  universal  belief  in  the  pervasive  presence  and 
malign  influence  of  spiritual  beings.  But  has  he  fully  considered  the  effect  on  his 
theory  of  the  relations  of  magic  and  religion  ?  It  looks  as  though  we  have  here  an 
illustration  of  an  inherent  characteristic  of  the  human  mind  to  personalize  the  objects 
of  the  environment.  If  primitive  thought  thus  inevitably  tended  to  project  upon 
the  universe  the  passions  and  will  man  found  within  his  own  breast,  is  it  probable 
that  "  an  Age  of  Religion  has  everywhere  been  preceded  by  an  Age  of  Magic  ?  "  On 
Professor  Frazer's  theory  the  conception  of  personal  agents  is  "more  complex," 
"  more  abstruse  and  recondite,  and  requires  for  its  apprehension  a  far  higher  degree 
"  of  intelligence  and  reflection,  than  the  view  that  things  succeed  each  other  simply 
"  by  reason  of  their  contiguity  or  resemblance,"  and  the  great  change  from  magic 
— which  is  founded  on  this  latter  conception — to  religion — which  is  founded  on  the 
other — must  have  been  gradual,  proceeding  very  slowly,  and  requiring  long  ages  for 

r  ss  ]  ' 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  41. 

its  perfect  accomplishment.  Yet  even  in  the  lowest  stratum  of  civilisation  now 
discoverable  we  find  magic  inseparably  interwoven  with  religion.  On  the  testimony 
he  quotes,  the  belief  among  the  Australian  natives  in  supernatural  beings  is  ingrained  : 
*'  not  only  are  the  heavens  peopled  with  such,  but  the  whole  face  of  the  country 
"•  swarms  with  them  " — and  this  in  a  land  to  which  Dr.  Frazer  has  pointed  as 
affording  a  special  proof  of  his  theory  of  the  priority  of  magic  to  religion. 

The  question  is  too  large  to  be  canvassed  now.  I  can  only  submit  that  the 
belief  in  personal  agents  everywhere  surrounding,  threatening,  impeding,  and  having 
the  power  if  not  the  will  to  thwart  and  injure  mankind,  and  therefore  necessitating 
other  methods  of  dealing  with  them  than  merely  magical  rites,  which  employed 
and  regarded  no  interference  by  other  wills,  is  as  thoroughly  primitive  and  native 
to  the  human  mind  as  the  assumption  "  that  in  nature  one  event  follows  another 
"  necessarily  and  inevitably  without  the  intervention  of  any  spiritual  or  personal 
"  agency."  Nay,  more  complex,  abstruse  and  recondite  as  it  seems  to  us,  bred  in 
the  atmosphere  of  civilisation,  and  "  in  a  philosophy  which  strips  nature  of  person- 
"  ality  and  reduces  it  to  the  unknown  cause  of  an  orderly  series  of  impressions  on 
'•  our  senses,"  it  is  the  really  "  primitive  "  belief.  And  the  evidence  produced  in 
this  chapter  on  the  Omnipresence  of  Demons  is  a  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the 
contrary  hypothesis  that  it  behoves  the  distinguished  author  to  meet. 

Passing  over  the  intermediate  chapters,  let  us  turn  to  the  final  chapter — that  on 
the  Saturnalia.  It  is  here  that  the  interest  culminates.  The  author  has  devoted  a 
paragraph  to  defending  the  authenticity  of  the  narrative  discovered  by  Professor 
Cuuiont  of  the  martyrdom  of  Dasius,  against  the  objections  of  the  late  Andrew  Lang 
and  others.  His  only  proof  is  that  the  cathedral  of  Ancona  contains  a  white  marble 
sarcophagus  bearing  a  Greek  inscription  in  characters  of  the  age  of  Justinian  : 
"  Here  lies  the  holy  martyr  Dasius  brought  from  Durostorum."  It  is  some  evidence  ; 
whether  satisfactory  is  another  matter.  It  is  some  two  centuries  and  a  half  subse- 
quent to  the  alleged  date  of  the  martyrdom,  and  gives  us  no  facts  beyond  the  bare 
fact  of  the  martyrdom.  I  need  not  point  out  that  in  the  interval  there  was  ample 
time  for  tradition  to  grow.  Still  more  time  was  there  for  the  legend  to  evolve 
before  the  manuscript  of  the  Acts  of  St.  Dasius  was  written  by  an  unknown 
author  in  the  eleventh  century.  Experience  justifies  an  incurable  suspicion  of 
hagiologies  ;  and  the  difficulties  of  the  narrative  ably  set  forth  by  Lang  (Magic  and 
Religion,  112)  are  not  lessened  by  the  discovery  of  the  epitaph  at  Ancona. 

If,  therefore,  we  accept  Dr.  Frazer's  conjecture  that  at  Rome  a  man  used  to  be 
sacrificed  at  the  Saturnalia,  it  is  not  because  of  the  story  of  the  martyrdom  of  Dasius, 
but  in  spite  of  it.  Having  regard  to  the  barbarous  customs  of  ancient  Rome  (and 
of  Greece  for  that  matter),  to  the  traditions  of  the  Golden  Age,  and  to  analogous 
festivals  elsewhere,  there  is  nothing  improbable  in  the  hypothesis  that,  at  least  in 
the  earlier  ages,  a  human  sacrifice  was  offered.  There  is,  indeed,  evidence  that  some 
human  sacrifices  were  offered  at  Rome  down  almost  to  the  end  of  paganism,  though 
both  Tertiilliau  and  Lactantius  are  vague  on  the  subject  where  we  should  have 
expected  them  to  "  rub  it  in."  The  long  and  instructive  section  on  the  King  of  the 
Bean,  and  the  Festival  of  Fools,  which  has  grown  out  of  a  mere  passing  reference 
in  the  previous  edition,  does  not  afford  us  much  help  on  this  point.  It  may  be 
suggested  that  an  analysis  of  the  mumming  plays  performed  at  the  same  time  of 
year,  dealing  as  they  do  with  the  killing  and  resurrection  of  the  principal  actor,  would 
lead  us  to  infer  that,  in  our  own  and  neighbouring  countries,  human  sacrifice  at  one 
time  prevailed  on  these  occasions.  And  if  here,  Avhy  not  at  Rome  also  ? 

The  discussion  on  the  Festival  of  Fools,  however,  helps  to  strengthen  the  con- 
tention that  the  Saturnalia  originally  fell  in  February  or  March,  and  so  would 
correspond  with  the  more  modern  Carnival,  which  would  thus  be  seen  to  be  a  direct 

[  87  ] 


Nos.  41-42.]  MAN.  [1914. 

relic  of  the  earlier  festival.  The  difficulty  in  identifying  the  Babylonian  festivals 
of  the  Sacrea  and  Zakmuk  (namely,  the  difference  in  date)  has  not  been  removed. 
But  considerations  analogous  to  those  applicable  to  the  Saturnalia  may  well  be  held 
to  apply  to  them.  Professor  Frazer  has  quite  properly  taken  the  opportunity  to  argue 
this.  It  is  improbable  that  two  festivals  of  such  similar  and  striking  character  can 
both  have  taken  place  at  Babylon  in  the  same  year.  If  they  were  separate  festivals 
held  by  different  tribes,  political  or  ecclesiastical  reasons  may  in  course  of v ages  have 
resulted  in  their  merger.  The  Jewish  Purim  is  obviously  a  festival  of  the  same  sort. 
The  lateness  of  its  rise  and  the  obscurity  of  its  origin  lend  colour  to  the  suggestion 
that  it  was  directly  derived  from  Babylon.  But  we  know  that  the  Tammuz  Festival, 
or  an  equivalent,  was  celebrated  all  over  the  West  of  Asia  ;  and  the  denunciations 
of  the  Hebrew  prophets  lead  us  to  believe  that  it  was  not  without  its  attractions  for 
the  people  of  Israel.  A  nomad  tribe  of  shepherds  and  herdsmen  would  not  have 
had  such  a  festival.  But  when  they  settled  down  to  agriculture  the  agricultural  rites 
of  the  neighbouring  peoples  would  commence  a  gradual  process  of  infiltration,  which 
in  the  long  run  would  probably  be  irresistible.  May  we  not  conjecture  that  Purim 
was  the  ultimate  compromise  made  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  with  the  heathen 
rite,  and  that  the  legend  of  Mordecai  and  Haman  was  the  salve  by  which  they 
soothed  their  refractory — or  perhaps  willing — consciences  ?  Some  such  hypothesis- 
would  account  for  the  Babylonian  features  of  the  feast,  and  would  be  quite  in  accord 
with  ecclesiastical  policy  elsewhere. 

Dr.  Frazer  has  frankly  recognised  that,  despite  the  curious  analogies  between  the 
story  of  Mordecai  and  the  Passion,  the  suggestion  made  in  the  previous  edition  that 
there  is  a  real  connection  between  them  has  not  been  confirmed  by  subsequent  research.. 
It  remains  a  speculation  and  nothing  more.  He  has  therefore  removed  it  to  an 
appendix  for  further  inquiry,  explicitly  stating,  however,  that  the  "  theory  assumea 
"  the  historical  reality  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth."  I  regret  that  he  has  not  strengthened 
his  repudiation  of  the  calumnies  of  ritual  murder  in  historic  times  brought  against  the 
Jews.  The  bigotry,  not  to  say  savagery,  of  Russian  orthodoxy,  and  of  the  Jew-baiters 
elsewhere  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  demands  a  protest  on  every  relevant  occasion 
from  every  scholar.  There  is  no  enemy  of  civilisation  more  insidious,  more  loathsome,, 
or  less  entitled  to  tenderness,  than  religious  bigotry  and  fanaticism. 

Time  fails  for  even  the  barest  comment  on  other  parts  of  this  fascinating  volume.. 
We  may  not  agree  with  all  Professor  Frazer's  conclusions.  We  may  think  that  here 
the  true  import  of  a  ceremony  has  been  mistaken,  or  there  a  bridge  of  conjecture  will 
not  bear  the  strain  of  the  argument.  These  are  small  deductions  from  the  acknowledged 
value  of  a  work  which  is  founded  on  the  widest  research,  applied  on  the  whole  with 
admirable  judgement,  and  which  by  the  boldness  of  its  inferences,  as  well  as  the  artistic 
quality  of  their  presentation,  has  attracted  to  social  anthropology  and  social  psychology 
such  a  number  of  readers  as  few  others  have  ever  had  the  luck  to  do.  From  this, 
point  of  view,  at  least,  the  stoutest  opponent  of  his  method  will  admit  that  science 
owes  much  to  the  author.  We  who  hold  that  the  last  word  on  the  question  of  method 
has  not  yet  been  said,  reckon  our  indebtedness,  at  a  much  higher  rate. 

E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND, 


Evolution.  Neophilosophos  Tis. 

Der  Mensch  und  Seine  Kulter.     Von  Neophilosophos  Tis.     Konstanz,  1912. 
Pp.  100. 

This  is  a  short  and  somewhat  slight  study  of  an  immensely  vast  subject  :  of  the 
place  occupied  by  man  and  his  culture  in  the  iiniversal  scheme  of  evolution.  The 
book  is  written  on  entirely  "  philosophical "  lines,  and  will  hardly  be  of  any  special 
interest  to  the  anthropologist.  B.  M. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


PLATE  F. 


MAN,  1914. 


Hk. 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  43. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Linguistics.                              With  Plate  F.  Brown. 

A  New  Pacific  Ocean  Script.    By  Professor  J.  Macmillan  Brown.  1  O 

In  Julv,  1913,  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  small  reef  island,  Oleai,  or  Uleai,  or  wQ 
Wolea,  of  one  of  the  most  Avesterly  of  the  Caroline  group.  One  of  the  chiefs 
squatted,  at  the  suggestion  of  Herr  Runge,  the  only  European  on  the  islet,  and 
Avrote  a  sentence  in  the  script  of  the  island.  A  few  Aveek  ago  I  received  from 
Mr.  Run^e  a  full  list  of  the  characters  Avritteu  by  the  chief,  Egilimar.  There  are 
fifty-one,  and  evidently  each  represents  a  syllable,  as  Avill  be  seen  by  the  accom- 
panvino-  copy  of  the  list.  Alongside  he  has  also  written  Runge,  Brun,  and  Egilimar 
in  the  script  ;  and  it  Avill  be  seen  that  tAvo,  if  not  three,  of  those  employed  to  Avrite  the 
last  name  are  not  ^  /\7 

given  in  the  list.      It         '      * 'r^-»      f/c«V   *  *•     V(e*,t 


is  manifestly  a  sylla-  YYr /Ml  */(/<%?      \-AU  f  J^  <3  <' fa 

bary,  as  is  the  Katu-  /  " 


kana    of   Japan,   and           t.                        — 
a  script  that  Avas  in-         /[     **  °~~  B.     - in- 

vented in  Korea  some     ~f       <.Q<}  £±     Ynr*£          f-     1*A  ~P    ^» 

centuries      ago,      but  / 

never    drove   out   the     jT       ci AO.  <L 

Chinese      ideographs.  ,  ..  ^  A         yfg     too  ^£>    ft*»7i   "V 

But      none      of      the      •"         ** 

characters    have    any      O       facXro        "V     ~fo  *£ 

resemblance  to  these. 

Nor  do  they  resemble       jC        /zoo          *£       m  a.  Q) 

in    any    respect    any  t         _  ^, 

of  the   alphabets    we    ^A      />*«'  * 

know,  European,  Le-      ~p  Q     (-£  £ 

vantine,     Arabic,     or  . 

DeA-anagari.          The^       M<*-  O     p°-  9-"af 

only       other       script      /©  .  VI/A  A^"- 

known  in  the  groups      \y/     *^° 

or     islands      of      the     AA/      y^H  §     icXri  T  scA.ro 

Pacific  is  that  of  the  „ 

Easter  Island  tablets.     /V        *£a~         A     P  ^  f 

But     they     are    ideo-        <p        1>OCL  fa     lo  R.     fit. 

graphic  ;      many      of  „      .  ..L  ^^     K(j<{. 

them,      according     to    ^         W<irr         o         -  v^  ( 

the    interpretation    of      c-  *  f_^    v  O. 

them       supplied       to  r     ?    '  (*      a  " 

Bishop     Jaussen,     of  / 

Tahiti,  by  one  of  the     O       ^<>o  K     mo*-  %>     ^^ 

learned    men  of  the  Easter   Islands,  bear  resemblance  to  the  form  of   the  thing  they 

represent,  though  it  is  affirmed  also  that  they  were  but  mnemonic  suggestions  of  the 

beginning    of    a  word    or    line    of    the  hymns  or   lyrics  sung  at  the    annual  festivals. 

They  are  but  one  stage   beyond    the    ideographic    hieroglyphs    on  the  one  hand,  and 

serve  the  same   purpose    as    the    knots    in    the    quipus    of    ancient    Peru   and  of    the 

Pelew  Islands. 

This  Oleai  syllabic  script  is  one  stage  further  on  in  development  toAvards  an 
alphabet.  Most  of  the  characters  are  highly  conventionalised,  but  some  retain 
a  resemblance  to  the  thing  to  which  their  name  or  sound  corresponds.  In  the 

[     89     ] 


No.  43.]  MAN.  [1914. 

second  column,  the  seventh  from  the  bottom,  sshrii  msans  in  the  language  of  the 
islet  "  a  fishbone,"  and  the  character  clearly  represents  a  fishbone  ;  the  next,  pu, 
means  "  fish,"  and  the  character  has  manifestly  originated  in  a  representation  of 
a  fish  ;  the  fifth  from  the  bottom,  Id,  means  "  a  bottle,"  and  evidently  the  character 
retains  something  of  the  form  of  the  cojonut  water-vessel.  In  the  first  column,  the 
sixth,  fifth,  fourth,  third,  and  second  from  the  bottom  have  a  hint  of  what  their 
syllable  indicates  ;  ng'd  meaning  "  bamboo,"  boa  "  ulcer,"  warr  "  canoe,"  raa  "  mast," 
uh  "  sail."  So  in  the  third  column,  the  first,  rd,  means  "  a  saw  "  ;  the  second,  liih, 
*'a  young  coconut";  the  third,  sfhah,  "a  knife."  In  a  few  others  there  might  be 
found  by  stretching  the  imagination  a  hint  of  the  thing  indicated  by  the  syllable. 
But  the  majority  of  the  characters  can  be  connected  by  no  possibility  with  the 
meaning  of  the  sound  indicated. 

The  script  is  now  known  only  to  five  men  on  the  islet  ;  but  it  is  probably 
a  relic  of  a  wide  usage  in  the  archipelago.  There  is  110  possibility  of  any  one  of 
the  five  having  invented  it,  and  if  invented  by  them  since  Europeans  arrived  it 
would  have  taken  the  forms  either  of  the  European  alphabet  or  of  the  things 
bought  or  sold,  of  whose  names  and  numbers  they  wished  to  keep  a  record.  If 
anyone  wishes  to  compare  this  with  such  a  script  invented  for  commercial  purposes, 
he  should  look  up  Furness's  The  Island  of  Stone  Money;  on  page  138  is  given 
a  copy  of  an  account  kept  by  a  native  of  Yap  for  trade  purposes  ;  and  this  native, 
Fatamak,  a  sorcerer,  I  can  personally  testify,  is  a  man  of  keen  intelligence.  A 
comparison  will  bring  out  the  gulf  that  separates  the  two  scripts.  This  Oleai  script 
is  manifestly  the  product  of  long  ages  for  the  use  of  the  organisers  of  a  highly- 
organised  community  of  considerable  size.  In  other  words,  it  must  have  belonged  to 
the  ruling  class  of  an  empire  of  some  extent,  that  needed  constant  record  of  the 
facts  of  intercourse  and  organisation. 

And  in  this  archpelago  there  are  other  signs  of  such  imperial  organisations  in  the 
pre-European  past  as  could  not  well  have  existed  in  the  present  condition  of  the 
specks  of  far-separated  land.  A  thousand  miles  away  to  the  south-east  I  have  just 
visited  the  ruins  on  the  fringing  reef  of  Ponape,  and  I  cannot  see  how  these  ruins 
can  be  explained  without  assuming  within  an  easily  navigable  distance  rich  islands 
that  would  carry  at  least  twenty  times  the  population  that  are  now  found  within  a 
radius  of  a  thousand  miles.  It  is  the  remains  of  an  evidently  well-planned  and  well- 
architected  Venice  within  a  great  breakwater  ;  there  remain  only  the  public  buildings 
with  walls  6  feet  to  15  feet  thick,  built  of  enormous  basalt  columns  brought  from 
twenty  miles  away.  The  timber-built  and  palm-thatched  residences  of  the  people 
have  vanished  centuries  if  not  thousands  of  years  ago,  and  they  must  have  covered 
twenty  times  the  area  of  the  stone  buildings  and  stone  quays  that  remain,  and  these 
latter  are  said  to  cover  eleven  square  miles. 

So  on  the  north-east  coast  of  Yap  there  is  an  obscure  village  called  Gatsepar, 
whose  chief  has  little  or  no  influence  in  the  island,  yet  every  year  canoes  from  the 
islands  away  to  the  east — the  nearest  about  400  miles  distant — come  over  these  often 
tempestuous  seas  with  tribute  to  him.  This  is  difficult  to  explain  without  assuming 
some  greater  island  area  to  the  east  over  which  Gatsepar  and  its  ruler  held  sway. 
The  stone  money  of  Yap,  chiefly  immense  stone  Avheels,  some  many  tons  weight, 
brought  on  rafts  over  400  miles  of  ocean  from  Babel thuap,  in  the  Pelews,  seems 
to  point  to  more  land  in  those  seas  and  an  intercourse  between  the  islands  that 
meant  imperial  organisation.  And  the  story  of  Captain  Wilson  of  the  East  India- 
man  Antelope,  wrecked  on  Orolong  of  the  Pelew  group  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
•eighteenth  century,  reveals  imperial  ambitions  in  the  chief  or  king  of  Korror  ;  by 
the  aid  of  a  few  men  of  the  wrecked  crew  and  their  guns  he  made  himself  king  of 
the  whole  group.  And  the  enormous  buildings  which  are  still  erected  in  the  Pelews 

[  90  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  43-44. 

and  iu  Yap  as  men's  clubs  ssem  to  indicate  an  architectural  art  that  is  not  easily 
developed  without  the  luxury  that  wide  dominion  secures. 

I  have  found  it  difficult  to  explain  the  existence  of  this  script  in  a  tiny  islet, 
whose  population  (600  all  told)  has  a  struggle  to  live  on  a  poor  soil  and  in  presence 
of  the  recurring  havoc  of  cyclones,  without  some  such  assumption,  based  on  other 
indications  in  the  archipelago.  But  perhaps  other  anthropological  observers  may  be 
able  to  suggest  another  and  more  probable  explanation.  I  thought  it  only  right  that 
the  existence  of  such  a  script  should  be  put  on  record  in  the  pages  of  an  anthropological 
journal. 

The  accompanying  photographs  (Plate  F)  give  an  idea  of  the  appearance  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  island.  In  one  of  them  all  or  most  of  the  women  of  the  island 
are  seen  squatting,  waiting  for  Dr.  Kersting,  the  Governor  ;  some  had  fine  Caucasian 
faces  and  hair,  others  were  quite  negroid.  J.  MACMILLAN  BROWN. 


India.  Hodson. 

Female  Infanticide  in  India.     /;//    '/".   ('.  Hodson.  11 

The    topic    of   female   infanticide    is    one    to    which    every    Census    Report       •  • 
draws    attention,  because   the    low  proportion    of   females    to    males    disclosed    by    the 
Census  returns  (954  females  per  mille  males)  is  criticised  by  continental  authorities  as 
invalidating  the  return  to  a   not  inconsiderable  degree.     Our  concern   is  not  with  the 
able   defence  which    Mr.  Gait  has   made    iu    answer    to  his    critics   (vide   Chap.   VI., 
pp.  205  to  222,  Vol.  I.,  "Indian  Census  Report,"   1911)  but  with  the  facts  on  which 
now,    as   in    the    past,   the    evidence   rests,  and    particularly  with  the    statement  that 
female  infanticide  was  practised  by  certain  Naga  tribes  in  Assam,  to  avoid  raids   by 
stronger  neighbours   in   quest  of  wives   (ibid.,  p.  216).     It  is  now  more  than  thirty 
years  since  Risley  published  his  Tribes  and  Castes  of  Bengal,  in  the  introduction  to 
which    he    discussed    with    vigour    many    of    the    problems    which    are    still   with    us, 
among  them   the  problem  of  the  origin   of  exogamy.     He   cited  the  Kandh  case   and 
the  Naga  case  of  female  infanticide  as  proof  that  female  infanticide  was  a  consequence, 
not  as  McLennan    thought,  a  cause,  of   exogamy.     He    said  (p.  Ixv.  sq.)  "  Not   only 
"  would  girls   be  useless  to    the    men    of  the  tribe    as  wives,  but  the    more  of    them 
*'  there  were,  the    more  would  the    tribe  be  preyed  upon    by  neighbours    in  quest  of 
"  wives.     As  a  matter   of  fact  this  was  very  much  the  view  that   the  Kandhs    took 
"  of  this  question.     In   1842  they  told  Major  Macpherson  in   so    many  words  that  it 
"  was  better  to    destroy  girls    in  their  infancy  than  to    allow  them  to    grow  up    and 
"  become    causes    of    strife    afterwards.      I    am    indebted    to    Sir   John    Edgar   for    a 
"  parallel    instance  from    the  Naga    tribe.     It  seems    that    on  a    tour  throughout  the 
"  Naga    country    Colonel    McCulloch,    Political    Agent    for    Manipur,   came    across    a 
*'  village  which   struck   him   as   singularly  destitute   of  female   children.     On    making 
"  enquiries  he  found  that  there  was  not    a    single  girl  in   the    place,  for  the  simple 
"  reason  that  the  people  killed  all  that  were  born  in  order  to    save  themselves  from 
"  the    annoyance    of    being    harried    by   wife-hunting    parties    from    a    stronger    tribe. 
"  Colonel    McCulloch    got    hold    of    the    mothers    and    managed    to    induce    them    to 
"  promise  to   spare  their  girls   in  future,  on  the    understanding    that  their  neighbours 
"  should    stop    raiding    and    adopt    a    more    peaceable    method    of    wooing.      By    a 
"  judicious    mixture    of  threats    and  persuasion  the    other    tribe  was  led    to    agree  to 
"  the    arrangement,  and    many  years    after    when    in    Manipur,  Sir  John   Edgar  was 
"  present    when    a    troup    of    Naga    girls    from    the    weaker    tribe    paid    a    visit    of 
"  ceremony  to  Colonel  McCulloch    bearing  presents    of    cloth   of  their    own  weaving, 
*'  in  token  of  gratitude  to  the  man  who  saved  their  lives." 

There    is    no   mention    of    this    practice    in   McCulloch's    Account   of  the   Hill 

[    91     ] 


Nos.  44-45.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Tribes  of  Munnipore.  In  the  report  for  the  Manipur  Agency  for  1868-9,*  I  find 
the  following  passage,  taken,  it  would  seem,  from  a  manuscript  memorandum  by 
Colonel  McCulloch  himself  :  "  In  the  village  of  Phweelong,  to  which  I  had  to 
"  proceed  on  duty  years  ago,  I  noticed  that  there  were  scarcely  any  female  children 
"  and  only  two  grown-up  girls.  On  enquiring  how  this  was,  I  found  the  want  of 
"  female  children  was  caused  by  a  superstition  which  condemned  to  death  such  as 
"  were  born  in  a  particular  position.  Further,  having  found  that  none  defended  the 
"  practice,  and  that  the  women  generally  Avept  when  spoken  to  about  it,  in  an 
"  assembly  of  the  whole  village  I  proposed  to  them  the  abolition  of  the  practice, 
"  assiiring  them  if  they  gave  it  up  I  would  endeavour  to  protect  them.  They 
"  promised  to  kill  no  more  female  children,  and  last  year  (1867),  with  a  present  of 
"  twenty-six  cloths  made  by  girls  born  since  then,  I  was  informed  that  female 
"  children  are  plentiful."  I  see  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Dr.  Brown  tampered,  or 
could  have  had  any  motive  for  tampering,  with  the  record.  In  the  report  of  the 
Ethnographic  Survey  of  Mysore  (a  capital  work,  but  not  easily  accessible)  I  find 
that  the  Madigas  and  other  castes  believe  that  a  case  of  arm  or  leg  presentation  at 
birth  forebodes  evil  to  the  midwife,  who  is  said  to  strangle  the  child.  Whether 
some  such  superstition  is  the  explanation  of  the  Naga  facts  I  cannot  say,  but  I 
think  that  they  do  not  warrant  the  interpretation  Risley  put  on  them.  A  Naga  is 
or  was  not  scrupulous  about  taking  life,  and  as  Davis,  the  best  authority  on  Naga 
iife,  remarks,  the  women  generally  got  the  worst  of  it  when  raiders  were  about, 
being  unarmed  and  unable  to  run  as  fast  as  the  men.  I  never  heard  of  a  Naga 
raid  to  get  women  for  wives,  but  negative  evidence  is  not  conclusive.  It  may  be 
that  in  some  way  there  is  a  remote  connection  between  this  practice  and  the  Khond 
case,  where,  as  Gait  observes  (loc.  cit.}  :  "  This  tribe  was  influenced  largely  by  the 
"  belief  that  souls  return  to  human  form  in  the  same  family,  but  that  they  do  so 
"  only  if  the  naming  ceremony  on  the  seventh  day  after  birth  has  been  performed. 
"  Infants  dying  before  that  ceremony  do  not  return.  As  Khonds,  like  other  natives 
"  of  India,  ardently  desire  male  offspring,  this  belief  was  a  powerful  inducement 
"  to  the  destruction  of  female  infants,  as  a  means  of  reducing  the  number  of 
"  female  souls  which  might  be  reborn  in  the  family."  I  have  found  the  belief  in 
reincarnation  among  Nagas,  and  am  not  disposed  on  the  data  available  to  think  that 
they  held  women  to  be  generally  capable  of  reincarnation.  This  evidence,  with  other 
facts  relating  to  the  question,  may  be  published  at  a  later  date,  when  I  hope  to 
show  that  belief  in  reiucarnatiou,  whatever  its  origin,  affects  other  social  beliefs 
very  profoundly,  and  is  an  important  motive  in  birth  name-giving  rites,  marriage 
rites,  and  above  all  funeral  rites,  when  its  influence  affects  every  detail  in  a  very 
remarkable  degree.  T.  C.  HODSON. 

India :  Ethnography.  Griffith  :  Haddon. 

Some  Brahmanic  String  Figures.       By  Mr.  C.  L.  T.   Griffith,  of  the     i  C 
Indian  Education  Service,  Madras.  TO 

Since  reading  Cat's  Cradles  from  Many  Lands,  by  Kathleen  Haddon, f  I  have 
tried  to  find  whether  there  are  any  Indian  tricks  with  a  single  loop  of  string.  The 
search  has  been  unsuccessful,  however,  except  for  one  man  in  a  train  who  did 
•'  Opening  A,"  but  then  threw  away  the  string  saying,  "  This  is  the  sort  of  thing 
"  young  females  play  at."  The  scorn  of  young  females'  tricks  and  tiie  reserve  of 
Indian  men  will  make  it  hard  to  find  out  what  the  Indian  string  figures  are,  but  I 
shall  continue  to  enquire. 

I  have,  however,  learnt  three  or  four  figures  done  by  Brahmans  with  their 
sacred  thread,  a  cord  made  of  nine  loops  of  cotton  tied  together  in  sets  of  three 

*  Selections  from  the  records  of  the  Government  of  India,  Foreign  Department,  No.  Ixxviii. 
f  Pub.  Longmans,  Green  and  Co.,  1911. 

[     92    ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  45. 

as  described  below.  These  three  triple  loops  are  worn  next  the  skin,  over  the  left 
shoulder  and  under  the  right  arm.  They  are  worn  continuously  night  and  day,  and 
never  taken  off  even  when  bathiug  (with  oil),  and  soon  get  twisted  and  matted  into 
one  cord.  The  old  cord  is  cut  and  a  new  one  put  on,  with  ceremonies,  on  certain 
occasions. 


NOTE  ox  THE  BRAHMANIC  THREAD,  FROM  INFORMATIOX  SUPPLIED  BY 
MR.  V.  T.  SRINIVASA  AIYAR,  OF  THE  P.W.D.,  MADRAS. 

The  Brahmanic  thread  is  made  by  religious  Brahmans  from  balls  of  "  silk 
cotton,"  plucked  on  auspicious  days  and  spun  by  hand,  using  only  a  small  spindle. 
During  the  making  of  the  thread  care  must  be  taken  that  only  the  hands  touch  the 
thread,  the  spindle  must  not  be  spun  by  rubbing  it  against  the  leg. 

The  complete  thread  is  made  up  of  one,  two,  or  three  individual  loops,  and 
each  loop  is  composed  of  one  piece  of  thread  made  into  a  triple  loop.  The  ends 
of  the  cotton  are  tied  together  and  round  the  three  component  parts,  so  that  the 
knot  will  not  slip.  The  knot  used  shows  the  caste  of  the  wearer. 

In  certain  castes  one  such  thread  (i.e.,  one  knot  and  its  three  attached  loops) 
is  given  to  boys  at  the  age  of  seven  at  their  initiation  ceremony  ;  after  this  ceremony 
in  ancient  days  the  boys  left  home  to  study  with  a  guru  (teacher). 

Two  such  threads  are  worn  after  marriage,  which  in  the  old  days  only  took  place 
when  the  religious  education  with  the  guru  was  completed.  The  investment  with 
the  double  triple  thread  is  an  important  part  of  the  marriage  ceremony. 

.  Usually  only  two  threads  are  worn,  because  nowadays  Brahmans  wear  more 
clothes  (even  coats  and  waistcoats)  but  very  orthodox  people  have  the  three  triple 
threads,  and  in  any  case  three  threads  are  worn  when  there  is  no  upper  cloth  round 
the  body  above  the  waist.  A  Brahman  wearing  only  a  lower  cloth  is  fully  dressed 
if  he  has  on  a  triple  thread. 

If  the  knots  are  examined  it  will  be  seen  that  the  two  ends  stick  out  and  point 
in  one  direction,  called  "  the  face  of  the  knot "  ;  when  the  threads  are  on  the  body 
{over  the  left  shoulder  and  under  the  right  arm)  if  the  knots  are  pulled  round  until 
they  are  opposite  and  below  the  right  breast,  the  face  of  the  knot  must  point  upwards 
to  the  left,  towards  the  heart. 

When  putting  on  a  new  thread  or  threads,  the  knots  are  placed  on  the  palm  of 
the  right  hand,  the  face  of  the  knot  pointing  towards  the  thumb.  The  right  hand 
is  then  elevated  palm  upwards  and  held  high  up,  and  the  left  hand  put  into  the 
depending  loop  palm  down  ;  in  this  position  a  mantra  in  Sanscrit  is  said  to  the 
effect,  "Make  me  worthy  of  wearing  the  thread."  The  loop  is  then  put  over  the  head, 
the  right  arm  inserted,  and  another  mantra  said,  "  Give  me  long  life,  health,  Avealth, 
and  happiness." 

If  worn  out  a  new  thread  may  be  obtained,  and  on  an  auspicious  day  and  hour 
it  may  be  put  on.  A  new  thread  is  also  required  before  performing  the  annual 
ceremonies  for  one's  parents  and  other  senior  relatives,  also  after  any  ceremonial 
pollution  (such  as  shaking  hands  with  a  European).  A  new  thread  is  always  put  on 
on  "  Avani  Avattam,"  the  new  moon  day  in  the  month  of  Avani  (between  August  15 
and  September  15).  This  day  is  the  commencement  of  the  half  year  that  should 
be  devoted  to  religious  reading,  Vedas,  etc.  The  other  half  year  may  be  devoted  to 
general  literature. 

The  length  of  the  thread  should  be  such  that  when  the  wearer  is  sitting  down, 
the  lower  end  does  not  touch  his  thigh. 


In  doing    the  tricks    the  Brahman  tirst   has  to  find    the  knots,  pull  them  to  the 
front,  and  disentangle  and  untwist   the  cord   by  drawing  the   loops  round  and  round, 

[     93     ] 


No,  45.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


Thumb 


To  right  arm-pit. 


using  the  fingers  of  the  left  hand  as  a  comb.  In  the  end  he  gets  what,  for  purposes 
of  manipulation,  are  three  separate  loops  of  string.  To  know  which  cord  is  which, 
I  call  one  the  black,  one  the  dotted,  and  one  the  white.  In  doing  the. figures  it  is 
advisable  to  have  three  loops  of  different  appearance,  each  loop  five  or  five-and-a- 
half  feet  in  perimeter.  These  are  put  over  the  left  shoulder  and  under  the  right  arm. 

A. — Hold  the  left  hand,  palm  facing  you,  fingers  and  thumb  spread,  and  pointing 
upwards. 

Place  the  white  loop  over  the  middle    finger,  so  that    the   radial  (white)    string 
Middle  finger.  goes  over  the    left  shoulder, 

and  the  ulnar  (white)  string 
goes  under  the   right  arm. 

Place  the  black  string 
over  the  left  thumb,  in  front 
of  the  index,  middle,  and 
Little  finger  ring  fingers,  passing  over 
the  white  strings  and  be- 
hind the  little  finger,  so  that 
the  radial  (black)  thumb 
string  goes  to  the  left 
shoulder  and  the  ulnar 
(black)  little  finger  string 

TO  left  shoulder.  "  "" -™         goes  under  the  right  arm. 

Or,    in    more   strict  ter- 
nunology,    place    the     black 

string  on  the  left  hand  in  Position  I.,  distal  to  the  white  loop,  which  is  on  the 
left  middle  finger. 

Place  the  dotted  string  over  the  left  middle  finger  distal  to  the  white  and  black 
strings. 

"  Navaho  "  the  white  string,  keeping  the  dotted  string  near  the  tip  of  the  middle 
finger,  so  that  the  navahoed  end  of  the  white  loop  turns  up  at  right  angles  to  the 
general  plane  of  the  long  white  strings. 

The  figure  is  now  in  three  dimensions,  and  represents  the  "Entrance  to  a  temple" 
(Fig.  1),  with  a  door  about  1  inch  square. 

Pick  up  the  dotted  loop    close    to  the  middle  finger,  lift  it    off   this    finger,  and 
place  it  over  the  thumb   and   little 
finger  of  the  left  hand  in  Position  I.  Thumb. 

"  Navaho  "  the  black  loops  off 
the  thumb  and  little  fingers  and 
arrange  the  figure  by  drawing  to- 
wards you  the  white  palmar  string 
that  runs  across  from  the  ulnar  to 
the  radial  dotted  strings. 

The  figure  now  represents  the 
"  Tank  in  front  of  a  temple,"  with 
steps  down  to  the  water  on  three 
sides  (Fig.  2). 

Pass  the  right  index  finger  under  the  three  (black,  dotted,  and  white)  ulnar  strings, 
under  the  centre  of  the  tranverse  white  string,  and  over  the  centre  of  the  transverse 
black  string,  and  pull  the  black  string  about  2  inches  towards  you. 

The  figure  now  represents  a  "  Sacred  Lingam  stone  of  Sivaite  temple." 

This  stone  is  a  simple  vertical  cylinder  with  a  hemispherical  top,  diameter  about 


Little  finger. 


FlG.   2. — TEMPLE   TANK. 


1914,] 


MAN. 


[No.  45. 


one-fifth  or  one-quarter  of  the  height.      It  stands  on  a  stone  base,  called  the  avadi, 
which  is,  I  think,  represented  by  the  dotted  string  (Fig.  3). 

If  the  left  index  finger  takes  up  from  below  the  left  thumb  loop,  the  left  thumb 
can    then    take    up    from   below  Left  thumb 
the  right  index  finger  loop.     The 
figure  is  then  carried  on  the  left 
hand,  and  by  bending  the  wrist 
downwards    the    figure    appears 
the  right  way  up  to  an  observer 
in  front  of  the  performer. 

B.  —  This  figure  is  done  with 
the  whole  Brahmanic  cord  as 
one,  and  is  therefore  described 
as  if  done  with  one  string  placed 
over  the  left  shoulder  and  under 
the  right  arm. 

Put  the  loop  over  the  left 
index  finger,  which  is  pointing  [7™ 

upward,  the  palm  of  the  hand  towards  you. 


FlG"  3'-THE  LINGAM  STOKE' 
*°ure  should  *e  looked  at  tfie  other  way  "^ 

With  the    riht  hand    take  the    ulnar 


string  and  wind  it  once  round  the  left  index  finger,  clockwise. 

Pass  the    right    index  finger  over    the  ulnar  (arm-pit)  string  and  down    into  the 
short  palmar  string,  crossing  the  left    index  finger,  and   pull  this  loop  forward  about 

3  inches. 
Left  index  /f"~~"===::===as—  —  ^_        ^-^Z^^^  Right  index 


Bend  down  the  left 
index  finger  so  as  to  catch 
its  short  radial  string  only 
(not  the  long  radial  string 
to  the  right  shoulder)  and 
draw  the  two  hands  apart ; 
the  right  index  finger  taking 
FIG  4  '  its  loop  (the  original  left 

index  palmar    string)   to  the 

right,  passing  over  the  arm-pit  string,  the  palm  being  turned  downwards,  while  the 
left  index  finger  goes  to  the  left  under  the  original  shoulder  string  (left  index  proximal 
radial  string)  which  slips  off  the  left  index  finger.  The  shoulder  and  arm-pit  strings 
should  now  meet  at  a  knot  in  the  middle  between  the  two  index  finger  loops.  Draw 
these  two  loops  out  to  a 
length  of  about  3  inches 
each,  wriggling  the  knot  if 
necessary  (Fig.  4). 

Put  the  right  index  finger 
loop  over  the  middle  finger 
of  the  left  hand,  keeping 
the  index  and  middle  fingers 
together,  so  that  the  ulnar  in- 
dex and  radial  middle  finger 
strings  lie  close  together.* 

This  figure  represents   the  '*  Caste  mark  of    a  Vaishnavite,"    as    painted    on    the 
forehead,  our  "  Broad  arrow  "  inverted,  but  not  quite  so  broad  (Fig.  5). 

*  My  informant  told  me  to  put  the  loops  as  stated.  I  think  it  would  make  a  better  repre- 
sentation if  one  loop  was  put  on  the  index  finger  and  one  on  the  ring  finger,  but  he  would  not 
allow  that. 

L    95     ] 


Index  finger 


Middle  finger. 


Usually 
painted  thus. 


FlG.  5. — THE  CASTE   MARK  OP  A  VAISHNAVITE. 


No.  45.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


middle  finger. 


For  the  purpose  of  the  next  figure  I  call  the  above  the  V-opening. 

C. — My  instructor  would  not  tell  me  the  name  of  this  figure,  but  I  think  it 
represents  a  yoni,  another  "  sacred  "  Hindoo  emblem.  Three  strings  are  used. 

Make    the    "  V "    opening    with    any    two    strings,    say    the    black    and    dotted, 
making    the    "  caste    mark  "    rather     large. 
Place     the     third     string    (the     white)     in  Right  index 
"  Position  I."  distal  to  the  "  caste  mark." 

Pass  the  right  hand  below  the  three 
armpit  strings  and  insert  the  right  index 
and  middle  fingers  from  below  into  the 
index  and  middle  finger  loops  of  the  left 
hand,  and  over  the  white  string  crossing 
these  loops.  Draw  the  white  string  down 
through  the  loops  with  the  two  fingers  and 
withdraw  the  left  hand  entirely.  Push  the 
right  hand  away  so  as  to  extend  the  figure,  the 
palm  of  the  right  hand  being  away  from  you 
and  the  fingers  pointing  upwards.  (Fig.  6.) 

D. — The  last  figure    represents  "  Fields  FIG.  6. 

and  irrigation  channels."     Three  strings  are  used. 

Hold  the  left  hand  as  usual  with  the  palm  facing  you  and  the  fingers  pointing 
upwards. 

Put  one  loop,  say  the  dotted  one,  over  the  index  finger.  ' 

Put  another  loop,  say  the  black  one,  over  the  middle  finger    so    that    the  radial 

Ring  finger.   m}dd[e     fin^er     Stri"g     (black)      ™ 
distal    to    the    ulnar    index  finger 

string  (dotted). 

Similarly  place  the  third 
string  (white)  over  the  ring 
finger. 

Pass  the  right  thumb  and 
index  finger  under  the  ulnar  white 
ring  finger  string  and  catch  hold 
of  the  ulnar  black  middle  finger 
string  about  4  inches  away  from 
the  rest  of  the  finger  ;  with  the 
tips  of  the  thumb  and  index 
finger  pull  the  black  string  to 
the  right  and  then  upwards,  then, 
supporting  the  black  string  on  the 
back  of  the  right  index  finger, 
push  the  right  thumb  and  index 
finger  under  it  to  the  left  over 
the  white  ulnar  string  and  pick 
up  with  the  tips  of  the  right 

FlG.   7. — FIELDS  AND  IRRIGATION  CHANNELS  (FIRST  r   _ 

STAGE)  thumb  and  index  nnger  the  ulnar 

left  index  finger  (dotted)  string. 

In  the  same  way  pull  this  dotted  string  to  the  right,  lift  it  up,  support  it  on 
the  back  of  the  right  index  finger,  and  passing  the  right  thumb  and  index  under  it 
and  over  the  white  and  black  ulnar  strings,  pick  up  the  white  radial  ring  finger 
string. 

[     96     ] 


\  Middle  finger. 


Index  finger 


Thumb. 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  45-46. 

Continue  this  as  before,  picking  up  in  turn  the  black  radial  middle  finger  string 
and  the  dotted  radial  index  finger  string,  which  you  finally  hook  over  the  thumb. 

This  makes  five  plucking  motions  in  all,  and  gives  the  figure  shown  in  Fig.  7. 

Repeat  the  above  process,  picking  up  first  the  black  ulnar  string  at  A  in 
Fig.  7,  and  after  four  plucking  motions,  hook  the  black  radial  string  on  the  thumb. 

Repeat  again,  picking  up  the  black  radial  string,  and  finally  hook  the  white 
radial  string  on  the  thumb,  which  gives  the  final  figure,  which  is  too  complicated 
t )  draw.  C.  L.  T.  GRIFFITH. 

NOTE. 

This  account  of  some  figures  made  by  Brahmans  with  their  sacred  thread  was 
sent  to  me  by  Mr.  Griffith,  and  in  writing  it  out  I  have  ventured  to  recast  it  slightly  ; 
the  figures  are  copied  from  his  drawings. 

It  is  extremely  interesting  to  get  string  figures  from  India,  as  hitherto  only  two 
tricks  and  one  figure  of  any  wide  distribution  have  been  recorded  from  there.  These 
Brahman  figures  are  not  at  all  complicated  and  may  represent  an  initial  stage  in  the 
evolution  of  cat's  cradles,  having  been  evolved  simply  by  the  wearer's  habit  of 
fingering  and  twisting  his  threads,  and  not,  1  should  imagine,  by  any  conscious  desire 
to  produce  a  representation  of  some  object.  In  this  respect  they  contrast  with  most 
of  the  other  native  cat's  cradles,  for  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  extremely  com- 
plicated figures  done,  for  instance,  by  the  Eskimo  could  be  fortuitous.  Tbe  use  of 
more  than  one  loop  of  string  is  unusual  ;  in  some  of  the  figures  from  the  Caroline 
Islands  two  players,  each  with  a  loop  of  string,  co-operate  to  form  one  figure,  but 
apart  from  this  I  know  of  no  other  example.  In  this  case  of  the  triple  sacred 
thread  the  reason  is,  of  course,  obvious,  each  movement  producing  a  far  greater 
effect. 

Mr.  Griffith  adds  that  he  has  come  across  a  very  religions  Brahman  who  does 
rot  quite  approve  of  these  figures  being  made  ;  it  is  using  a  sacred  emblem  for 
profane  purposes.  On'e  proper  use  of  the  thread,  however,  is  to  make  knots  or  loops 
with  it  on  the  fingers  when  repeating  Vedas,  so  as  to  keep  count. 

KATHLEEN  H ADDON. 


Religion.  Hocart. 

Man  a.     By  A.  M.  Hocart.  ig 

The  last  edition  of  the  Notes  and  Queries  of  the  British  Association  ill 
has,  on  p.  250,  the  following  account  of  mana :  "Many  uncivilised  peoples  (so,  at 
"  least,  it  appears)  attribute  personality  not  only  to  human  beings  and  to  animals, 
*'  but  to  all  those  natural  phenomena  which  attract  attention  and  make  a  distinct 
"  impression  on  the  mind  ;  and  these  ideas  result  in  practices  which  must  be  classed 
"  as  religious  .  .  .  The  observations  on  primitive  ideas  of  personality  led  to 
"  the  recognition  of  a  whole  class  of  words  actually  to  be  found  in  the  languages 
"  of  the  uncivilised,  denoting  those  impressive,  mysterious,  effective,  or  '  sacred ' 
"  qualities,  in  virtue  of  which  men,  animals,  and  things  attract  attention,  evoke  awe 
"  and  wonder,  and  influence  their  surroundings.  Of  these  the  Polynesian-Melanesian 
"  word  mana  has  become  almost  a  technical  term  for  European  anthropology." 

Such  is  the  official  definition,  if  one  may  say  so,  of  mana.  Let  us  consider 
the  definitions  given  by  Melanesians  and  Polynesians. 

Neither  group  of  languages  distinguishes  adjectives,  verbs,  or  nouns ;  a  word 
which  belongs  to  any  of  these  three  classes  also  belongs  to  the  others.  They  will 
say  "a  mana  charm,"  or  "the  charm  mana'*,,''''  or  "the  mana  of  the  charm." 

Let  us  begin  with  Eddystone  Island  (commonly  called  Simbo),  in  the  Solomon 
Islands.  The  definition  given  in  "Pidjin"  to  Dr.  Rivers  and  myself  is  "you  speak 
true."  It  is  applied  only  to  ghosts  and  spirits  (tomate),  and  to  old  men  who 

[  97  ] 


No.  46.]  MAN.  [1914. 

possess  shrines  dedicated  to  ghosts  and  spirits.  For  ordinary  men  the  word  is 
sosoto  ("  true,"  "  right ").  The  opposite  'of  both  mana  and  sosoto  is  koha  ("  to  lie," 
"  to  be  wrong  "). 

The  meaning  of  the  word  was  further  illustrated  by  a  concrete  case.  There 
was  a  very  old  man  called  Rinambesi  who  was  said  to  be  mana.  "  Rinambesi," 
explained  one,  "  is  like  a  ghost  (tomate),  if  he  says,  '  Go,  you  will  catch  plenty  of 
"  fish,'  and  the  man  is  successful,  Rinambesi  mana.  Before  going  out  the  man  will 
"  say,  '  You  mana.'1  If  he  is  unsuccessful  he  says,  '  Rinambesi  lied  (or  was 
"  wrong).' "  Note  that  the  point  of  comparison  is  a  ghost,  as  if  a  ghost  were  a 
typical  example  of  mana. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  these  natives  have  no  word  restricted,  like  our  "  lie," 
to  deliberate  falsehood.  Sosoto  means  "to  be  right,"  as  well  as  speak  the  truth,  and 
a  man  is  said  to  koha  if  he  is  merely  mistaken.  In  speaking  "  Pidjin  "  they  use  lie 
and  true  in  the  same  wide  sense. 

The  above  definitions  are  supplemented  by  the  use  of  the  word  in  prayers,  of 
which  we  collected  a  great  many.  They  always  contain  the  verb  mana  in  the  impera- 
tive. They  would  say,  for  instance,  "  I  am  treating  this  man,  ye  ghosts,  you  mana, 
"  let  him  live,  let  him  recover."  The  word  may  be  translated,  "  put  forth  your 
power "  or  "  be  effective  "  ;  it  may  equally  well  be  translated,  "  answer  our  prayer, 
'*  grant  us  our  request."  With  the  suffix  -ni,  mana  becomes  an  active  verb,  and 
takes  as  its  object  the  thing  prayed  for.  Thus  manani  kami  iso  may  be  translated 
"  obtain  by  your  power  a  bonito,"  or  "  grant  us  a  bonito." 

Exactly  the  same  definition  is  given  by  Fijians,  who  likewise  do  not  distinguish 
"  true  "  and  "  right."  Says  one  informant  :  "  If  it  is  true  (ndina},  it  is  mana  ;  if  it 
"  is  not  true,  it  is  not  mana."  In  fact,  the  words  are  almost  interchangeable,  and 
natives  will  speak  of  a  sacred  stone  as  mana  or  as  ndina  ("  true "),  or,  if  it  is 
uncertain  in  action,  they  will  make  it  ndinandina  ("  rather  true  ").*  In  winding  up 
a  prayer  the  words  mana  and  ndina  are  always  coupled  ;  "  mana,  e  i  ndina  "  ("  let 
"  it  mana,  let  it  be  true "),  is  the  Fijian  "  Amen."t 

"  A  thing  is  mana  if  it  operates  ;  it  is  not  mana  if  it  does  not,"  says  one 
authority.  A  Fijian  cure,  which  is  mana  for  one  complaint,  may  not  be  mana  for 
another,  although  the  symptoms  may  be  so  indistinguishable  that  the  leeches  them- 
selves may  not  be  able  to  tell  which  variety  it  is,  until  they  have  tried  various  cures 
and  watched  the  effect. 

In  Fiji  the  word  mana  is  only  applied  to  ghosts  and  spirits  (kaloii),  to  chiefs 
(who  are  representatives  or  incarnations  of  ghosts,J  and  whose  curses  come  true),  and 
to  medicines.  As  for  the  last,  some  are  still  made  effective  through  spirits,  and  the 
rest  were  probably  so  originally  ;  anyhow,  the  mana  is  not  merely  in  the  leaves,  but 
always  depends  upon  personality  ;  the  leaves  are  not  mana  in  the  hands  of  any  man. 

*  When  the  missionary  speaks  of  God  as  ndina,  he  means  that  all  other  gods  are  non-existent. 
The  native  understands  that  He  is  the  only  effective,  reliable  god ;  the  others  may  be  effective  at 
times,  but  are  not  to  be  depended  upon.  This  is  but  one  example  how  the  teacher  may  mean  one 
thing  and  his  pupil  understand  another.  Generally  the  two  parties  continue  blissfully  ignorant  of 
the  misunderstanding.  There  is  no  remedy  for  it,  except  in  the  missionary  acquiring  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  native  customs  and  beliefs. 

•f  Professor  A.  Kugener,  of  Brussels  University,  has  kindly  supplied  to  me  the  following  information 
about  the  word  Amen  :  "  I.e  mot  hebreu  Amen  signifie  '  vraiment,  certainement,  qu'il  eii  soit  ainsi  1 ' 
"  La  racine  de  ce  mot  a  les  sens  suivants  :  1°  etre  feme,  d'ou  '  etre  sur,  certain,  vrai ' — et  '  etre 
"  'assidu,  constant,  perseverant.'  2°  (sens  derive)  considerer  comme  sur,  certain  d'oii  '  croire,  avoir 
•'  confiance. '  Les  substantifs  ont  le  sens  de '  fermete',  fidelite",  se'curite',  ve"rite,  sincerite,  foi '  et 
"  '  Constance,  perseverance.'  En  syriaque  on  trouve  en  outre  pour  cette  racine  le  sens  de  '  fa^onner 
"  avec  art,  artisan,  artiste,  habilite,  artifice.'  "  I  draw  attention  to  the  last  meaning.  There  is  a 
close  analogy  therefore  between  amen  and  mana, 

I  See  a  coming  paper  on  "  The  Theory  of  Chieftainship  in  Western  Polynesia." 

[     98    J 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  46. 

I  have  known  the  word  to  be  used  in  connection  with  a  wraithe.  One  of  my 
windows  was  once  found  broken  ;  my  servant  thought  it  was  mana ;  it  portended 
the  death  of  someone  ;  perhaps  the  soul  of  a  living  person  had  done  it.  (When 
a  man  is  about  to  die  his  wraithe  is  apt  to  wander  about.) 

So  rooted  is  the  tendency  to  look  for  a  spirit  behind  mana  that  natives  who 
want  to  be  orthodox  Christians,  and  yet  believe  in  the  mana  of  a  thing,  ascribe  that 
mana  1o  God.  Speaking  of  a  stone  by  which  men  could  cause  heavy  breakers, 
a  Pillar  of  the  Church  observed  :  "  God  is  doubtless  its  spirit  in  that  He  made  it 
mana  so."* 

I  do  not  remember  having  ever  heard  the  word  applied  to  "  natural  phenomena 
"  which  attract  attention."  Hurricanes  are  a  yearly  topic  of  conversation  from 
November  till  April,  but  I  have  never  noticed  the  least  suggestion  of  a  native  theory 
about  them  or  the  slightest  tinge  of  religious  awe.  Medicine  arid  sacred  stones,  mana 
though  they  be,  do  not  evoke  awe  in  a  Fijian. 

Wallis  Island  (alias  Uvea)  is  a  Tongan  colony.  They  are  all  Roman  Catholics 
and  have  almost  entirely  forgotten  heathendom,  or  else  do  not  like  to  talk  about  it. 
But  they  still  use  the  word  mana,  and  it  is  interesting  to  see  how  they  use  it  now. 
Sosefo,  aged  about  19,  gave  in  his  own  language  the  following  illustration  :  "  If 
"  you  go  to  the  Father  and  ask  him  to  pray  that  I  shall  die,  and  the  Father  con- 
"  sents,  he  holds  a  mass  that  I  may  die  ;  suddenly  I  die,  and  the  people  say,  '  The 
"  '  Father's  mass  is  mana  since  a  boy  has  died.'  "f 

The  same  informant  explained  the  expression,  "  the  medicine  is  mana,''''  as 
meaning  "  it  is  effective  "  or  "  useful  "  (aongd).  He  paraphrased  mana  by  lave, 
which  means  "  to  strike,"  "  to  hit  the  mark." 

In  Tonga  I  got  a  definition  in  English  from  an  intelligent  Tongan  who  was 
educated  in  Sydney.  "  Mana  means  if  a  man  puts  medicine  it  takes  effect  at  all  " 
(sic^).  Another  Tongan  explained  it  in  Tongan  thus,  "  If  I  am  angry  with  my 
"  relations  and  say  I  Xvish  them  to  die  and  they  die,  it  is  mana." 

Pratt,  in  his  Samoan  dictionary,  defines  mana  as  supernatural  power,  and  gives 
the  example,  "  He  came  with  the  mana  of  Tui  Manu'a."  Tui  Manu'a  was  the  most 
sacred  chief  in  Samoa.  It  is  significant  that  the  example  chosen  should  refer  to 
person,  and  that  there  is  no  mention  of  natural  phenomena. 

In  Rotuma  the  word  occurs  in  the  expression,  ait  mana  e  la  ne  langi  ("  the 
"  mana  spirits  at  the  horizon ").  They  were  invoked  in  curses. 

If  we  look  up  mana  in  Tregear's  Comparative  Maori  Dictionary  we  find  the 
following  Maori  meanings  :  "  Authority,  having  authority,  influence,  prestige,  super- 
"  natural  power,  divine  authority,  effectual,  effective."  Of  the  three  examples  given 
all  refer  to  persons  or  "  gods."  The  second  is  to  the  effect  that  "  the  prayer  invokes 
"  the  mana  of  Tu."  (Me  te  karakia  inoi  ki  te  mana  o  Tu.)  Tu  is  described  as  a 
war-god.  The  third  example  (which  illustrates  the  meaning  "  effectual ")  runs  : 
"  His  words  are  mana  words."  (He  kupu  mana  tana  kupu.) 

If  the  reader  goes  through  the  comparative  list  that  follow  the  Maori  he  will 
find  everywhere  the  idea  of  power,  influence.  I  will  single  out  the  following  : — 

Hawai'i — Supernatural  power  such  as  was  supposed  to  be  the  attribute  of  the  gods. 

Mangareva — Divination. 

Malagasy — To  predict,  prophecy. 

*  See  "  Pierres  inagiques  au  Lau,  Fiji  " — Anthropos,  1911,  Vol.  VI..*  pp.  726  ff. 

f  The  Fathers  are  not  to  be  held  responsible  for  this  heterodox  view  of  the  mass.  It  is  merely 
another  instance  how  missionaries  ar.d  natives  may  think  at  cross-purposes  without  ever  finding  it 
out.  The  case  is  all  the  more  striking  as  there  are  no  more  devoted  missionaries  or  more  intimately 
acquainted  with  their  flock  and  all  their  affairs  than  the  Marist  Fathers.  At  the  same  time  it  gives 
us  an  insight  into  some  of  the  true  causes  of  missionary  success,  and  the  sooner  our  illusions  on 
the  subject  are  dispelled  the  sooner  will  real  solid  work  begin. 

C    99    ] 


No.  46.]  MAN.  [1914. 

The  "official"  account  of  mana  is  mainly  based  on  Codrington.  Let  us  see 
what  this  most  valuable  authority  has  to  say  : — 

Florida  (p.  52)  :  "  The  origin  of  the  power  of  the  chiefs  (vunagi)  lies  entirely 
*'  in  the  belief  that  they  have  communication  with  powerful  ghosts  (tindalo),  and 
"  have  the  mana  whereby  they  are  able  to  bring  the  power  of  the  tindalo  to  bear."* 

Walurigi,  Northern  New  Hebrides  (p.  57).  The  reader  will  find  an  account 
how,  when  the  chief  Mairuru  died,  a  man  claimed  that  he  went  to  the  place  where 
Mairuru  used  to  hold  intercourse  with  the  tvui  or  spirits,  and  that  Mairuru  himself 
appeared  and  gave  him  the  mana,  the  magic  chant,  to  produce  pigs. 

Mana  is  used  in  connection  with  prophecy  (p.  209,  /".). 

To  quote  all  Dr.  Codrington'fl  instances  were  too  long.  I  refer  the  reader  to 
his  index.  He  will  find  that  the  other  instances  are  either  neutral  or  confirm  the 
meanings  we  have  found  elsewhere.  Mana  in  the  New  Hebrides  appears  never  to 
be  spontaneous,  but  always  to  respond  to  some  prayer  or  charm. 

As  for  Dr.  Codrington's  inferences,  they  are  somewhat  inconsistent,  because  he 
is  too  much  under  the  influence  of  the  dominating  school  to  fit  his  theories  to  his 
facts,  and  too  honest  to  fit  his  facts  to  his  theories.  He  tells  us  (p.  119)  that 
"  this  power  (mana),  though  impersonal,  is  always  connected  with  some  person 
"  who  directs  it,  all  spirits  have  it,  ghosts  generally,  some  men.  If  a  stone  is 
"  found  to  have  supernatural  power,  it  is  because  a  spirit  has  associated  itself  with 
"  it  .  .  ."  How  can  it  be  impersonal  if  it  is  always  connected  with  personal 
beings  ?  Would  it  not  be  just  as  reasonable  to  say,  "  Talent,  though  itself  impersonal, 
"  is  always  connected  with  some  person  who  directs  it.  If  a  book  exhibits  talent, 
**  it  is  because  a  man  has  written  it  .  .  . "  ?  The  natives  certainly  never  told 
Dr.  Codrington  that  it  is  impersonal,  because  they  certainly  could  never  express 
such  an  idea,  unless  they  are  vastly  superior  in  powers  of  abstract  thinking  to  the 
semi-civilised  Polynesians.  And  if  they  are,  are  they  primitive  ? 

It  will  be  noticed  that  mana  is  almost  invariably  manifested  in  answer  to  a 
prayer  or  curse,  and  that  informants  almost  invariably  select  prayers  and  curses 
which  are  realised  in  order  to  illustrate  the  meaning  of  mana.  The  fundamental 
meaning  appears  to  be  "  to  come  true,"  and  we  might  almost  define  mana  a  "  response 
*'  of  spirits  to  prayer."  Fijian  and  Polynesian  medicine,  however,  stand  in  our  way  ; 
there  is  no  conclusive  evidence  that  they  were  originally  accompanied  by  prayers. 
They  can  easily  be  conciliated,  however,  by  adding  to  our  definition  "  and  charms." 
And,  perhaps,  to  eliminate  all  element  of  assumption  we  might  keep  it  a  bit  loose  by 
saying  that  it  is  "  the  response  (generally,  if  not  always,  of  spirits)  to  prayers  and 
charms."  As  a  permanent  attribute  of  ghost,  spirits,  and  persons,  it  is  the  power  so 
to  respond. 

So  far  from  being  praeanimistic,  the  word  is  out  and  out  spiritualistic ;  it  is 
almost,  if  not  entirely,  confined  to  the  action  of  ghosts  and  spirits,  who,  whatever 
their  origin,  now  go  under  the  same  name  as  the  ghosts  :  tomate  in  Mandegusu, 
kalou  in  Fiji,  ''atua  in  Uvea,f  aitn  in  Samoa.  It  would  seem  that  the  word  is  simply 
a  technical  term  belonging  to  a  spiritualistic  doctrine  which  -it  is  the  task  of  Ethnology 
to  reconstruct,  and  that  it  has  been  carried  all  over  the  Pacific  as  part  of  that  doctrine 
by  a  people  whom  we  have  to  identify.^ 

The  wide  diffusion  of  the  word  mana  is  sufficient  refutation  of  the  prevailing 
views.  It  is  hardly  likely  that  we  should  find  primitive  thought  underneath  a  word 
that  is  spread  over  the  vast  Pacific  Ocean,  and  across  the  Indian  Ocean,  is  found 

*  Yet  on  p.  191  he  tells  us  "no  man,  however,  has  this  power  of   his  own,  all  that  he  does  is 
"  done  by  the  aid  of  personal  spirits."     This  is  not  quite  consistent, 
t  Wallis  Island. 

J  Probably  the  diffusers  of  sacred  chieftainship  as  found  in  Western  Polynesia. 

[     100    J 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  46-47. 

where  centuries  ago  men  were  able  to  rear  the  megalithic  structures  of  Tonga  and 
Ponape,  aud  is  used  by  a  people  who  were  by  no  means  uncivilised  when  first  discovered, 
and  must  have  been  even  less  so  in  the  distant  past.  A.  M.  HOCART. 


REVIEW. 
Africa,  East.  Stigrand. 

The  Land  of  Zinj :  Being  an  Account  of  British  East  Africa,  its  Ancient 
History  and  Present  Inhabitants.  By  Captain  C.  H.  Stigand.  London  : 
Constable  &  Co.  Pp.  351.  Thirty-two  illustrations  and  map. 

Captain  Stigand's  long  experience  and  linguistic  accomplishments  qualify  him 
to  speak  with  authority  on  any  matter  relating  to  East  Africa,  but,  unfortunately, 
the  effect  of  the  volume  before  us  is  somewhat  scrappy  and  disappointing.  It  is 
a  great  pity,  too,  that  the  only  map  which  seems  to  have  been  available  is  one 
published  a  good  many  years  ago,  avowedly  only  provisional,  and  containing  some 
serious  inaccuracies,  e.g.,  placing  "  Fazi  "  (=  Faza  or  Ghasin)  on  a  separate  island 
called  "  Fazi,"  Avhereas  it  is  really  in  the  island  of  Siyu  (or  Pate),  as  correctly 
stated  by  Captain  Stigand  in  the  text  (pp.  141,  149,  &c.). 

The  exceedingly  interesting  chapters  (II— IV),  headed  "  Ancient  History  from 
Swahili  Sources,"  are  stated  to  be  "  culled  from  old  Pate  records "  and  communi- 
cated to  the  writer  by  "  Bwana  Kitini,  who  is  a  direct  descendant  of  the  Pate 
Sultans."  Captain  Stigand  says  that  "  for  some  reason  or  other "  he  "  was  not 
"  allowed  access  to  the  original  documents,  except  one  relating  to  recent  Zanzibar 
"  history."  I  was  expressly  assured  at  Witu.  and,  I  think,  also  at  Pate,  that  no 
old  documents  are  now  in  existence  at  the  latter  place.  A  well-known  MS.,  The 
Book  of  the  Kings  of  Pate,  which  seemed  to  be  the  chief  authority  for  the  history 
of  that  town,  was,  so  I  Avas  told,  taken  to  Witu  when  the  Nabahan  migrated 
thither  from  Pate  about  1837,  and  destroyed  in  the  bombardment  of  October,  1890. 
There  are,  however,  two  recent  chronicles  of  Pate  and  Lamu,  the  latter  written  by 
the  late  Faraji  bin  Hammad  il-Bakari,  which  no  doubt  embody  much  information 
derived  from  older  authorities.  Indeed,  The  History  of  Pate  seems  to  be  derived 
from  Captain  Stigand's  informant,  since  the  scribe  of  the  MS.  in  my  possession,* 
Hamad  bin  Saleh  Muhammad,  says  :  "  We  have  copied  it  from  Muhammadi  bin 
"  Fumo  Omari  il-Nabahani,  called  Bwana  Kitini,f  and  he  obtained  it  from  his 
"  grandfather,  Muhammadi  bin  Bwana  Mkuu  Linabahaniya,  called  Bwana  Simba." 
The  account  given  to  Captain  Stigand  is  frequently  fuller,  and  throws  light  on  some 
puzzling  passages  in  Faraji's  MS. 

Chapters  V  and  VI  are  full  of  interesting  notices,  though  conveyed  in  a  some- 
what disconnected  manner  and  containing  several  points  open  to  question.  Thus,  in 
his  remarks  on  the  Amu  and  Pate  dialects,  the  author  seems  to  overlook  the  fact 
that  the  presence  of  two  consecutive  vowels  is  due  to  the  dropping  of  an  inter- 
mediate consonant  found  in  older  forms  of  the  word,  not  to  its  introduction  by 
people  whose  pronunciation  is  "  thicker "  («'c).  Thus,  he  says,  at  Kilwa,  "  you  even 
"  hear  'lira'  and  'kwera,'"  but  these  are  the  recognised  forms  in  Chinyanja  (in 
Yao,  which  is  geographically  nearer  to  Kilwa,  we  have  lila  and  kwela),  Avhich 
are  much  closer  to  the  original  stems  than  the  slurred  lia  and  kwea  of  the 
northern  coast.  We  cannot  agree  with  Captain  Stigand,  moreover,  in  thinking 
(p.  120),  "-What  a  pity  it  is  that  practically  all  the  exercises,  grammars,  and  treatises, 
"  on  the  Swahili  language  have  been  written  in  Roman  and  not  in  Swahili 
"  [=  Arabic]  characters."  To  go  no  further,  the  impossibility  of  distinguishing 

*  Given  to  me  in  1911  by  Mr.  A.  C.  Hollis. 

t  The  typist  employed   by  Mr.  Hollis  has  transliterated   this  name  as  Kisheni,  but  though  the 
original  is  not  very  clear,  I  think  the  letter  is  not  ^  but  cj. 

[     101     J 


No.  47.]  MAN.  [1914. 

between  i  and  e,  o  and  u,  g  and  ng  (both  these  last  being  written  p,  which 
represents  a  different  sound  from  either),  makes  the  task  of  acquiring  the  language 
unnecessarily  difficult.  It  is,  of  course,  a  good  thing  to  add  a  knowledge  of  the 
character  as  soon  as  practicable,  on  account  both  of  the  existing  literature  written 
in  it  and  of  its  use  in  correspondence  by  educated  Swahilis,  among  whom,  however, 
1  find  a  very  general  desire  to  learn  the  Roman  character.  Surely  it  is  an  error  to  say 
(p.  119)  that  "in  Pate,  Amu,  and  Mombasa  we  have  five  different  '  tf's,' "  one  of 
them  being  "  the  English  cerebral  /."  The  English  t  is  a  dental,  or  rather  alveolar. 
In  Swahili'  this  sound  is  purely  dental,  as  in  kitwa,  toa,  taka.  The  other,  the 
cerebral  f,  is  heard  in  tatu,  mti,  tenda,  &c.  ;  both  these  are  aspirated,  making,  in  all, 
four  fs.  It  seems  doubtful  whether  o  and  10  indicate  distinct  sounds  from  the  above  ; 
if  so,  it  can  only  be  in  purely  Arabic  words. 

It  seems  a  little  too  sweeping  to  say  that  "  Kikae  or  the  old  language  differs 
"  more  from  modern  Swahili  than  does  Chaucer  from  modern  English,"  that  is,  if  all 
present-day  dialects  are  taken  into  account ;  and  I  believe  it  is  a  moot  point  whether 
Kingori  (or  Kingozi)  ever  existed  as  current  speech  or  was  at  any  time  other  than 
a  literary  dialect.  In  this  connection  a  note  on  p.  38  seems  to  call  for  comment. 
The  Perfect  formed  by  suffixing  -He  or  by  change  of  vowel  (as  in  ulele,  from  lala) 
is  not  such  a  very  rare  term,  being  still  constantly  used  by  natives  of  Lamu,  Shela, 
and  Siyu  ;  nor,  I  suspect,  has  the  author  quite  succeeded  in  conveying  his  meaning 
when  he  says  that  ulele  means  " '  he  is  in  the  act  of  sleeping,'  as  opposed  to 
*'  analala  or  yualala  =  '  he  is  sleeping.'  "  Analala  means  "  he  is  in  the  act  of 
lying  down."  Ulele  (or,  in  Mombasa  Swahili,  amelala)  =  "  he  has  lain  down," 
i.e.,  "  he  is  sleeping."  The  note  on  p.  254  seems  to  ignore  the  existence  of  cerebral 
I  and  r,  the  real  solution  of  the  difficulty. 

Before  passing  from  the  subject  of  language  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  mbuzi 
(see  Glossary,  and  p.  110)  is  not  precisely  "a  hook,"  as  all  who  have  seen  the 
implement  will  agree ;  that  ramli  can  only  in  a  very  elastic  sense  be  called  the 
Swahili  for  "  lots,  magic  stones  "  ;  that  nyangwa  is  the  plural  of  wangrca,  which 
I  have  heard  constantly  used  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mombasa,  and  does  not  mean 
so  much  a  "  mangrove-swamp  "  as  the  sandy  flats  at  the  head  of  the  tidal  creeks, 
which  can  be  crossed  at  low  water  ;  and  that  I  cannot  discover  any  Portuguese 
word  resembling  chela  (p.  157).  I  have  never  heard  sukani  (p.  140)  used  in  the 
sense  of  "  pilot " — the  usual  word  is  rubani  (from  ^l^),  but  it  is  only  fair  to  add 
that  Krapf  gives  sukuni  (sukani  ?),  "  steersman." 

The  interesting  chapter  on  "  Native  Shipping "  gives  a  full  account  of  the 
various  kinds  of  craft  to  be  seen  on  the  east  coast  of  Africa.  The  "  eyes  painted 
"  on  either  side  of  the  bow  "  (p.  144) — often  reduced  to  a  mere  triangular  space, 
or,  as  more  usually  in  the  islands,  to  a  circle  with  or  without  a  central  dot — are 
an  interesting  survival.  I  do  not  quite  know  what  to  make  of  the  remark  that 
they  were  "  perhaps  the  forerunners  of  our  hawser  holes." 

It  is  unfortunate  that,  with  the  excellent  opportunities  Captain  Stigand  has 
enjoyed,  his  writing  should  be  marred  by  a  vagueness,  not  to  say  inaccuracy, 
which  greatly  impairs  the  value  of  his  ethnological  observations.  Thus  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  understand  his  use  of  the  term,  "  Wanyika "  ;  he  expressly  differentiates 
these  people  from  Giryama  (p.  179),  Rabai,  Duruma,  and  Digo  (p.  180).  Again 
(p.  118),  "the  Bantu  words  in  the  Lamu  Archipelago  bear  the  stamp  of  the 
"  Giryama  language "  (it  would  be  equally  correct  to  say  of  the  Pokomo),  "  that 
"  of  Mombasa  Kinyika."  Needless  to  say  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  "  Nyika " 
language,  apart  from  Giryama,  Rabai.  Duruma,  etc. 

Again,  the  "hunting  tribe"  of  the  Wachoni  (p.  175)  is  puzzling.  The 
Wachonyi  are  not  a  hunting  tribe,  but  one  of  the  five  minor  Bantu  tribes  included 

[  102  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  47. 

(with  the  four  greater  ones  mentioned  above)  in  the  general  designation  Wanyika  ; 
and  their  headquarters  are  at  Kaya  Chonyi,  between  Mtanyanyiko  and  Rahai.  It 
hardlv  seems  possible  that  this  name  can  be  a  mistake  for  Jnan  or  Juwaiia. 
"The  Galla  on  and  near  the  Tana  .  .  .  call  themselves  'Warde'' — an  appel- 
lation of  which  I  can  make  nothing,  unless,  indeed,  it  is  the  not  uncommon  personal 
name  of  Worede.  This,  when  used  as,  e.g.,  by  the  Government  headman  at 
Kurawa,  who  calls  himself  Abarea  Worede,  adding  his  father's  name  to  his  own, 
might  conceivably  be  mistaken  for  a  tribal  name.  I  have  never  heard  these  Galla 
(except,  of  course,  when  speaking  Swahili,  when  they  say  "  Wagalla ")  call  them- 
selves anything  but  Orma.  However,  I  find  that  Mr.  I.  N.  Dracopoli  says  the  Galla 
of  Jubaland  are  "locally  called  Werdey."  Vannutelli  and  Citerni  (JSQmo,  p.  159), 
give  "Uarda"  as  the  name  of  former  inhabitants  to  whom  the  Borana  attribute  the 
curious  ancient  wells  to  be  found  in  their  country.  On  the  same  page  it  seems  to 
be  implied  that  the  Borana  and  the  Galla  are  distinct,  though  it  is  admitted  that 
they  speak  the  same  language. 

The  last  two  chapters  contain  much  that  is  suggestive  and  stimulating, 
together  with  some  dicta  to  which  the  reviewer,  personally,  finds  it  impossible  to 
subscribe.  Pages  312-317,  in  particular,  deserve  the  closest  attention.  The  remarks 
about  the  Baganda  on  p.  318  are  very  striking,  but  one  wishes  they  had  been  a 
little  more  fully  developed.  Why  is  "  the  country  flooded  with  husbandless  women  "  ? 
Does  this  result  from  the  discouragement  of  polygamy  by  the  missionaries  ?  And 
is  it  a  fact  that  the  Avomeu  greatly  outnumber  the  men  ?  According  to  Mr.  Weeks, 
this  is  not  the  case  with  the  Congo  tribes,  where  the  prevalence  of  polygamy  means 
a  large  number  of  unmarried  men. 

Elsewhere,  too,  a  little  more  clearness  in  definition  would  help  us  materially  in 
estimating  the  value  of  the  author's  conclusions — e.g.  (p.  303)  :  "  It  is  not  always 
*'  the  most  moral  tribes  who  are  the  finest  or  the  most  intelligent  ;  rather  the  reverse, 
"  e.g.,  the  Masai  and  Nandi  in  East  Africa,  the  Baganda  in  Uganda,  and  the  Yao  in 
"  Xyasaland,  all  of  which  are  much  above  the  average  native  in  intelligence,  though 
"  notoriously  lax  in  morals."  What  is  here  meant  by  "  laxity  in  morals  ?  "  Does  it 
mean  a  disregard  of  known  standards,  or  comformity  with  a  code  which,  however 
eccentric,  and  even  vicious  from  a  European  point  of  view,  yet  implies  a  sort  of  moral 
sanction  of  its  own  ?  If  the  latter,  it  is  hardly  the  right  expression.  There  is  all 
the  difference  in  the  world  between  the  immorality  of  a  certain  type  of  Swahili,  whose 
carelessness  of  the  formalities  of  marriage  and  divorce  amounts  to  virtual  promiscuity, 
but  who,  in  theory,  recognise  adultery  as  a  crime,  and  the"  pre-nuptial  license  allowed 
by  custom  to  Kikuyu  girls,  who,  once  married,  are  usually  faithful  wives  and  good 
mothers.  As  regards  the  Yao,  if  Captain  Stigand  refers  to  their  immemorial  unyago 
custom,  they  should  be  placed  under  the  second  head  ;  if  to  comparatively  recent  abuse 
of  this  cu&tom,  and  other  vice  introduced  by  Swahilis  from  the  coast,  it  is  possible 
that  the  injurious  effect  on  the  race  has  not  yet  had  time  to  manifest  itself.  But  the 
subject  needs  to  be  discussed  with  thorough  knowledge  and  great  discrimination. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  chapter  (so  little  having  been  published  on  the 
subject  by  other  writers)  is  that  on  "  The  Lamu  Archipelago."  To  this  belong  the 
two  beautiful  photographs  of  the  "Bridge  Mosque"  (Meskiti  iva  Darajani},  just 
outside  Lamu  as  you  go  towards  Shela,  which  Captain  Stigand  calls  a  Persian 
monastery.  It  is  a  little  surprising  to  read  that  "  the  women  of  Faza  affect  kerchiefs 
•*'  tied  about  the  head,  either  of  the  red  bandanna  type  or  black,  as  amongst  the 
"  Somalis."  This  scarcely  conveys  the  idea  of  the  characteristic  and  peculiar 
msuwani — a  kind  of  wide-meshed  net  made  by  drawiug  the  threads  out  of  a  small 
square  of  silk  or  other  fabric.  Under  this  the  hair  is  tied  into  a  roll  on  each  side 
in  a  fashion  recalling  some  ancient  Egyptian  coiffures. 

[    103    ] 


Nos.  47-48,]  MAN.  [1914. 

The  temptation  to  linger  over  this  chapter  is  great,  suggestive  as  it  is  of 
pleasant  recollections  connected  with  the  same  places.  Captain  Stigand's  visit  would 
seem  to  have  taken  place  some  years  ago  ;  he  speaks  of  Sheikh  Utiro,  who  died,  I 
believe,  in  1910,  as  "the  present  Liwali  of  Faza."  The  house  of  Utiro's  father, 
containing  some  beautiful  plaster  work  in  fairly  good  preservation,  was  pointed  out 
to  me  among  the  ruins  of  Tundwa.  It  was  at  Faza  that  I  heard  the  story  of  Baki- 
umbe  (see  p.  40),  and  also  that  of  Mngwame,  king  of  Vumbe,  who,  dispossessed  of 
his  kingdom  by  Erei  of  Chundwa  (Tundwa)  came  down  to  hawking  matting-bags  for 
a  living.  (See  Taylor,  African  Aphorisms,  section  81.)  The  story  related  by  Captain 
Stigand's  informant  (p.  33)  of  the  Shanga  maiden  miraculously  delivered  from  the 
soldier's  pursuit,  recalls  the  legend  attached  to  the  site  known  as  "Kwa  Waanawali 
Sabaa "  ("The  Seven  Maidens"),  a  few  miles  north  of  Kipini,  but  is  evidently 
quite  independent.  According  to  this,  seven  young  girls,  flying  from  the  Galla 
who  had  sacked  the  town,  cried  to  God  for  help  (or,  in  another  version,  to  the 
earth  :  Jtfti,  atama  tupate  kungia  tiati  /)  and  were  swallowed  up — the  pursuers^ 
when  they  arrived,  finding  only  a  half-yard  of  leso  to  indicate  what  had  become 
of  them. 

There  are  some  very  interesting  photographs,  besides  those  already  mentioned. 
Among  the  best  are  those  of  the  Kisii,  facing  pp.  302  and  318.  A.  WERNER. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF   SOCIETIES. 

International  Congress  of  Americanists. 

The  XIX  Session  of  this  Congress  will  be  r  held  at  Washington, 
October  5-10  next,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Hon.  John  Foster,  and 
with  the  co-operation  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  the  Universities,  and  the 
Anthropological  Society  of  Washington.  The  promoters  hope  to  make  it  both 
pleasant  and  profitable  for  students  of  the  archaeology,  ethnology,  and  linguisitics- 
of  the  Americas.  The  new  National  Museum  will  be  open,  with  its  unrivalled 
collections. 

It  contains  a  reference  series  of  ancient  skeletal  material  from  Peru,  including 
2,500  skulls  from  Pachacamac,  of  the  highest  value,  and  this  will  be  freely  open  to- 
scientific  investigators  who  may  wish  to  consult  it. 

An  afternoon  will  be  spent  at  the  ancient  workshop-site  of  flint  implements  at. 
Piuey  Branch.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  meeting  there  will  be  an  excursion  of 
several  days  to  the  principal  cities  of  the  eastern  States  and  their  magnificent 
museums,  followed  by  a  trip  to  the  Mounds  of  Ohio  (where  excavations  will  be  made)v 
and  to  the  Pueblos  and  cliff-dwellings  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  under  favourable 
arrangements  with  the  railway  companies.  Members  with  sufficient  time  at  their 
disposal  could  easily  go  on  by  steamer  from  New  Orleans  to  Barrios  for  Guatemala 
and  the  great  ruined  cities  of  Quirigua  and  Copan,  continuing  to  Colon  for  Panama 
and  returning  by  Jamaica. 

Thirty-five  delegates  had  already  been  appointed  in  April,  and  fifty  papers  were- 
announced.  Persons  desiring  to  join  may  become  members  on  payment  of  five 
dollars  (which  includes  the  "  Proceedings  "  illustrated),  or  an  Associate  for  two-and- 
a-half  dollars.  Fees  should  be  sent  to  Dr.  Ales  Hrdlicka,  Secretary,  National 
Museum,  Washington,  D.C. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  eighteenth  Congress  was  held  in  London  in 
May,  1912.  The  twentieth  Congress  will  be  again  in  Europe,  probably  at  the; 
Hague,  in  1916. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


PLATE  G. 


MAN, 


PLATE  H. 


MAN,  1914. 


FlG.  I. — BATWA  MAX,  WHO  HAS  DIVED  FOR  A  WATER  LILY. 


FlG.  2.—  BOW.MAX.       BATWA    TRIBE. 


FlG.  3. — BATWA   WOMEN. 


FlG.  4. — BATWA    MAN   AT    HIS   HUT. 


THE    SWAMPS    OF     BANGWEOLO    AND     ITS     INHABITANTS. 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  49. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Africa,  Central.  With  Plates  G.  and  H.  Von  Rosen. 

The  Swamps  of  Bangweolo  and  Its  Inhabitants  (being  a  translation  1  Q 
from  the  Swedish  of  Chapter  VI.  in  Count  Eric  von  Rosen's  Fran  Kap  tell  *U 
Alexandria,  Stockholm.  1914). 

After  a  halt  of  a  few  days  at  the  beautiful  situation  at  the  south-western 
corner  of  lake  Bangweolo,  we  continued  our  march  in  an  easterly  direction  to  the 
point  where  the  Luapula  river  leaves  the  lake. 

Already  on  the  day  before  we  arrived  at  the  river,  large  swamps  covered  with 
grass  were  seen  between  the  dry  land  and  the  lake.  Besides  a  quantity  of  large 
waders,  hundreds  of  lechwe  antelopes  (cobus  leche),  the  bucks  with  fine  lyre-shaped 
horns,  were  to  be  seen  in  the  bogs. 

These  animals,  which  I  have  never  seen  on  dry  land,  are  not  easy  to  approach, 
since  they  can  without  any  difficulty  run  through  marsh  land  where  it  is  impossible 
for  a  hunter  to  make  his  way.  I  had  myself  to  follow  them  for  four  hours  in  the 
swamp  before  I  succeeded  in  killing  the  three  bucks  that  I  wanted.  Sometimes 
I  sank  more  than  knee-deep  in  the  slush,  at  other  times  I  had  to  crawl  prone 
through  the  mire  in  order  to  get  within  range.  As  I  encountered  the  animals 
when  the  sun  was  nearly  at  its  zenith,  I  need  hardly  mention  that  it  was  very 
tiring,  and  that  when  I  came  back  to  dry  ground  I  was  absolutely  (exhausted. 
But  the  head  of  the  biggest  of  the  bucks  that  had  fallen  to  my  gun  was  a  hunting 
trophy  that  fully  compensated  for  any  exertion. 

A  narrow  peninsula  extends  from  the  mouth  of  the  Luapula  towards  the  large 
papyrus  swamps  at  the  south  of  the  lake.  The  western  and  southern  part  of  the 
peninsula  is  bounded  by  open  water,  while  the  papyrus  bog  extends  to  the  east  in 
its  dreary  monotony  as  far  as  it  is  within  sight.  Numerous  Babisa  villages  are  to 
be  seen  in  the  peninsula,  and  moreover  some  swamp  dwellers  of  the  Batwa  tribe,* 
who  have  preferred  to  move  on  to  dry  land,  have  erected  their  huts  here. 

We  set  up  our  head  camp  on  the  east  side  and  near  the  south  edge  of  this 
peninsula,  this  being  an  excellent  starting  point  for  excursions  to  the  Batwa  living 
in  the  swamps. 

I  had  received  valuable  information  from  Captain  Harrington  at  Fort  Rosebery, 
and  also  from  Mr.  Hughes,  the  otter  hunter,  as  to  the  best  way  to  get  in  touch 
with  these  shy  people,  whom,  as  I  mentioned  before,  had  been  seen  by  only  a  few 
white  men.  Captain  Harrington  laid  especial  stress  on  the  fact  that  if  a  Batwaman 
should  see  that  I  or  any  of  my  people  bore  arms,  we  should  never  be  able  to  get 
near  them,  and  that  if  any  of  my  blacks  insulted  them  in  the  least  way,  it  would 
be  very  probable  that  the  culprit  would  expiate  his  offence  with  a  fish  spear 
between  his  shoulder-blades. 

I  had  among  my  carriers  a  swamp  dweller  of  another  tribe,  a  Waungaf  from 
the  eastern  part  of  the  swamps.  I  had  expected  to  be  helped  by  him  in 
approaching  the  Batwa  people,  but  he  explained  that  between  the  Batwa  and 
Waunga  tribes,  which  had  each  their  separate  district  on  either  side  of  the  swamp, 
there  was  a  standing  feud,  and  that  the  Batwa  would  have  no  hesitation  in  slitting 
his  throat,  should  they  get  the  chance.  On  the  other  hand,  they  had  never  shown 
enmity  towards  the  few  whites  who  had  approached  the  swamps,  but  had  preferred 
generally  to  disappear  in  good  time  in  the  recesses  of  the  papyrus. 

The  day  before  I  intended  to  make  my  first  attempt  to  get  in  touch  with  these 

*  Batwa  signifies  swamp  dwellers,  or  perhaps  more  correctly  the  people  of  the  wilds.  A  man 
of  the  Batwa  tribe  is  called  Mutwa ;  a  man  of  the  Babisa  tribe  is  called  Mubisa. 

f  Waugna,  see  "  Bangweulu  Swamps  and  the  Wa  Unga,"  by  Frank  II.  Melland,  The  Geogr. 
Journ..  Oct.  1911. 

[     105     ] 


No.  49.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


people,  whose  acquaintance  I  had  so  long  wanted  to  make,  information  was  received 
from  a  negro  village  that  a  "herd  of  elephants  was  in  the  banana  plantations  of  their 
village.  It  was  only  one  day's  inarch  to  the  village  where  the  elephants  were,  and 
the  temptation  to  put  off  my  ethnographical  researches  was  great,  I  admit,  but  the 
rainy  season  was  approaching  and  I  was  aware  that  when  it  had  set  in  there  would 
be  an  end  to  all  visits  in  the  mosquito-filled  swamps.  Every  day  was  therefore 
precious,  and  my  ethnographical  interest  prevailed  over  my  eagerness  for  the  chase. 
Fries  and  I  left  the  camp  early  in  the  morning,  followed  by  some  blacks.  When 
we  had  gone  a  short  distance  past  the  village  of  the  Babisa  chief,  Kaminda,  we  caught 
sight  of  some  small  grass  huts  in  the  swamps.  We  understood  at  once  that  they  were 
the  dwellings  of  the  mysterious  Batwa,  but  in  spite  of  the  minutest  inspection  with  our 
Zeiss  glasses  we  could  not  discern  any  living  being  near  the  huts,  and  then  we  under- 
stood that  the  watchful  swamp-dwellers  had  seen  us  and  had  already  managed  to  hide 
themselves  among  the  rushes  and  reeds.  I  now  asked  Fries  to  stop  with  our  people 

and  went  myself 
towards  the  huts, 
carrying  in  my 
hands  large 
clusters  of  tempt- 
ing white  glass 
beads.  I  be- 
lieved that  alone, 
and  without  any 
visible  weapon 
as  1  was,  the 
swamp  -  dwellers 
would  not  have 
any  fear  for  me, 
and  that  their 
curiosity  and  de- 
sire for  the  glass 
beads  would  en- 
tice them  to  draw 
near. 

The  ground 
became  more  and 
more  boggy,  but 
I  pushed  on  and 
was  soon  at  the 
grass  huts, 

which  were  so  small  and  wretched  that  one  might  have  believed  that  they  were 
built  by  dwarfs.  I  stood  there  a  long  time  and  waited  but  no  Batwa  appeared. 
I  made  a  sign  to  Fries  to  come  to  me  so  that  he  also  could  see  the  strange  dwelling- 
place. 

On  further  examination  we  perceive  more  huts  out  in  the  swamps  and  soon  catch 
sight  of  some  black  forms  emerging  among  the  distant  huts,  but  every  attempt  to 
advance  in  that  direction  is  prevented  by  the  oozing  slush.  I  continue,  however, 
waving  with  my  bead-strings,  and  after  half-an-hour's  patient  waiting  a  long  narrow 
canoe  is  pushed  out.  A  youth  who  is  standing  in  the  stern  manoeuvres  skilfully 
through  the  slimy  water  with  the  aid  of  a  long,  coarse  papyrus  reed  to  which  a 
wooden  crotch  is  attached  with  which  to  hold  on  to  the  reeds  and  grass,  when  the 
mud  is  too  loose  to  offer  sufficient  resistance. 

[     103     ] 


FIG.    1. — BATWA   HUTS   IN   THE   QUAGMIRE. 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  49. 

The  endless  swarnp,  with  its  papyrus  teasel  and  its  lovely  water-lilies  blending 
shades,  the  small  grass  huts  dotted  here  and  there  in  the  far  distance,  and  inhabited 
by  an  almost  unknown  people,  the  slender  canoe  gliding  noiselessly  through  the  reeds, 
all  combine  to  form  a  picture  so  peculiar  and  strange  that  I  almost  imagine  myself 
experiencing  some  adventure  from  Jules  Verne's  fantastic  journeys. 

When  the  canoe  comes  near  1o  us,  although  out  of  reach,  the  boy  hesitates  as 
to  whether  he  shall  advance,  but  then  takes  another  powerful  pull  with  the  pole  so 
that  the  canoe  is  driven  up  on  the  land. 

It  is  a  youth  evidently  not  yet  full-grown.  His  skin  is  dark-brown,  without 
tattooing ;  he  has  a  snake-skin  belt  round  his  waist  to  which  two  small  tiger-cat 
skins  are  fastened.  He  has  brought  with  him  a  long  bow  of  beautiful  shape  ;  it  is 
entirely  covered  with  snake-skin,  a  suitable  adornment  for  the  weapons  of  the  swamp- 
dwellers.  I  give  him  a  handful  of  glass  beads  and  point  to  the  bow?  which,  to  my 
surprise,  he  immediately  hands  to  me. 

I  now  want  to  step  into  his  canoe,  but  before  I  can  achieve  my  intention  he 
pushes  out  and  punts  away,  heedless  of  me,  to  the  huts,  where  his  folk  are  probably 
awaiting  his  return  with  anxiety. 

We  stood  there  long  by  the  banks,  but  no  Batwa  approached  again,  and  so  we 
go  away  after  I  had  hung  up  some  rows  of  beads  on  an  easily  visible  place  by  the 
huts,  as  a  present  to  the  shy  inhabitants.  After  lunch  we  went  down  again  to  the 
swamps. 

This  time  I  needed  not  to  wait  long  before  the  same  youth  appears  again,  and 
he  now  lets  me  get  into  his  canoe.  I  should  have  liked  to  have  had  Fries  with  me, 
but  the  canoe  cannot  bear  us  all. 

The  boy  now  punts  towards  the  huts.  The  canoe  consists  of  a  hollowed-out 
tree  trunk,  so  narrow  that  even  with  my  slight  form  I  am  unable  to  sit  in  it. 
From  my  childhood  I  have  been  accustomed  to  canoeing,  but  I  have  never  seen 
anything  to  equal  this  swaying  craft,  and  to  keep  one's  balance  standing  is  no  easy 
matter. 

I  have  to  show  much  respect  for  the  bottomless  slush  that  soon  surrounds  us 
on  all  sides.  We  arrive,  however,  at  the  island  without  mishap,  and  I  go  on  land. 
To  say  on  land  is,  however,  an  incorrect  expression,  for  the  island  consists  entirely 
of  quagmire,  which  is  made  firmer  by  layers  of  bunches  of  grass  and  reeds,  and  at 
every  step  the  ground  shakes  and  water  and  mire  often  rise  above  the  ankles. 

The  island  is  at  most  twenty  metres  in  diameter,  and  some  ten  huts  are  crowded 
together.  They  are  surrounded  by  papyrus  and  a  species  of  stunted  rush.  A  plant 
resembling  Sagitaria,  also  some  smaller  rushes  of  papyrus,  are  even  growing  out  of 
the  grass  walls  of  the  small  huts. 

The  huts  have  a  beehive  shape  of  about  two  metres  height  and  diameter,  with 
door  openings  scarcely  eight  decimetres  in  height.  In  front  of  them  men,  women, 
and  children  are  sitting.  They  sit  squatting,  some  fairly  dry,  thanks  to  an  under- 
layer  of  reeds  ;  but  the  children  particularly  seem  to  prefer  to  take  their  rest  in 
the  middle  of  the  mud,  in  which  they  crawl  about  like  big  ugly  frogs. 

I  succeed  in  breaking  the  ice  sooner  than  I  had  dared  to  hope,  and  make 
acquaintance  with  my  hosts,  and  then  am  able  to  proceed  to  the  business  of 
exchanging  goods.  I  open  the  little  door  fastened  with  rush  and  crawl  into  one  of 
the  huts.  In  the  middle  of  the  floor  there  is  a  simple  clay  pot  put  on  some 
glowing  embers ;  here  porridge  had  been  boiled,  consisting,  as  I  heard  later,  of 
meal  prepared  from  the  roots  of  water-lilies.  On  the  floor  (which  is  so  marshy 
that  I  could  in  the  hut  without  difficulty  drive  into  the  ground  a  stout  stick  a 
metre  long)  were  lying  some  woven  grass  mats,  and  on  lifting  one  of  them  I  found 
an  under-layer  of  split  reeds  bound  together  so  that  the  mats  should  not  be  soaked 

[     107    ] 


No.  49,] 


MAX. 


[1914. 


FlG.  2. — CUPPING  :   THE  AIR  IS  SUCKED  OUT  OF 
THE  CUP   HORN.     BATWA   TRIBES. 


by  the  damp    ground.      Spoons    and    bowls  from    the    shells  of    mussels,  turtles,  and 

rinds    of    gourds,    together    with     some    burnt-clay    pots,    form    the    most    important 

domestic    appliances.      A  rush    mat    some    decimetres  long  has  evidently  just    served 

as  a  general  dish,  and    water-lily  porridge 

has  been  dipped  into   a    wooden    pot  with 

grease  in  it. 

A  bow  and  a  dagger,  both  ornamented 

with  snake  skin,  hang  from  the  ceiling  (?) 

and  arrows  are  stuck  into  the  walls.     The 

arrows    are    poisoned    and    have    barbs    as 

sharp  as  needles.     A  few  decimetres  from 

the  points  of  the  arrows   a  little  cross-bar 

is  fastened  so  that    the   arrow,  in   case  of 

a    miss-shot,    shall    not    cut   through    the 

reeds  and  disappear  into  the  sludge.      On 

the  walls  there  are  also  some  lechwe  and 

sitatunga  horns,  ornamented  with  strips  of 

skin,  pieces  of  wood,  &c.     They  are  fetiches 

and  bring  good  luck  in  hunting. 

I  creep  out   again  into    the  open    air. 

Some    of    the    men    have    resumed    their 

occupations.       They   are  tall  and  strongly 

built.       One   is  occupied  in  carving    intricate  but  particularly  beautiful  ornaments  on 

the  hairless  side  of  a    lechwe  skin.       All  the  women  I  see  are  wearing    such  skins, 

with    varying   ornament,    as    mantles.      The    men    generally  wear    shirts   of    leopard 

and    tiger-cat  skin,   while  the    young    boys  go  naked 
or  content  themselves  with  lechwe  calf  skins. 

Near  one  of  the  huts  I  perceive  a  narrow  wooden 
drum,  a  metre  high,  covered  with  lizard  skin  ;  my 
attention  is  also  attracted  by  another  musical  instru- 
ment with  strings  of  twined  grass.  Later  I  saw  the 
drum  used  at  a  dance  performed  by  the  swamp 
dwellers  on  the  undulating  ground,  a  dance  which 
was  almost  identical  with  that  which  in  a  previous 
chapter  I  described  at  the  village  of  the  Balenge 
chief,  Chirukutu.  In  this  connection  I  will  also 
mention  that  the  Batwa  people  understand  how  to 
play  on  their  bow-strings,  one  of  the  most  primi- 
tive methods  of  producing  music,  and  possibly  the 
basis  of  all  string  music. 

Outside  the  hut  there  are  hippopotamus  and  fish 
harpoons,  also  long  spears  with  reed  handles.  These 
are  thrown  at  game  in  what  we  call  Finnish  manner. 
With  these  spears  they  kill  the  lechwe  and  sitatunga 
antelopes,  and  also  the  enormous  pythons,  which  are 
to  be  found  in  the  swamps. 

The  Batwa,  as  many  other  wild  people,  know 
how  to  poison  the  waters  in  the  swamps,  so  that 

the  fish  become  unconscious  and  float  to  the  top.       I  was  present   at  such  a  fishing 

expedition  in  which  we  caught  119  fish  in  three-quarters    of    an  hour.     The    poison 

which  is  used  for  stupefying    the  fishes    is    prepared    from    a    vegetable    of    the    pea 

species,  which  they  obtain  from  the  Babisa  living  on  the  mainland. 

[     108     ] 


FIG.  3. — CUPPING  :  THE  HORN 
STICKS  FAST  THROUGH  AIR 
PRESSURE.    BATWA  TRIBES. 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[No,  49. 


The  Batwa  speak  a  dialect  of  Chibisa  (the  language  of  the  Babisa  people),  and 
many  have  a  hoarse  bass  voice  that  is  characteristic  of  the  swamp  people.  The 
neighbouring  negro  tribes,  all  of  whom  look  down  upon  the  Batwa  as  inferior  beings, 
like  to  imitate  their  bass  tones,  just  as  they  make  fun  of  them  in  other  ways.  For 
example,  they  say  that  they  have  webbed  feet.  The  same  reproach  is  made,  according 
to  C.  Chekleton,*  against  the  dwellers  in  the  Lukanga  swamp,  a  people  whose  manner 
of  life  much  resembles  that  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bangweolo. 


water, 
where 
water- 


In  order 
to  ascertain 
how  skilfully 
the  Batwa 
dive  and 
swim  I  ar- 
ranged com- 
petitions, and 
it  was  really 
wonderful 
what  a  long 
distance  they 
could  swim 
under 
even 
the 
vege  tati  on 
would  seem 
to  bar  all 
progress. 
Forty  -  two 
seconds  was, 
however,  the 
max  i  m  u  m 
time  for  such 
dives  through 
the  swamp, 
full  as  it 
was  of  all 
kinds  of 
under  -  water 
growth.  My 
first  visit  to 
the  B  a  t  w  a 
did  not  last 
long,  but  now 
the  ice  was 
broken,  and  I 


Kartau  ofver 
EXPEDITIONENS     FARD    GENOM    BANGVEOLO-OMRADET. 


!••  1,500,000 


OEN    STAB    LIT   ANST 


FIG.  4. 


renewed  my  visits  every  day,  penetrating  to  villages  farther  distant  in  the  swamps. 

I    was    astonished    that    human    beings    could    exist    in    these    mosquito-ridden 

districts,  but  I  learned  through  my  Babisa  interpreter  that  the  Batwa  say  that  they 

do  not  suffer-  much  from  fever.     I  had  myself  the  opportuity  of  seeing  how  they  try 

to    cure    themselves    when    they    suffer    from    fever.     An    incision    is    made    in    the 

temples,  immediately    over    which  a   short    antelope  horn  with    a    perforated  point  is 

*  In  a  report  to  the  Rhodesian  Scientific  Association. 

[     109    ] 


Nos.  49-50.]  MAN.  [1914. 

placed.  A  companion  sucks  at  the  point  of  the  horn  and  quickly  closes  the  little 
hole  in  the  point  of  the  horn  with  a  pitchy  substance.  Through  the  outer  pressure 
of  the  air  the  horn  remains  firmly  to  the  temples  of  the  patient  and  works  as  an 
ordinary  cupping  glass. 

During  the  whole  period  of  my  stay  with  these  peculiar  people,  whose  manner  of 
life  I  have  briefly  depicted  in  this  chapter,  I  was  not  once  molested  in  the  slightest 
way.  When  the  Batvva  had  once  grasped  that  I  wanted  to  get  information  regarding 
their  life  in  the  swamps,  they  seemed  to  be  delighted  to  help  me  so  far  as  lay  in 
their  power.  I  am  also  indebted  to  them  to  a  great  extent  that  the  ethnographical 
collections  which  I  have  acquired  have  beeii  so  complete,  collections  which  enor- 
mously facilitate  the  work  of  the  monograph  on  the  Batwa  tribes  with  which  I 
am  at  present  occupied. 

The  sketch  map  is  taken  from  "  N.E.  Rhodesia  Provisional  Map,  by  O.  L.  Beringer, 
from  information  collected  in  the  Survey  Office,  etc."  The  districts  occupied  by  the 
different  tribes  are  inserted  by  Eric  von  Rosen.  ERIC  VON  ROSEN. 


New  Zealand.  Best. 

Cremation   amongst    the    Maori    Tribes   of  New   Zealand.        %     CA 
Elsdon  Best.  ull 

In  the  first  place  it  is  well  to  state  that  cremation  was  never  a  common  racial 
custom  among  the  Maori.  It  was  never  practised  as  a  general  custom  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  other  methods  of  disposing  of  the  dead.  So  far  as  we  are  aware,  the 
circumstances  under  which  cremation  was  practised  by  the  natives  of  these  isles 
were  as  follows  : — 

1.  When  a  tribe  occupied  open  country  wherein  were  found  no  suitable  places 

for  the  final  disposal  of  bones  of  the  dead  after  exhumation. 

2.  When    a    raiding    party   (or    even    peaceful    travellers    in    some    cases)  lost 

members  by  death  outside  their  tribal  boundaries. 

3.  Occasionally  practised  in  order  to  stay  the  spread  of  disease. 

In  regard  to  the  first  condition,  we  may  cite  such  examples  as  the  Ngati-apa 
tribe  of  the  Rangitikei  District  ;  as  also  those  occupying  the  Waimate  Plains  ;  who, 
according  to  Colonel  Gudgeon,  often  cremated  their  dead  at  Te  Taheke,  an  old 
earthwork  fort  near  the  present  township  of  Manaia.  In  this  instance  some  open 
pits  were  pointed  out  by  the  natives  as  the  places  where  their  dead  were  sometimes 
burned  in  former  times. 

The  Maori  was  always  very  particular  in  concealing  the  bones  of  his  dead,  lest 
they  be  discovered  by  tribal  enemies,  who  would  be  in  great  glee  at  such  a  dis- 
covery, and  would  at  once  proceed  to  manufacture  fish-hooks,  piercers,  flutes,  points 
for  bird-spears,  &c.,  out  of  the  said  bones. 

As  to  the  second  condition  ;  cremation  of  the  dead  in  an  enemy's  country 
was  common,  we  believe,  to  all  tribes.  When  members  of  a  war  party  were  shiin 
under  such  conditions,  their  companions  would,  if  not  too  hard  pressed,  cremate  the 
bodies.  In  some  cases  they  would  retreat  to  some  secluded  spot  in  the  forest,  bear- 
ing their  dead  with  them,  and  there  burn  them.  In  the  case  of  men  of  rank,  the 
heads  were  often  cut  off,  steamed  and  cured,  and  taken  home,  to  be  wept  over  by 
their  friends ;  in  which  case  only  the  bodies  were  burned.  We  have  heard  of 
cases  in  which,  when  pressed  by  the  enemy,  the  wounded  also  were  thrown  into 
huge  fires  and  burned.  Being  too  badly  wounded  to  travel,  the  only  thing  to  do 
was  to  burn  them,  lest  their  bodies  be  eaten,  and  their  bones  converted  into  fish 
hooks,  etc.,  a  terrible  degradation  in  Maori  eyes.  Thus  an  old  native  known  as 
Tahu-ora  explained  that  he  was  so  named  from  the  fact  that  his  father,  when 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  50. 

seriously  wounded  in  a  raid  on  the  west  coast  tribes,  had  been  burned  alive,  as  the 
name  signifies.  Again,  when  the  west  coast  tribes  attacked  Ngai-tara  at  Miramar, 
two  of  their  chiefs,  Te  Toko  and  Whakatau,  were  slain,  and,  under  cover  of  night, 
were  cremated  at  Haewai,  in  Hough  ton  Bay.  So  much  for  cremation  in  war. 

An  old  native  of  the  east  coast  informs  us  that  the  burning  of  a  human  body 
would  be  carried  out  at  some  rocky  or  sterile  spot,  or  other  place  whereat  there 
was  no  likelihood  of  food  being  cultivated  in  the  future,  for  such  would  spell 
misfortune  ;  the  place  of  the  dead  being  intensely  tapu. 

In  the  case  of  a  person  dying  when  on  a  visit  to  a  friendly  clan,  the  latter 
would  be  almost  sure  to  ask  that  he  be  buried  at  their  place,  but,  in  most  cases,  his 
friends  would  carry  him  home  for  burial.  At  such  a  juncture,  one  would  probably 
hear  quoted  the  highly  curious  aphorism,  "He  mata  kai  rangi ;  kdpd  he  mata  kai 
aruhe,'"  meaning  that  the  deceased  is  a  person  of  some  standing,  not  a  nobody,  and 
hence  they  will  carry  the  body  home  for  burial.  The  Maori  ever  likes  to  bury  his 
dead  on  his  own  tribal  lands.  We  have  seen  bodies  carried  over  the  roughest  bush- 
clad  ranges  for  several  days  so  that  they  might  be  laid  with  the  tribal  dead. 

In  some  cases,  however,  when  the  task  of  carrying  a  body  home  was  reckoned 
to  be  too  arduous,  or  possibly  for  some  other  reason,  a  suitable  place  would  be  sought 
away  from  the  path,  on  the  homeward  journey,  and  the  body  there  buried,  though 
the  head  might  possibly  be  taken. 

Again,  in  the  Bay  of  Plenty  district,  a  singular  custom  obtained  in  former  times 
in  regard  to  the  bodies  of  persons  who  died  of  kai  uaua,  which,  we  take  it,  was 
consumption.  In  such  cases  the  body  was  burned  in  order  to  prevent  the  spread  of 
the  malady,  and  all  ashes  were  carefully  buried. 

The  following  account  of  the  burning  of  the  bones  of  the  dead  after  exhumation 
was  gathered  from  the  northern  tribes  ;  we  have  not  heard  of  it  as  having  been 
practised  as  a  custom  elsewhere.  The  custom  seems  to  be  a  singular  one,  and  one 
marvels  why  the  natives  should  go  to  the  trouble  of  carrying  out  inhumation  and 
exhumation  when  the  bones  were  to  be  burned.  However,  we  do  not  profess  to 
know  native  modes  of  thought,  as  we  have  only  been  a  little  over  half  a  century 
among  them. 

"  When  a  dying  person  is  near  his  end  (or  just  after  the  breath  of  life  has  left 
the  body)  his  legs  are  doubled  up  and  a  cloak  wrapped  round  him.  The  body  is 
placed  in  position  for  the  mourning  ceremony,  which  continues  for  some  days.  At 
the  conclusion  of  this  ceremonial,  the  body  is  buried,  or  placed  in  a  tree.  Having 
disposed  of  the  body,  the  priests  return,  and  proceed  to  a  stream  or  pond  whereat 
religious  ceremonies  are  performed,  and  there  set  up  a  wooden  rod  in  the  water, 
which  rod  or  wand  represents  the  spirit  world  and  the  defunct.  The  tohunga  ariki, 
or  head  priest,  then  recites  the  following  formula  : — 

" '  Thou  wand  of  the  Po  (spirit  world)  :  the  great  Po,  the  long  Po,  the  dark 
Po,  the  unseen  Po,  the  unsought  Po.  Stand  there,  ye  wand,  wand  of  tane,  wand 
of  the  Po  :  Depart  for  ever  to  the  Po.'  " 

The  wand  and  ritualistic  utterance  are  both  for  the  dead,  and  the  object  is  to 
cause  the  wairua  or  spirit  of  the  dead  to  proceed  at  once  on  its  way  to  the  Po  or 
spirit  world,  to  join  the  myriads  who  have  already  gone  there,  lest  it  remain  in  this 
world  and  plague  the  living. 

The  officiating  priest  then  sets  up  in  the  stream  another  rod  or  wand,  which 
represents  this  world  and  the  living  denizens  thereof,  and  recites  : — 

"  Thou  wand  of  this  world  :  the  great  world,  the  long  world,  the  dark  world. 
Stand  there,  ye  wand,  the  wand  of  Hikurangi,  the  wand  of  this  world,  of  the  world 
of  light.  Remain  in  this  world." 

The  priests  then  return  to  the  village,  the   items    presented    as  "  wrappers  "  for 


Nos,  50-51.]  MAN.  [1914, 

the  dead  are  handed  over  to  relatives,  the  Taumaha  ritual  is  recited  over  the  foods 
for  the  funeral  feast. 

Three  summers  pass  away,  the  bones  are  reclaimed  from  earth  or  tree,  and 
burned  with  fire.  Prior  to  such  burning  certain  foods  for  a  ritual  feast  are  cooked 
in  tapu  ovens,  while  the  priest  extracts  the  teeth  from  the  skull,  ties  them  to  a 
wand,  and  then,  holding  up  the  wand  in  his  hand,  he  repeats  a  certain  formula. 
Then,  when  the  shades  of  night  fall,  the  bones  of  the  dead  are  burned. 

The  second  charm  is  to  preserve  the  life  and  welfare  of  the  living.  Hikurangi 
is  a  mountain  in  the  original  homeland  of  the  Maori  race,  a  famed  and  sacred 
mount,  the  abode  of  the  Bird  of  the  Sun. 

These  brief  notes  comprise  all  that  we  have  to  offer  on  the  subject  of  cremation 
among  the  Maori  folk  of  New  Zealand  ;  the  custom  was  never  a  common  one,  and 
was  only  resorted  to  under  certain  circumstances,  as  we  have  shown. 

For  the  benefit  of  non-residents  in  these  isles,  it  may  be  as  well  to  state  that 
the  practice  of  cremation  has  long  been  discontinued  among  the  Maori,  though  cases 
are  known  in  which  the  bodies  of  our  dead  were  burned  by  the  hostiles  during  the 
late  unpleasantness  in  the  'sixties.  ELSDON  BEST. 


England  :  Archaeology.  Peake  :  Manley. 

Description  of  a  Bronze  Flat  Celt  in  the  Newbury  Museum.       /;//     F A 

Harold   Peake.        With    a    Report    on   an   Analysis   of  the   Alloy  by  John  J.     ill 
Manley,   Daubeny   Laboratory,  Magdalen   College,   Oxford. 

The  flat   celt  which    is    here    illustrated    belongs    to    the    Borough    of    Newbury 
Museum,  and  was  formerly  in  the  museum  belonging  to    the    Newbury  Literary  and 
Scientific  Institution.     It  is  said  to  have    been    found    near  New- 
bury, but  the  exact  site  of  its  discovery  is  unknown. 

In  a  MS.  catalogue  of  the  old  museum  compiled  in  1854, 
by  James  White  Roake,  the  curator  at  that  time,  it  is  thus 
described  :  "  I.  63.  Three  bronze  spearheads  or  celts.  Supposed 
"  to  have  been  manufactured  and  used  by  the  ancient  Britons. 
"  Exhumed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Newbury.  Deposited  by 
"  J.  W.  Roake." 

Then  follow  extracts  from  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica. 
The  two  other  celts  are  of  a  later  type. 

This  celt  is  170  mm.  long,  76  mm.  wide  at  the  cutting  edge, 
34  mm.  wide  at  the  other  end,  and  11 -5  mm.  thick.  Its  sides 
seem  to  have  been  hammered  so  as  to  exhibit  faint  traces  of 
flanges ;  there  are  no  signs  of  a  stop  ridge.  Its  weight  was 
520  grams,  but  3  grams  were  removed  for  analysis  by  Professor 
H.  J.  Bowman,  and  were  handed  over  to  Mr.  John  J.  Manley, 
who  has  kindly  contributed  the  following  account. 

H.  PEAKE. 

THE  CHEMICAL  COMPOSITION  OF  THE  BRONZE. 

In  December  1911,  I  received  from  Professor  Bowman  3  grams  of  drillings 
which  had  been  removed  from  the  above-named  flat  bronze  celt.  These  drillings 
have  recently  been  analysed  under  my  supervision  by  one  of  my  pupils,  Mr.  E.  A. 
Berrisford,  of  Queen's  College  Oxford.  Two  perfectly  independent  analyses  were 
carried  out,  and,  with  the  object  of  securing  the  greatest  possible  degree  of  accuracy, 
all  the  weighings  were  effected  with  a  previously  fully-tested  and  highly  sensitive 
long  beam  Oertling  balance,  by  the  methods  of  reversal  and  vibration.  Beyond 
stating  that  every  care  was  taken  to  exclude  the  introduction  of  foreign  matter  and 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  51-52, 

to  obtain  the  separated  constituents  in  a  pure  condition,  it  is  probably  unnecessary 
to  detail  the  methods  of  analysis.  The  results  may  be  conveniently  summarised 
as  follows  : — 

No.   1. 


Weight  of  bronze  taken-  -      0-5107  gram. 


Gram.        Per  Cent. 


0-4410  gram. 
Gram.     Per  Cent. 


Weight  of  tin  found       -  -     -0453=      8 '87 

Weight  of  copper  found  -     -4664=    91-33 

Total  -     -5117  =  100-20 

Means  : — 

Per  Cent. 

Tin  -       8-64 

Copper  -             -             -             -             -     91-35 


•0371  =  8-41 
•4029  =  91-36 


•4400  =  99-77 


Total  -     99-99 

It  may  be  observed  that  in  analysis  No.  1,  the  found  "total"  is  0*001  grains 
in  excess  of  the  weight  of  bronze  actually  taken,  whilst  in  analysis  No.  2  the  found 
"total"  is  deficient  by  a  like  amount.  These  variations  are  ascribed  to  unavoidable 
errors  associated  with  the  particular  methods  of  analysis  employed.  As  will  be 
seen,  they  are  equal  to  ±  1  part  in  500. 

An  initial  qualitative  analysis  revealed  the  presence  of  a  minute  trace  of  iron 
the  quantity  of  which  was  too  small  to  be  duly  estimated.  The  iron  may  possibly 
have  been  introduced  during  the  operation  of  drilling.  J.  J.  MANLEY. 


Africa,  "West.  Palmer. 

"Bori"    among    the    Hausas.      By  H.  R.  Palmer.  Cft 

In  a  recent  work*  dealing  with  Nigerian  tribes  there  is  mention  of  bori  Ufc 
dances  among  the  Hausas.  The  author  in  a  fascinating  chapter  discusses  the  origin 
of  bori.  It  would  appear,  however,  that  Dr.  Frobenius  misconceives  in  some  respects 
the  meaning  of  the  word  bori. 

He  uses  such  phrases  as  "  The  Bori  have  a  religion,"  "  The  Bori's  religion," 
"  The  Bori  has  .  .  .  been  fused  with  the  old  clan  organisation,"  "  The  Bori's 
"  usual  appearance  in  the  streets,"  etc.,  from  which  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  he 
regards  bori  as  people,  though  in  another  passage  he  writes,  *'  Animism  is  the 
"  religious  basis  of  the  Bori,  a  philosophy  which,  through  the  agency  of  spirits  or 
"  demons,  endues  every  object,  and  especially  parts  of  nature  such  as  stones,  trees, 
"  and  rivers,  with  a  soul." 

Bori  is  a  Hausa  common  noun,  and  means  a  sacred  and  occult  force  which  resides 
in  matter.^  It  is  distinguished  from  maita,  which  is  more  particularly  the  power 
exercised  by  certain  persons,  maigu,  i.e.,  wizards  or  witches,  over  bori,  and  the  objects 
in  which  it  is  resident,  and  boka,  which  is  the  science  of  medicine — the  science  of 
medicine,  however,  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  word  bori  itself  seems  to  be  from  the  same  root  as  the  Hausa  word  borassu, 
which  now  means  distilled  spirits,  as  opposed  to  the  native  palm  wine  and  other 
similar  drinks.  The  original  meaning  of  borassa  may  be  seen  from  Professor 
Masqueray's  note  on  this  word — Berber  form  aurassen.^. 

*~Frobenius,  The  Voice  of  Afriru,  Chap.  XX VI. 

f  The  same  idea  apparently  as  the  Melanesiau  maua. 

%  Quoted  by  Rinn  Berbers,  p.  228. 


No.  52,]  MAN.  t!9!4. 

"  This  word  aurassen*  is  very  remarkable.  It  is  used  to  denote  those  things 
the  Mozabitesf  were  debarred  from  using,  such  as  tobacco  for  smoking,  and  wine.  It 
is  too  like  the  word  auras  (awes),  of  which  it  seems  to  be  the  plural,  not  to  be 
suggestive.  One  may  perhaps  hold  that  the  name  aures,  of  which  the  meaning  is  now 
lost,  was  a  sort  of  equivalent  of  the  Latin  sacer.  There  are  several  hills  called 
ighil  aures  ("  Hill  of  Aures ").  These  hills  were  surely  in  remote  times  hills  of 
sacrifice  ?  "J 

The  writer  has  a  note,  taken  some  years  ago,  that  a  Mai  lam  once  told  him  that 
there  were  two  words  in  the  Hausa  language  of  which  no  one  knew  the  origin. 
One  was  aras,  which,  he  said,  was  equivalent  to  "  Allah,"  the  other  was  serbu,  which 
meant  "  with  deference  to,"  e.g.,  serbu  adamu,  with  due  deference  to  Adamu. 

Aras  seems  to  be  the  old  Berber  singular  of  aurassen,  of  which  Professor 
Masqueray  conjectured  the  existence. 

Another  Hausa  word  which  contains  the  same  idea  as  bori  is  the  word  baura. 
A  baura  is  a  metal  bracelet  with  two  sharp  rims  like  flanges  worn  on  the  wrist  by 
players  at  the  game  called  baura  (now  practically  obsolete).  It  was  a  "  sacred " 
game.  The  object  of  the  players  was  to  cut  open  the  head  of  an  opponent  with  the 
baura,  which  was  worn  on  the  right  arm.  The  left  arm  had  simply  a  small  shield 
of  hide,  while  an  apron  was  worn  in  front.  The  blood  from  a  cut  head  was 
particularly  virtuous,  and  the  sick  assembled  from  far  and  near  to  get  some  and 
anoint  themselves  with  it.  Baura,  in  fact,  was  very  much  like  the  Fulani  game  of 
sharro  or  shadi,  except  that  the  baura  above  described  was  used  instead  of  a  whip 
like  sharro. 

Baura  was  probably  part  of  the  initiation  ceremonies  at  puberty. 

Dr.  Frobenius,  in  describing  these  dances,  states  that  they  are  presided  over 
by  a  female  called  magadja.  The  real  Hausa  word  is  not  magadja  but  magajia, 
i.e.,  "  she  who  has  inherited  "  (masc.  magaji},  and  is  more  usually  called  sauraunia 
("  Queen  "). 

He  also  writes  "  that  the  Hausas  have  kept  the  bori.  faith  freest  from  adultera- 
"  tion  .  .  .  [in]  the  ancient  realm  of  Korowfa.  .  .  .  We  shall  get  the  best 
"  insight  into  the  original  significance  and  import  of  the  bori  among  the  Benne- 
"  Hausa."  Bori  still  flourishes  freely  in  the  Hausa  countries,  and,  viewed  as  a 
Hausa  institution,  is  more  "  pure "  (if  such  a  word  can  be  used)  in  Hausaland 
where  the  people  speak  "  Hausa." 

Among  the  Maguzawa  (Hausa  Pagans)  it  is  a  chief  who  presides  at  the  dances, 
and  sacrifices  to  the  deities.  It  is  only  in  the  large  towns  that  their  cult  has  got 
into  the  hands  of  professional  bori  men  and  women,  who  not  only  direct  the  dances 
but  in  many  cases  make  quite  a  good  income  by  foretelling  the  success,  or  otherwise, 
of  mercantile  ventures,  aiding  in  love  troubles,  etc. 

Still,  to  the  mind  of  the  Hausa,  these  deities  are,  as  Dr.  Frobenius  implies, 
"  Spirits  of  the  Corn  and  Wild,"  and  that  is  why  the  Hausas  call  the  Pagan  or  Bush 
Fulani  Aborawa,  that  is  to  say,  the  people  who  worship  the  spirits  of  the  wild. 

The  connection  of  prostitution  with  these  dances  is  an  interesting  subject. 
"  Uwargona,"  the  Hausa  earth  mother,  has  a  dual  personality.  She  is  ta  hwanchi 
(i.e.,  "  the  sleeping  =  winter"  and  ta  tseyi  (i.e.,  "  the  uprising  =  spring").  Uwagona. 
ta  tseyi  is  typified  in  the  gugua  whirlwinds  of  sand  which  come  in  the  spring  before 
the  first  rains  fall. 

*   Cf.  also  the  word  merisxa  ("  ale ")  used  in  the  Egyptian  Sudan. 

j  i.e.,  the  Beni  M'Zab  of  the  Aures  Mountains,  in  Algeria. 

J  One  of  the  two  Hausa  words  for  native  brewed  beer,  bam,  is  also  apparently  connected  with 
the  same  ideas.  A  bama  was  a  "high-place"  or  shrine  in  Hewbreu.  (See  Robertson-Smith  Pr.  el 
Sem,  p.  490.)  The  intoxication  of  bori  girls  is  sometimes  produced  by  a  species  of  "  hemp  "  grown 
in  Borga. 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  52, 

At  the  great  spring  gam  festival  (noticed  by  Dr.  Frobenius),  at  which  there  was 
a  good  deal  of  bori  dancing,  very  great  license  was  permitted,  and  it  was  thought 
no  shame  if  a  maiden  at  this  feast  did  what  would  have  meant  summary  punish- 
ment at  any  other  time  of  the  year.  The  word  gani  is  derived  from  a  root  which 
means  to  "foretell"  or  "augur."  It  was  at  the  gani  festival  that  omens  were  sought 
as  to  the  success,  or  otherwise,  of  the  ensuing  season's  crop,  either  by  planting  trial 
plots  and  watering  them,  or  by  pouring  out  seeds  from  a  calabash  taken  up  a  high 
tree,  and  auguring  from  their  distribution. 

It  has  been  observed  by  French  scholars  that,  as  a  rule  those  Berber  roots,  which 
are  termed  Boto-Semitic,  that  is  to  say,  those  which  are,  as  far  as  can  be  judged,  not 
borrowed  directly  from  classical  Arabic,  or  other  Semitic  tongues,  show  a  root  in  two 
consonants  where  the  Semitic  languages  have  three.  Hausa  having  no  strong  gutturals 
nh,  A,  and  h  are  represented  by  "  k,"  sometimes  by  "  h,"  and  sometimes  by  "f" — 
while  k  again  often  becomes  "g."  For  instance,  the  Arabic  root  of  karim  ("  noble  ") 
k-r-m  is  represented  in  Hausa  directly  by  the  word  girma  ("  greatness ").  This 
word  is  borrowed,  but  the  two  first  consonants  of  the  root,  namely,  k  and  r,  are  found 
in  many  Hausa  and  Berber  words  which  convey  the  same  meaning.  The  following 
are  some  examples: — Gar'aa,  or  gaVaa  ("sacred  enclosure"),  gari  ("town"),  karifi 
("  strength  "),  g'ar  ("  rock  "),  gilgiji  ("  storm  cloud  "),  garkwa  ("  shield  "),  kore  ("  to 
"  defeat  in  battle  "),  kurchia  ("  a  dove — sacred  "),  ka(r)chia  ("  circumcision  "),  kirrari 
("  song  of  praise  for  a  spirit "),  kurmi  ("  a  grove "),  Kraria  (the  Hausa  form  of 
galau,  a  sacred  place  really  for  khraria),  kurum  ("  silence  "),  kururua  ("  cry  aloud  "), 
kurua  ("soul"  or  "spirit"),  ma-kurwa  ("partridge  which  the  'soul'  inhabits," 
cf.  Egyptian  ba\  hurma  ("  deaf "),  kura  ("  hyena  "),  kuri  ("  son  of  Uwardawa  "), 
kurege  ("jerboa  "),  korto  ("adulterer"),  korjini  ("terrifying"),  karri  ("a  dog" — dogs 
are  sacred  among  most  Berber  tribes).*  All  the  above  words  centre  round  the  two 
ideas  of  (a)  nobility,  (6)  holiness,  which  are  very  closely  allied  and  are  both  sacer,  as 
opposed  to  "  profane." 

In  Arabic  the  root  of  the  words  haram,  harim,  etc.  ("  holiness  ")  is  k-r-m,  which 
is  borrowed  by  Hausa  in  words  like  hurumi  ("  land  reserved  "),  haram  ("  evil "),  etc. 
As  with  the  root  k-r,  so  with  h-r.     In  Hausa  we  have — 

Hura — to  blow  (cf.  kuruwa,  "  soul  "). 

Hore — to  punish  (cf.  kore,  "to  defeat"). 

Hurua — to  put  earth  on  the  head  ("  adoration  "). 

Harafi — letters  (cj.  tafi,  "  palm  of  hand,"  and  tqfinar,  "  the  Tuang  script "). 

Furuchi — to  make  confession. 

Fara — to  begin  (cf.  Arabic  /ara'a,  "  first  fruits  "). 

In  Arabic  it  is  apparent  that  the  ideas  conveyed  by  the  roots  k-r-m-  and  h-r-ni 
are  cognate.  Similarly  in  Hausa  the  two  roots  k(g]-r  and  h(f}-r  are  cognate, 
and  connote  "holiness"  (sacor)  and  things  which  are  made  or  are  "holy,"  by  what 
Robertson-Smith  termed  the  "  infection  of  holiness." 

The  "  bori  dances "  are  looked  upon  as  disreputable,  because  the  bori  girls  on 
the  occasion  of  these  dances  commit  immoral  acts,  and,  nowadays  they  are,  in  fact, 
usually  prostitutes  (karutve). 

In  Hausa  the  word  karua,  the  singular  of  karuice,  means  at  the  present  time 
a  person  of  immoral  character,  male  or  female.  Karma  is  a  derivative  of  the  same 
root  k-r,  meaning  "  profligacy."!  It  is,  however,  obvious  that  karma  had  not  always 
an  altogether  bad  sense,  because  there  still  exists  in  a  great  many  Hausa  towns 
the  office  of  Sarkiii  Karma  ("  King  of  Karma ").  The  Sarkin  Karma  was  called 
in  other  places,  Sarkin  Selmayi  ("King  of  the  Youths"),  and  in  some  places  (e.g., 

*  The  Hausa  Pagans  do  not  eat  '•  dog,"  like  the  Gwari,  Yomba,  and  other  tribes  to  the  south. 
I  Cf.  karto  (adulterer)  supra. 

115 


No,  52.]  MAS.  [1914. 

Katsina)  was  chosen  every  year  at  the  time  of  the  festival  to  be  a  kind  of  "  King 
of  Misrule."  Among  the  chief  forms  of  amusement  at  the  festival  was  the  Wasau 
Kara,  or  play  of  "  corn  stalks."  This  consisted  of  lighting  torches  made  of  corn- 
stalks and  throwing  them  about.  Another  form  of  Kara  arid  its  diminutive  is 
Karmami. 

Kurua*  by  etymology  may  therefore  be  either  the  "mother  of  the  corn  stalk," 
that  is  to  say,  Uwargona  the  mother  goddess,  or  "  the  noble  or  holy  one."  In  either 
case  it  would  appear  that  the  bori  dances  were  held  in  Uwargona's  honour  at  the 
time  of  the  spring  festival  of  gani  and  the  karnuw  were  identified  with  her.  We 
have  noted  the  connection  between  bori  and  the  game  of  baura.  It  may  be  added 
that  baura  again  is  probably  the  same  word  as  bura  (phallos),  which  is  a  deriva- 
tive of  the  Berber  root  our  or  eiur,  which  means  "  man "  (vir)  and  "  the  moon." 
The  "moon"  is  in  Hausa  and  several  Berber  dialects  masculine,  the  story  being 
that  it  is  a  boy  (yaro=eiuro)  which  his  mother  the  sun  (rava)  chases  round  the  sky. 

Another  aspect  of  the  mother  goddess  of  the  Hausas  is  as  Uwardawa  ("  mother 
of  the  bush  ").  She  is  then  usually  associated  not  with  Gajimari  but  with  Kuri, 
whose  name  again  appears  to  be  derived  from  this  same  root  our.\  Kuri  is  some- 
times stated  to  be  the  son  and  sometime  the  hu'sbarid  of  "  Uwardawa,"  and  becomes 
the  "hyena." 

The  word  serbu  mentioned  above  suggests  a  further  group  of  native  ideas  in 
the  same  category.  At  the  beginning  of  the  "  Kano  Chronicle  "  printed  some  years 
ago  in  the  Royal  Anthropological  Journal  is  mentioned  the  worship  of  something 
called  tchuburburai  or  tchunburburai.  The  writer  was  for  some  time  unable  to  find 
out  precisely  what  was  meant  by  this  word,  but  finally  elicited  from  the  best 
authority  in  the  country  that  it  "was  the  same  thing  as  a  jigo  or  Gamsami  (lit. 
"  Son  of  the  Queen,"  i.e.,  phallic  pole).  Tchububurai\  is  obviously  a  plural,  of 
which  the  singular  must  be  some  such  word  as  tchuburi. 

Tchuburi,  which,  as  now  vocalised,  is  pronounced  chibiri,  tsibeli,  or  tsiberi, 
usually  means  either  (1)  a  ball  of  mud,  or  (2)  an  island.  Later  on  in  the  "Kano 
Chronicle "  it  is  used  of  some  magical  object  which  could  be  carried  into  battle. 
The  connection  seems  to  be  supplied  by  the  word  shuri  (a  contraction  for  shuburi), 
Avhich  means  an  "  ant-hill,"  that  is  to  say,  a  "  cone  "  (phallos).  The  identification 
is  made  practically  certain  because  the  Bush  Fulani — and  probably  others — hold 
these,  "aut-hills "  sacred,  and  pour  milk  into  them  as  an  oblation  to  the  immanent 
deity. 

It  would,  then,  appear  that  the  Tchibiri  mentioned  in  the  "Kano  Chronicle  "  were 
"cones"  similar  to  the  "  Tanit  cones"  which  have  been  found  in  such  numbers  in 
North  Africa.  These  "cones"  were  worshipped  in  a  grove  which  included  a  g'alaa 
— the  g'alaa  of  Tchuburburai. 

Now  g'alaa  is  not  a  modern  Hausa  word  ;  nor  has  any  possible  explanation  of 
it  come  to  light,  unless  it  is  the  g'alaa  or  g'eloa  of  the  North  African  Berbers,  a 
well-known  institution  ;  in  fact,  the  sacred  storehouse  of  the  clan. 

Hausa  is  a  Berber  language.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  people  there  is  no 
possible  doubt  that  the  language  came  from  the  Sahara — and  probably  the  north  of 
the  Sahara,  for  it  has  more  in  common  \vith  the  dialects  spoken  there  than  with 
Tamashek.§ 

There  seems,  therefore,  to  be  no  valid  reason  why  an    explanation  of   the  name 
"  Tanit,"  which  would  occur  to  any  student  of  Hausa,  should  not  be  correct,  that  is 
*  Cf.  korto  (adulterer)  supr&. 

f  Compare  the  words  guri  ("lust")  and  diiri  ("vagina").      The   Berber  root  err  ("to  burn") 
seems  to  be  cognate  to  all  these  words. 

|   Cf.  the  word  burbura  (Hausa)  of  "  boys  to  feel  manhood." 
§   Sep.  Rene  Basset,  Kabyle  Grammar,  p.  i. 

[     116    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  52-53. 

to  say  she  was  T-inna-t  (inna  is  the  Fulani  word  for  mother  and  the  Hausa  word 
for  maternal  aunt). 

"  Uwardawa,"  the  mother  goddess  of  the  bush,  is  called  either  ba-Jilalana  (i.e., 
the  "  Fulani  woman  ")  or  inna.  The  former  name  is  considered  a  euphemism,  and 
her  name  of  inna  is  rather  avoided  by  the  Hausas,  who  appear  to  stand  in  particular 
dread  of  her  and  Gajimori. 

A  rather  interesting  point  which  I  noted  is  that  her  face  is  never  seen,  but  only 
her  feet,  and  the  interesting  speculation  arises  as  to  whether  this  has  any  connection 
with  the  fact  that  at  Carthage  Tanit  was  always  "  Pere  Baal,"  i.e.,  with  the  face 
of  Baal-Ammou. 

The  Fulani  worship  sambo,  the  son  or  husband  of  inna,  by  pouring  milk  into 
ant  hills. 

Sambo  is  peculiarly  the  "cattle  god,"  and,  as  far  as  is  known,  the  Pagan 
Fulani  have  no  other  divinities  but  inna  and  sambo. 

In  view  of  the  observations  made  above  the  writer  feels  justified  in  suggesting 
that  the  Hausa  Pagan  religion  was  not  a.  local  animistic  cult,  but  rather  a  reflex  of 
the  Berber  religions  of  North  Africa,  and  that  the  bori  dances  were  dances  held  in 
honour  of  a  mother  goddess  called  by  the  Libyans  Tanit,  and  that  the  "  prostitutes " 
who  now  frequent  these  dances  were  originally  devotees.*  H.  R.  PALMER. 


Fiji.  Hocart. 

Masks  in  Fiji.     By  A.  M.  Hocart.  CO 

Mr.  Joyce  once  directed  my  attention  to  the  Fijian  wigs  in  the  British  OU 
Museum.  On  my  return  to  Fiji  I  accordingly  made  enquiries  as  to  their  use,  and 
thus  came  into  possession  of  the  following  facts,  which  are  of  some  interest,  as  they 
bring  Fiji  into  the  circle  of  peoples  who  use  ceremonial  masks. 

I  am  indebted  to  my  learned  friend,  Saimone  Ngonedha,  of  Naokorosule,  in  South- 
Eastern  Dholo,  f  for  the  first  and  best  account.  His  memory,  which  is  remarkable,  was 
assisted  and  amplified  by  Nafitalai,  an  exceedingly  old  man. 

"  Wigs  (ultimate)  were  used  for  the  nggidha  of  the  Brazilian  plum  («?«')  and  the 
nduruka.\  The  Brazilian  plum  trees  were  not  very  common,  and  when  ripe  might 
not  be  eaten,  but  men  came  and  told  the  people  who  planted  the  trees,  '  We  want 
'  to  bear  the  nggidha  of  the  plums.'  This  was  approved  ;  it  was  not  refused,  but 
always  approved  ;  but  if  the  plums  were  not  brought  to  the  owners  they  got  angry. 
Men  called  nggidha  were  selected  to  look  after  the  trees.  They  wore  wigs  and  a 
bandage  of  bark  cloth  was  tied  over  the  face  below  the  eyes,  and  was  called  mata 
vula  (white  face).  The  whole  body  was  covered  with  banana  leaves.  Their  speech 
consisted  in  '  ksh,  ksh.'  They  never  walked,  but  ran.  People  fled  before  them  ;  the 
reason  was  that  he  (sic)  wore  another  man's  hair  and  might  spear  anyone.  It  was 
taboo  to  resist  a  nggidha.  It  was  taboo  to  call  him  by  his  name  ;  he  was  addressed 
as  nggidha. 

"  The  fruit  might  not  be  gathered  by  anyone,  but  the  nggidha  went  with  their 
men  to  gather  them  and  bring  them  to  the  common  house  (mbure).  When  the  time 
to  'pour  out'  the  plums  had  come,  notice  was  sent  round  to  all  the  common  houses 
in  which  it  was  intended  to  pour  them  out.  The  women  would  then  prepare  food. 

*  It  is  rather  curioiw  that  the  word  for  "bitch"  in  Hausa  (hdria)  is  the  same  as  the  word  of 
;'  prostitute  "  (karua),  for  the  feminine  terminations  ia  and  ua  are  the  same.  In  the  temples  of  Astarte 
both  male  and  female '•  sacred  prostitutes  "  were  called  kelblm  ("dogs"'')-  See  Barton,  Semitic  Origins 
p.  251,  note  (2). 

f  For  the  sense  in  which  1  use  South-Eastern  Uholo,  North-Eastern  Dholo,  ice.,  see  An  Ethno- 
graphical Sketch  of  Fiji. 

J  A  kind  of  cane,  of  which  the  inflorescence  is  eaten  raw,  boiled,  or  roasted,  and  makes  an 
excellent  vegetable  and  a  constant  dish  in  Dholo  in  May  and  June.  The  leaves  are  used  for  thatch. 

[  117  ] 


Nos,  53-54,]  MAN.  [1914, 

The  plums  were  brought  and  distributed  among  the  owners.  The  nggidha  took  off 
their  wigs  and  ate  the  food.  They  might  speak  when  their  wigs  were  off.  After 
eating  they  put  their  wigs  on  again.  The  people  gave  them  spears  and  other  articles 
(iyau),  which  the  nggidha  kept  till  all  the  plums  were  fallen  ;  they  then  divided 
them. 

"  Plums  taken  to  another  village  were  paid  for  in  manufactured  articles  (iyau). 

"  There  was  a  nggidha  also  for  nduruka,  but  not  every  year  as  for  the  Brazilian 
plum,  but  only  when  the  crop  was  reserved  for  presentation  to  another  village." 

It  should  be  noted  that  in  Verata,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Viti  Levu,  nggidha 
is  the  long  and  unwashed  hair  worn  by  children  during  their  period  of  yaws. 

In  Waisomo,  a  little  higher  up  than  Nakorosule,  they  had  nggidha  for  Brazilian 
plums  and  nduruka.  The  man  was  not  selected  from  any  particular  clan,  but  he 
must  be  a  man  in  bis  prime,  as  he  had  to  run.  He  wore  a  wig  and  dressed  in 
bark  "cloth  so  as  to  be  tambu. 

Josua,  of  Sowiri,  of  North-Eastern  Dholo,  had  nothing  of  interest  to  add.  In 
his  country  the  nggidhcCs  face  was  blackened  and  his  head  crowned  with  leaves  ;  his 
body  was  covered  with  leaves  so  that  no  part  might  appear. 

Among  the  Noikoro,  a  South-Western  Dholo  tribe,  we  find  the  custom  under  the 
name  of  veli.  Now  the  veli  among  the  High  Fijians  is  a  dwarfish  being  that  still 
lives  in  the  woods  and  re-echoes  the  shouts  of  men.  This  suggests  that  the  masked 
figures  represent  some  non-human  being  ;  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  anything 
in  Fiji  that  would  add  to  this  bare  suggestion.  Other  parts  of  Melanesia  may  supply 
the  necessary  facts. 

Among  the  Noikoro  the  elders  (turanga)  in  council  would  decide  to  have  the 
veli  when  the  sugar  cane  or  the  fruit  trees  were  taboo.  Some  men  put  on  wigs  of 
black  hair*  and  covered  the  whole  body,  even  to  the  face,  with  spathes  (vulo)  of  the 
cocoanut.  They  wore  high  caps  of  the  same  material.  This  dress  was  called  turi. 
They  spoke  in  a  high-pitched  voice.  They  carried  spears  and  throwing  clubs,  with 
which  they  struck  people,  who  fled  in  fear  to  the  bush. 

My  Noikoro  informant  told  me  that  a  festival  (solevu)  was  held  that  the  man 
might  no  longer  enter  the  veli  (me  oti  ni  dhuruma  na  veli),  that  is,  to  end  his  veli- 
ship.  He  explained  the  expression  he  used  by  saying  that  the  man  "  entered  the 
"  cocoanut  spathes."  This  and  the  expression  quoted  above,  to  bear,  or  carry,  the 
nggidha,  suggest  that  the  attire  was  not  merely  a  disguise,  but  had  originally  some 
individuality  of  its  own. 

Among  the  Kai  Ndavutukia  in  Saru,  a  Lower  Siugatoka  tribe,  we  have  an  inter- 
esting example  of  the  degeneration  of  a  serious  custom  into  play,  for  the  veli  is  there 
no  more  than  a  buffoon.  Two  men  would  dress  in  faded  banana  leaves  and  wear  a 
mask  of  cocoanut  spathes  with  eyeholes  burnt  into  them.  They  would  sit  in  a  house 
with  spears  in  their  hands  and  keep  putting  out  their  tongues  to  make  the  people 
laugh  ;  then  they  would  move  on  to  another  place.  Their  only  use  was  to  provoke 
the  jests  of  the  assembled  people.  A.  M.  HOCART. 


REVIEWS. 
Africa,  South.  Junod. 

The  Life  of  a  South  African  Tribe.     By  Henri  A.  Junod.    Vol.  II.     9  inches     C  J 
by  6  inches.     Pp.  1-574.  UT1 

This  second  volume  of  Mr.  Junod  is  full  of  valuable  matter,  though  it  cannot 
be  said  to  be  equal  to  the  first  in  interest.  The  same  careful  study  so  abundantly 
manifested  in  the  first  volume  has  been  maintained,  but  the  writer  has  had  to  meet 
greater  difficulties  in  dealing  with  his  subject.  The  difficulties  seem  to  be  due  to 

*  That  is,  hair  that  has  not  been  dyed 
[    118    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos,  54-55. 

changes  in  the  tribe  owing  to  contact  with  higher  culture  and  an  advanced  code  of 
civilisation.  Many  customs  have  been  modified,  leaving  only  a  few  indications  of 
their  importance  ;  for  example,  in  agriculture  we  are  given  a  number  of  restrictions 
(pp.  28-30)  which  are  deeply  interesting,  but  they  also  point  to  others  which  have 
been  dropped,  and  that  the  work  of  investigation  has  been  great.  The  introduction  of 
new  kinds  of  trees,  such  as  orange,  lemon,  and  mango  must  necessarily  have  helped  to 
weaken  old  tree  spirit  beliefs,  and  the  new  methods  of  agriculture  have  tended  to  break 
down  old  habits  and  beliefs.  Again,  in  industrial  life,  carpentering,  pottery,  smithery, 
&c.,  the  introduction  of  new  ideas  with  new  tools  such  as  we  note  (pp.  111-136), 
especially  in  carpentering,  with  the  common  use  of  chairs,  tables,  and  houses  with  a 
new  type  of  architecture,  these  new  habits  kill  the  old,  which  are  banished  and  swept 
away  without  any  record  kept  unless  there  is  some  person  on  the  spot  to  note  them. 
Again,  in  dress  the  change  is  complete,  so  also  in  social  life  the  old  is  almost  for- 
gotten. Hunting  seems  to  have  retained  more  of  its  early  customs  ;  the  incestuous 
act  of  a  father  before  going  to  hunt  hippopotamus  (p.  60)  and  the  many  carefully 
explained  taboos,  are  of  deep  interest  and  value  to  science.  Primitive  religion  has 
passed  into  an  entirely  new  phase,  there  seems  to  be  little  of  what  must  have  been 
deeply  instructive  left.  Great  attention  and  care  has  been  devoted  to  the  reproduction 
of  music  and  folk-lore,  with  excellent  results.  Great  credit  is  due  to  Mr.  Junod  for 
the  care  with  which  he  has  carried  out  his  work,  and  we  are  indebted  to  him  for  his 
valuable  contribution  to  the  Anthropology  of  Africa.  The  printer's  arrangement  of 
the  book  may  be  distasteful  to  most  English  readers.  A  map  would  have  been  useful, 
and  a  fuller  index  would  have  added  to  the  value  of  the  deeply  interesting  work. 

J.  ROSCOE. 


Art.  Spearing-. 

The  Childhood  of  Art.  By  H.  G.  Spearing.  With  16  plates  in  colour  JJC 
and  482  illustrations  in  black  and  white.  London  :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  UU 
Triibner  &  Co.  1912. 

Mr.  Spearing  has  set  himself  an  ambitious  task,  but  one  which  needed  doing 
and  is  well  worth  the  effort.  The  keynote  of  the  book  is  given  in  the  sub-title, 
"  The  Ascent  of  Man,  a  sketch  of  the  vicissitudes  of  his  upward  struggle,  based 
"  chiefly  on  the  relics  of  his  artistic  Avork  in  prehistoric  times."  The  author  is 
quite  aware  of  the  manifold  difficulties  to  be  overcome  in  treatment,  interpretation, 
and  matter.  With  regard  to  the  last  he  points  out  that  "the  historian  has  to 
"  gather  the  crumbs  that  fall  from  the  explorer's  table,  and  the  food  he  gets  is 
"  sometimes  not  easily  digestible.  Occasionally  the  law  of  copyright  about  illustra- 
"  tions  prevents  him  from  even  picking  up  the  crumbs."  We  are  thankful  to  him 
for  the  trouble  he  has  been  at  to  give  the  original  sources  of  the  very  numerous, 
beautiful,  and  apposite  illustrations.  The  labour  of  selecting  these  and  acquiring 
the  permission  for  reproduction  must  have  been  very  great. 

The  book  deals  with  the  art  of  the  cave  period  of  palaeolithic  man  in  Europe, 
North  African  petroglyphs,  the  art  of  Ancient  Egypt,  Chaldean  art,  Cretan  art,  the 
humble  origins  and  the  triumph  of  Greek  art,  and  contains  various  discussions  on 
the  origins  of  drawing,  schematism  and  stylisation,  and  the  like.  A  few  references 
are  given  in  the  text,  but  more  will  be  found  in  the  useful  notes  at  the  end  of  the 
volume.  The  author  has  evidently  taken  great  pains  to  ensure  accuracy  in  his 
statements  ;  he  has,  however,  unwittingly  done  injustice  to  the  artist  who  carved 
the  wonderful  horse's  head  shown  in  Fig.  13,  as  the  drawing  is  nearly  twice  the 
actual  size — not  "  half."  Mr.  Spearing's  book  can  be  commended  to  those  who  are 
interested  in  pictorial  and  religious  art,  and  archaeologists,  ethnologists,  and  art 
students  especially  will  find  it  informing. 

[     H9     ] 


Nos.  55-56.]  MAN.  [1914. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  all  Mr.  Spearing'a  inference*  will  be  accepted  by 
his  colleagues.  For  example,  on  p.  61  he  says,  "Children  and  savages  will  often 
u  say  that  the  vague  lines  they  scribble  do  really  represent  certain  definite  things. 
"  Are  we  justified  in  accepting  their  assertions  ?  No.  Unless  the  meaning  they 
"  attribute  to  their  scribblings  can  be  recognised  independently  by  some  other  people 
"  these  marks  cannot  be  said  to  have  any  meaning  at  all.  Recognition,  therefore, 
"  would  seem  to  be  the  test  of  their  art  value."  Mr.  Spearing  in  this  remark  shows, 
what  indeed  is  evident  in  other  places,  that  he  has  not  followed  with  sufficient  atten- 
tion the  work  which  has  been  done  by  various  investigators  in  the  decorative  art  of 
diverse  backward  peoples.  It  is  a  well-established  fact  that  the  Plains  Indians  of 
North  America,  in  their  porcupine  quill  embroidery,  beadwork,  and  painted  skin 
robes  and  parfleches,  draw  a  number  of  simple  designs  which  may  vary  in  signifi- 
cance. They  have  a  definite  meaning  for  the  artist,  but  unless  information  is  given 
it  is  not  possible  in  many  cases  to  say  what  a  particular  simple  design  is  intended 
to  represent,  still  less  the  concept  of  the  whole  design.  The  Arapaho,  for  instance, 
as  Kroeber  points  out,  admit  the  significance  of  all  their  designs.  "  We  make  no  tiling 
"  without  a  reason."  "  It  is  difficult  to  get  an  Indian  to  communicate  to  comparative 
"  strangers  or  foreigners  anything  of  a  religious  or  a  private  nature,  as  the  ornamen- 
"  tation  always  is.  He  will  hardly  ever  express  a  guess  at  the  meaning  of  any 
"  design  which  he  has  not  personally  made  or  seen  made  in  his  own  family,  and  is 
"  even  then  unwilling  to  express  his  opinion  of  its  meaning  "  (a  lesson  some  of  us 
might  well  learn  !)  Everything  that  looks  like  an  ornament  or  decoration,  however 
simple  it  may  be,  while  it  may  have  to  the  Indian  a  decorative  value,  "  has,  at 
"  bottom,  a  realistic  meaning,"  and  invariably  "  has  a  connection  with  religion  " 
{Scientific  American,  Supplement,  November  10th,  1900,  p.  20784).  Designs  of 
this  kind  have  an  absolute  decorative  value  ;  the  details  of  the  design  can  be  variously 
interpreted,  but  the  design  has  a  special  significance  for  the  artist,  and  may  express 
a  prayer  or  even  a  dream.  A.  C.  HADDON. 


Mexico :  Archaeology.  Joyce. 

Mexican    Archceology.      By  T.  A.  Joyce.       With    many  •illustrations    and  a     CO 
map.     London :  Philip  Lee  Warner.     1914.  UU 

It  was  a  bold  venture  to  attempt  to  condense  into  one  small  volume  the  work 
of  four  centuries  of  writers  and  investigators  on  ancient  Mexico,  but  Mr.  T.  A.  Joyce 
has  achieved  success  by  going  to  the  fountain-head,  to  Sahagun  and  the  other  early 
Spanish  historians,  and  by  presenting  their  evidence  in  simple  and  coherent  fashion. 
Details  have  been  omitted  necessarily,  but  the  history,  religion,  gods,  the  calendar, 
festivals,  and  the  general  condition  of  the  people  are  skilfully  sketched,  and  readers 
may  be  led  to  continue  the  study  for  themselves.  For  this  a  bibliography  is  needed, 
as  the  works  are  difficult  to  find  in  the  British  Museum  catalogue,*  and  one  should 
be  supplied  in  a  future  edition.  That  by  Dr.  W.  Lehmann  (to  which  reference  is 
made)  is  not  easily  available. 

The  clear  account  of  the  complicated  Maya  calendar-systems  is  particularly 
helpful  to  beginners  in  that  abstruse  subject,  and  so  are  the  provisional  scheme  of 
dating  and  the  comparative  table  of  migrations  and  rulers  given  in  Appendix  III. 
All  Maya  reckoning,  recorded  on  dated  monuments,  is  from  a  certain  day,  i.e., 
"  4  ahau  8  Cumhu,"  and  on  stela  C  at  Quirigua  this  is  seen  to  be  the  concluding 
date  of  a  "  cycle  13,"  which  must  be  the  last  cycle  of  the  preceding  grand  cycle. 
Mr.  Joyce  gives  reasons  for  suggesting  that  this  zero  point  was  the  year  3643  B.C., 

*  For  instance,  Cogolludo's  Historia  de  Yucathan  must  be  looked  for  under  "  Lopez,  Cogolludo." 
There  is  an  excellent  bibliography  in  Dr.  Spinden's  Maya  Art. 

[    120    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  56. 

not  an  excessive  period  for  the  development  of  an  art  so  elaborate  and  conventionalised 
as  that  associated  with  the  Maya.  The  Mexican  calendar  was  simpler,  but  the  twenty 
day-names  and  their  signs,  the  eighteen  months  and  the  feasts  belonging  to  them 
in  the  solar  year  of  365  days,  and  the  tonalamatl  reckoning  of  260  days  with  the 
accompanying  gods,  need  some  patience  to  learn  and  a  knowledge  of  the  Nahua  or 
"  Mexicano "  language.  This  resembles  German  and  Japanese  in  the  matter  of 
composite  words.  Place-names  are  often  long,  but  are  easily  understood  because  each 
part  has  a  definite  meaning.  Few  of  the  foreign  writers  on  things  Mexican  have 
troubled  to  learn  the  language,  although  the  power  of  conversing  freely  with  the 
Nahua-speaking  people  would  be  a  great  help  to  the  understanding  of  their  history. 
Many  traditions  must  be  kept  alive  among  them,  secluded  as  they  have  been  in 
remote  farms  and  villages,  whence  they  come  only  occasionally  for  markets  or 
pilgrimages.  The  owners  of  those  refined,  thoughtful  faces  would  be.  well  worth 
knowing.  The  peons  of  the  haciendas  are  now  quite  a  mongrel  race,  different  from 
those  who  have  kept  their  independence  in  isolation. 

Nahua  is  especially  worth  study  because,  owing  to  this  isolation  and  the  fact 
that  it  has  been  chiefly  a  spoken  tongue,  there  are  many  variations  and  dialects. 
Two  students  at  the  Museo  Nacional,  from  different  districts,  found  that  each  could 
add  to  the  vocabulary  of  the  other.  The  many  shades  of  ceremonial  and  polite 
expressions  indicate  a  long  period  of  cultivation.  The  Nahua  towns  of  Tuxpan 
(Jalisco)  and  Amathan,  near  Cordoba,  would  be  suitable  places  for  study,  though 
Tepoztian  considers  itself  the  intellectual  centre,  and  had  a  newspaper  a  few  years 
ago  printed  in  the  ancient  language.  At  Tetlama,  near  Xochicalco,  the  men  mix 
many  Spanish  words  with  their  own.  It  is  probable  that  the  women  everywhere 
speak  their  language  with  greater  purity. 

A  few  comments  may  be  made  on  the  vast  store  of  information  collected  in 
this  work.  It  is  scarcely  correct  to  say  that  the  Mexican  plateau  is  bordered  by 
converging  chains  of  lofty  mountains,  because  the  great  volcanoes  stand  up  as 
islands  and  in  many  places  the  plateau  lies  open  to  descent  on  one  side  or  the 
other.  The  apparent  high  mountain  range  seen  from  the  low  country  north  of  Vera 
Cruz  is  really  only  slightly  raised  above  the  edge  of  the  present  plateau.  On  the 
Pacific  side,  speaking  roughly,  there  is  no  mountain  barrier  between  the  plateau  and 
the  lower  country.  The  valley  of  Mexico  itself  is  partly  shut  in  by  mountains  but 
there  are  wide  levels  between  them.  Very  great  changes  have  taken  place  in  the 
topography,  owing  to  the  country  having  been  at  some  time  raised  up  far  beyond  its 
present  height  ;  immense  denudation  followed,  and  there  was  recent  volcanic  action 
on  an  equal  scale.  Discoveries  of  antiquarian  importance  are  likely  to  be  made  in 
the  limestone  regions  that  lie  beyond  these  disturbing  forces. 

The  tradition  of  the  journey  of  the  dead  to  Mictlan  (p.  102)  seems  based  on 
recollections  of  the  former  Anahuac  in  the  Sierra  Madre  of  Guerrero  (once  thickly 
inhabited).  The  dead  may  have  been  taken  back  there  for  burial,  after  a  migration, 
when  they  would  have  had  to  pass  between  mountains,  over  deserts,  to  encounter 
huge  boa  constrictors  and  Gila  monster  lizards,  and  to  cross  the  deep  Rio  de 
Mexcala.  In  the  notice  of  Tlaxcala  (p.  114)  it  is  said  to  have  been  "erroneously 
"  mentioned  as  a  republic,"  but  the  early  Spanish  writers  used  that  word  for  any 
form  of  political  government.  The  "four  cities"  named  were  adjacent  quarters  of 
the  capital,  Tepeticpac  and  Ocotelolco  being  on  opposite  hills  overlooking  the 
modern  town  of  Tlaxcala.  The  State  contained  many  other  towns,  such  as  may  be 
seen  at  present,  with  a  teocalli  (now  replaced  by  a  church)  and  a  plaza  surrounded 
by  flat-roofed  dwellings,  eacU  with  its  enclosed  bit  of  garden  land,  each  owner  a 
peasant  proprietor.  The  making  of  tortillas,  which  occupies  so  much  of  the  women's 
time,  is  not  described,  though  it  must  have  been  always  a  fundamental  part  of 


No.   56.]  MAN.  [1914. 

existence.     The  transition  from  the  maternal  nourishment  to  the  dry  tortilla  accounts 
partly  for  the  high  mortality  amongst  children. 

The  full  account  of  Mexican  daily  life  is  followed  by  a  too  short  notice  of  some 
of  the  architectural  remains.  The  niched  pyramid,  known  locally  as  El  Taj  in  (p.  182) 
is  not  at  Papantla  but  four  or  five  miles  away,  and  the  sculptured  stone  reliefs  there 
are  of  great  interest.  According  to  tradition,  the  inhabitants  of  the  important  ancient 
city  (supposed  to  be  Tusapam)  on  a  mesa  near  Chicualoque,  migrated  in  consequence 
of  a  famine  and  settled  there.  Niched  buildings,  similar  to  the  Tajin,  form  a  square 
on  a  site  below  Cuetzala,  some  distance  south  of  Papantla.  The  ruins  of  Cempoala 
are  at  the  modern  village  of  Agostadero,  north  of  the  station  of  San  Francisco,  on 
the  railway  between  Jalapa  and  Vera  Cruz.  Explorers  lose  much  time  through  scanty 
or  erroneous  information  as  to  the  places  they  are  seeking. 

The  great  variety  of  hand-made  pottery  found  on  the  island  of  Sacrificios 
(p.  193)  is  due  to  the  sacred  nature  of  the  spot  and  the  coming  there  of  pilgrims 
from  all  parts  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  from  a  wide  region  inland.  It  is  probable 
that  places  where  fine  hand-made  painted  pottery  is  still  produced  were  always 
famous  for  that  art. 

Information  from  many  sources  has  been  gathered  in  the  second  part  of  the  book, 
devoted  to  the  religion,  calendar,  and  life  of  the  Maya.  Criticism  is  not  needed, 
and  where  so  much  pains  has  been  taken  to  secure  accuracy,  it  is  rather  ungracious 
to  mention  minor  errors  inevitable  in  a  compilation.  It  should  be  noted,  however, 
that  there  are  no  reliefs  on  the  inner  walls  of  the  Ball  Court  at  Chiehen  Itza  (see 
Fig.  60).  On  page  348  these  reliefs  are  correctly  described  as  being  in  a  building 
attached  to  the  Ball  Court.  This  appears  to  be  an  audience-chamber  rather  than  a 
temple,  and  is  on  the  outer  side  of  the  wall,  on  ground-level,  and  facing  what  must 
have  been  a  great  square  in  front  of  the  Castillo. 

The  useful  map  has  Mitla  where  Etla  should  be,  Mitla  being  east  of  Tlacolula. 
Tzintzuntzan  should  be  on  the  peninsula  in  the  lake  of  Patzcuaro.  Mr.  Joyce  has 
added  yet  another  spelling  to  Montezuma.  The  early  Spanish  writers  called  him  by 
that  name,  or  Mote9uma,  presumably  as  they  heard  it  pronounced. 

There  seems  insufficient  reason  to  assume  that  Palenque  is  a  late  site  because 
the  present  buildings  are  late  in  style,  any  more  than  an  English  cathedral  could  be 
dated  in  the  same  way.  A  place  so  sacred  as  appears  from  the  number  of  buildings 
still  standing,  which  were  almost  certainly  temples,  and  the  remains  of  mounds 
containing  burial  chambers,  and  covering  a  large  space  of  ground  in  all  directions,* 
must  have  been  frequented  for  a  long  period.  The  buildings  may  have  been 
renewed  and  the  dates  of  the  first  foundation  retained.  The  fact  that  the  early 
dates  are  on  stone  slabs  in  sanctuaries  and  that  the  archaic  looking  figures  in  relief 
at  the  Palace  are  on  stone,  in  contrast  to  the  stucco  ornamentation  in  general,  would 
lead  one  to  suppose  that  they  belonged  to  a  different  period.  The  extreme  damp  of 
Palenque  may  have  caused  it  to  be  considered  a  special  abode  of  the  rain  deity. 
That  particular  area  is  peculiar  for  its  heavy  rainfall. 

The  bottle-shaped  stone  chambers  called  chultunes,  in  Yucatan,  are  similar  to 
those  in  Peru,  in  Ecuador,  in  Grand  Canary,  and  in  Central  France  (Charente), 
where  they  are  known  as  silos.  The  tripod  bowls  with  feet  which  terminate  in 
animal  or  human  heads  (p.  309)  have  been  found  on  the  border  of  Michoacan  and 
Guerrero,  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  de  las  Balsas.  That  region  has  produced  great 
quantities  of  fine  stone  ornaments  and  masks.  The  destruction  of  "  idols  "  by  Landa 
is  probably  the  cause  of  the  small  number  of  images  in  Yucatan.  The  processions  of 
loaded  carts  at  that  time  astonished  a  contemporary  writer. 

Mr .  Joyce's    "  conclusions "    are    cautious,  sane,  and  afford  good    foundation    for 
*  Maudslay,  text,  Vol.  111.,  p.  15. 
[     122     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos.  56-57. 

future  research.  He  will  find  that  the  name  Toltec  has  been  confused  owing  to  its 
application  to  the  inhabitants  of  Tollan=reed  (totora  in  the  Quichua  of  Bolivia),  or 
marshy  place,  and  to  the  total  people,  the  blue  turkey  people=  Tutul  xiu,  the  "blue 
bird."  At  the  Toluca  museum  there  are  some  reliefs  with  blue  turkeys,  discovered 
in  the  neighbourhood. 

In  a  work  of  this  kind  the  illustrations  are  an  important  feature,  and  in  this 
case  represent  well  the  different  subjects  treated,  though  some  more  examples  of  the 
complex  ornament  on  Maya  facades  would  have  been  welcome.  The  frontispiece  is 
an  especially  fine  example  of  reproduction.  A.  C.  B. 


Linguistics.  Johnston. 

Phonetic  Spelling,  a  Proposed  Universal  Alphabet  for  the  rendering  of  CT 
English,  French,  German,  and  all  other  Forms  of  Speech.  By  Sir  Harry  Uf 
Johnston.  Pp.  vi.  -f-  92.  Price,  3s.  6d.  net.  Cambridge  University  Press,  1913. 

Towards  the  close  of  this  booklet  the  author  says  that  if  any  change  is  to  be 
made  in  the  direction  of  spelling  English,  etc.,  phonetically,  that  change  must  be  a 
complete  one  and  the  system  adopted  be  severely  logical ;  and  elsewhere  he  expresses 
himself  with  fitting  severity  on  the  hermaphrodite  ideas  of  the  Simplified  Spelling 
Society,  which  do  not  justify  serious  discussion.  The  R.G.S.  system,  which  casts  an 
antediluvian  gloom  over  the  last  edition  of  Notes  and  Queries  on  Anthropology,  is 
naturally  unworthy  of  mention. 

If  we  ask  what  are  the  requisites  of  a  phonetic  system,  the  reply  is  that  it  must 
be  (a)  adequate  and  (6)  convenient  both  for  script  and  print.  The  success  of  the 
author  in  actual  transcription,  though  a  subsidiary  point,  is  not  without  its  bearing. 

Before  we  can  judge  of  the  adequacy  of  this  system,  we  should  have  some 
information  as  to  its  basis,  i.e.,  as  to  which  variety  of  English  speech  the  author 
regards  or  chooses  as  ideal.  In  the  present  system  5  represents  the  vowel  sounds  in 
"  store  "  and  "  Maud,"  which  for  many  people  are  absolutely  distinct ;  on  the  other 
hand,  a  digraph  ee  is  employed  for  the  vowel  sound  in  "  there."  Again,  <a  represents 
the  vowel  sound  in  "  soiil,"  usually  a  diphthong,  but  is  likewise  employed  for  the 
simple  closed  o  in  German. 

It  is  legitimate  to  argue  that  each  nation  shall  be  permitted  to  simplify  a 
universal  phonetic  system  to  suit  its  own  needs,  and  from  this  point  of  view  there 
would  be  no  objection  in  practice  to  Sir  Harry  Johnston's  usage  ;  but  if  he  aspires 
to  give  us  a  universal  alphabet,  he  cannot  slur  over  international  differences  of  this 
sort.  The  same  criticism  applies  to  his  provision  of  only  two  "  a "  vowels  (if  we 
exclude  the  sound  heard  in  "  but ").  Is  our  English  "  a "  in  "  father  "  an  adequate 
rendering  of  this  sound  in  "  Schwamm "  or  "  madame  "  ?  Again,  I  do  not  find  any 
sign  provided  for  the  sound  of  o  in  "  konig,"  or  the  eu  sound  in  "  precieuse." 

The  author  commits  himself  to  the  use  of  new  letters  rather  than  diacritical 
marks,  more  especially  for  the  indication  of  vowel  sounds  ;  but  even  then  his  sixteen 
vowel,  signs  contain  five  with  diacritical  marks,  one  diphthong  (<e\  and  two  pairs 
of  variant  forms  (a,  a  ;  e,  t).  I  note  as  a  grave  defect  that  e  (short  open  vowel)  as  in 
"  met,"  and  e  (long  closed  vowel)  as  in  "  grate "  have  only  one  character.  No  sign 
is  provided  for  the  long  open  sound,  and  the  author  writes  "  meme  "  as  if  the  vowel 
were  identical  with  the  e  mentioned  above.  Among  minor  peculiarities  of  transcrip- 
tions I  observe  "  Abendz  "  (=  "  Abends  ")  ;  I  have  never  heard  any  pronunciation 
but  "Abeuts." 

Much  more  might  be  said,  but  it  suffices  to  add  that  even  those  who  cannot 
accept  the  author's  system  in  its  entirety  will  be  grateful  to  him  for  throwing  his 
weight  into  the  scale  of  spelling  reform.  Criticisms  such  as  I  have  offered  on  points 
of  detail  will  be  more  welcome  to  him  than  indiscriminate  praise.  N.  W.  T. 

[     123    ] 


No.  58.]  MAN.  [1914, 

America,  South  :  Ethnology,  Labrador. 

El  Paraguay    Catolico.      By  J.   Sanchez   Labrador.      2  vols.       Imprenta    de     CO 
Coni  Hermanos,  684  Peru,  Buenos  Aires.     1910.  lIQ 

The  manuscript  of  this  work,  forgotten  for  more  than  a  hundred  years,  wsis 
obtained  from  the  R.  P.  Gomez  Rebeldes  and  published  by  the  University  of  La  Plata, 
in  pursuance  of  a  policy  of  diffusing  knowledge  of  ancient  South  America.  The 
author  was  a  learned  Jesuit  born  in  Spain  in  1717,  who,  after  being  Professor  of 
Philosophy  and  Theology  in  the  Academy  of  Nueva  Cordoba  (Argentina),  devoted 
himself  to  missions  among  the  Mbaya,  compiled  a  grammar  and  dictionary  of  their 
language,  and  wrote  eleven  quarto  manuscript  volumes  on  Paraguay,  with  descrip- 
tions of  the  country,  climate,  natural  history,  botany,  etc.,  illustrated  by  his  own 
good  and  careful  drawings.  Of  these  volumes  part  has  disappeared,  and  we  have 
here  chiefly  the  diary  and  topographical  record  of  the  missionary's  journeys  (not 
arranged  in  due  sequence),  but  much  valuable  information  is  scattered  through  the 
pages  about  everything  that  came  under  his  observation,  especially  as  regards  the 
native  peoples.  There  is  a  long  account  of  the  Mbaya,  and  notes  on  his  visits  to 
the  Chiquitos  and  Ghana.  From  1760  to  1767  he  was  in  charge  of  the  village  or 
Reduccion  of  N.  S.  de  Belen,  which  he  had  founded,  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Paraguay,  north  of  Asuncion.  He  and  the  other  missionary  Jesuits  were  suddenly 
deported  to  Italy,  and  Sanchez  Labrador  died  at  Ravenna  in  1799.  He  makes  no 
comment  on  the  strangely  abrupt  manner  in  which  they  were  carried  off,  to  the 
despair  of  their  Indian  flock. 

The  book  begins  with  the  account  of  a  journey  made  by  Sanchez  Labrador,  in 
1766-7,  to  the  Chiquitos  mission  station,  Sagrado  Corazon,  north  of  Beleu,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Paraguay,  accompanied  by  three  Guarani  and  two  Mbaya  men.  Great 
energy  and  vitality  were  needed  for  his  travel  on  horseback  through  a  country  of 
swamps,  sun-scorched  by  day,  enduring  heavy  storms  at  night,  lying  on  the  ground 
soaked  to  the  skin  whilst  the  myriad  minute  flies  "  well  supplied  the  want  of  fire  by 
"  their  burning  stings,"  swimming  rivers,  and  living  on  the  shoots  of  palms  and  such 
game  as  his  companions  could  secure.  They  made  light  of  the  obstacles  to  progress. 
Their  horses  were  as  intrepid  as  the  riders,  and  went  through  mud-holes  and  into 
and  out  of  rivers  as  if  the  whole  land  were  a  highway.  Owing  to  the  necessity 
of  hunting,  the  daily  journeys  were  short  and  there  was  time  to  take  solar 
observations  and  to  make  notes,  including  the  names  of  every  halting-place  and 
stream  in  Mbaya  and  Guarani.  Among  the  trees  described  is  one  called  Nivadenigo 
(Vol.  I,  p.  29),  with  the  method  of  extracting  from  the  nuts  a  red  dye  much  used 
by  the  Mbaya  for  body-painting.  From  another  tree,  the  Notig-igo,  black  ink  was 
made  for  painting  when  going  to  battle.  "  They  say  that  if  they  were  painted  red 
"  then  their  own  blood  would  flow  "  (Vol.  I,  p.  308).  There  were  also  indigo  and 
at  least  three  trees  which  gave  a  yellow  dye.  Yellow  was  a  favourite  colour  and 
the  Mbaya  succeeded  in  producing  yellow  feathers  on  green  parrots  (Vol.  I,  p.  215) 
by  plucking  all  the  feathers  from  parts  of  the  birds'  body,  and  rubbing  the  bare 
places  sharply  with  a  yellow  dye  made  from  the  roots  of  the  plant  Logoguigo.  The 
bird  was  left  free  until  the  feathers  grew  again,  and  usually  they  came  yellow,  but 
if  any  were  green  the  process  was  repeated.  Then  the  feathers  continued  yellow, 
no  matter  how  often  they  were  plucked. 

The  Mbaya  were  also  known  as  Guaycuru.  and  Eyiguayegui.  Mbaya  is  the 
Guarani  word  for  mat  (Vol.  I,  p.  268),  and  was  applied  to  this  people  from  their 
custom  of  constructing  dwellings  with  mats.  Guaycuru  (also  from  the  Guarani)  is  a 
corruption  of  Guacuru-Ygua — those  who  drink  the  water  of  the  Guacuru  (Vol  II, 
p.  59).  In  D'Anville's  map,  printed  in  1733,  he  gives  two  rivers  of  this  name. 
They  called  themselves  Eyiguavegui — dwellers  in  the  place  of  the  Eyigua  palms. 

[     124    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  58. 

This  was  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Paraguay.  Needing  more  space,  they  moved  to 
the  eastern  bank,  and  were  persuaded  by  the  missionaries  to  inhabit  Belen.  Previously 
nomad  hunters,  they  learned  there  to  cultivate  mandioc  (Vol.  I,  p.  163),  though  the 
ploughing  had  to  be  done  by  Christian  Guarani.  Wild  rice  (Vol.  I,  p.  185)  was 
used  by  the  Payagua  and  Guachicos,  and  to  some  extent  by  the  Mbaya,  but  they  did 
not  know  how  to  clean  it.  The  wild  cotton  was  spun  and  woven  into  fine  materials 
by  the  women.  There  was  also  a  kind  of  wild  sugar-cane  and  the  juice  had  medicinal 
properties.  The  Mbaya  doctors  employed  none  of  the  many  medicinal  plants.  Their 
methods  were  singing,  shouting,  occasional  bleeding,  sucking  parts  of  the  patient's 
body,  and  when  death  was  obviously  near,  pressing  or  punching  his  abdomen  (Vol.  II, 
p.  42).  Sometimes  they  would  boast  of  killing  a  man  to  make  themselves  more 
feared.  Among  simple  remedies  was  the  use  of  a  rattlesnake's  fang  to  cure  headache, 
by  pricking  the  sufferer's  head  and  neck  with  it. 

In  the  short  notice  of  the  Chiquitos  (Vol.  I,  pp.  75-88),  they  are  said  to  have 
cultivated  in  their  orchards  rare  and  exquisite  fruits,  but  neither  wheat  nor  vines 
would  grow,  so  that  bread  and  wine  for  the  service  of  the  church  were  sent  regularly 
from  Peru.  The  Chiquitos  were  so  called  by  the  Spaniards  from  the  small  doors  of 
their  huts.  They  were  of  good  stature,  well  built,  with  pleasant  faces,  and  grave, 
serious  manners.  Some  details  are  given  of  their  ten  towns.  Their  principal  diver- 
sion was  a  ball  game  in  which  there  were  200  or  more  on  each  side  ;  the  ball  was 
thrown  to  a  great  distance,  although  it  might  be  hit  only  with  the  head.  The  side 
lost  that  failed  to  return  the  ball.  For  this  game  and  for  their  dances  they  adorned 
themselves  with  well  made  feather  ornaments.  They  also  practised  using  arrows  with 
protected  points.  Two  competitors  shot  at  each  other,  both  moving  their  bodies 
with  great  agility  to  avoid  the  arrows.  Against  the  Portuguese  they  had  formerly 
used  arrows  touched  with  a  poison  so  strong  that  death  followed  a  wound  almost 
instantaneously.  They  traded  to  Peru  with  coarse  linen  and  wax,  had  churches  with 
three  aisles  and  of  good  architecture  and  excellent  music.  In  1766  there  were  nearly 
34,000  souls. 

The  Mbaya,  both  men  and  women,  differed  little  in  appearance  from  Spaniards 
or  from  Italian  peasants,  especially  those  near  Ravenna.  The  children  were  born 
white,  but  had  a  dark-coloured  spot  on  the  lower  part  of  the  back,  which  spread  and 
gradually  disappeared  as  the  whole  skin  darkened.  As  the  women  were  always  fully 
covered,  their  skins  remained  pale,  but  the  men  went  unclothed  usually  and  became 
dark.  They  removed  all  the  hair  from  their  faces  and  bodies,  although  naturally 
bearded  ;  even  the  eyebrows  and  eyelashes  were  pulled  out.  Before  they  could 
procure  small  mirrors  they  saw  themselves  in  the  water,  and  spent  whole  days  in 
plucking  out  hairs  or  removing  them  with  a  shell  (Vol.  I,  p.  246).  ^The  hair  of  the 
head  was  kept  quite  short  and  coloured  red.  The  men  were  painted  with  black 
designs  on  a  red  ground.  On  certain  days  they  added  suns  and  stars  in  white  by 
cutting  out  the  pattern  in  leather,  which  was  placed  on  the  body  and  the  white  applied 
as  in  stencilling  (Vol.  I,  p.  285).  Women  of  the  lower  class  tattooed  their  faces. 
This  was  a  mark  of  inferiority  ;  the  cacicas  and  the  wives  of  captains  spared  their 
faces  but  had  their  arms  tattooed  from  shoulder  to  wrist.  The  pricking  was  done 
with  a  fish-bone  and  the  black  with  ashes  of  the  leaves  of  the  Eabuigo  palm  or 
Notique  ink.  Girls  were  tattooed  when  from  fourteen  to  sixteen  years  of  age. 
"  Whilst  the  female  captives  were  collecting  wood,  bringing  water  and  cutting  palm- 
"  shoots,  and  the  males  were  hunting  or  fishing,  the  lords  sat  quietly  drawing  lines 
"  over  their  bodies."  In  this  way  they  forgot  their  hunger. 

A  Mbaya-Guaycuru  in  gala  costume  is  described  (Vol.  I,  p.  280).  He  wore 
anklets  of  glass  beads  with  some  metal  bells.  Below  the  knees  was  a  fringe  of  small 
feathers.  The  waist-belt  was  a  woven  scarf  covered  with  a  handsome  design  of 

[  125  ] 


No,  58.]  MAN.  [1914. 

coloured  beads,  except  in  front,  where  thin  plaques  of  yellow  metal  added  to  the 
effect.  Ten  or  twelve  large  metal  bells  were  hung  round  the  waist  by  the  rich. 
From  waist  to  throat  the  body  was  painted  red,  or  red  and  black.  Round  the  neck 
was  a  feather  fringe,  which  covered  the  shoulders,  and  a  quantity  of  tin  beads,  both 
long  and  round,  much  ornamented.  In  the  ears  were  a  number  of  rings  made 
from  coco-nuts  (Vol.  I,  p.  160)  or  silver  half-moons.  Failing  these  there  would  be 
small  tubes  of  tin  or  cane  filled  with  red  paint,  the  front  ends  stopped  with  a  tin 
button.  There  were  varied  adornments  of  feathers  for  the  head  (Vol.  I,  pp.  213-15 
and  247).  A  piece  of  bone  or  wood,  sometimes  covered  with  silver,  hung  from  the 
lower  lip,  and  there  were  bracelets  and  feathers  on  the  arms.  Women  embroidered 
their  mantles  and  added  small  pieces  of  mother  of  pearl. 

The  necessity  of  frequently  moving  camp  to  obtain  food  caused  the  Mbaya  to 
use  portable  dwellings  made  of  reed  mats.  A  sufficient  number  of  forked  posts  were 
planted  in  the  ground  in  three  rows,  and  the  mats  were  tied  together,  raised  with 
poles,  and  laid  over  to  form  the  top  of  the  roof.  More  were  added,  and  from  this 
roof,  on  each  side,  with  another  row  of  posts,  there  was  an  outer  corridor  of  mats. 
To  make  the  mats,  the  reeds  were  dried,  then  laid  together,  and  fastened  across 
with  thread ;  when  damp,  they  swelled  sufficiently  to  keep  out  the  rain.  The 
houses,  ten  to  twelve  yards  long  and  nearly  as  wide,  were  arranged  in  a  semi-circle 
with  a  space  in  the  centre  for  games.  Horses  were  not  allowed  to  enter  this,  and 
the  stables  were  outside  at  the  back  of  the  houses.  Cooking  was  done  in  the  outer 
corridors,  and  all  the  arrangements  were  clean  and  orderly.  The  people  slept  on 
skins,  with  palm  leaves  or  grass  beneath,  on  the  ground.  Mats  were  placed  over  the 
skins  for  sitting,  and  they  had  a  great  aversion  to  sitting  on  the  bare  ground. 
Meals  were  served  to  the  chiefs  by  their  servants. 

The  Mbaya  were  capable  mechanics  ;  they  made  lance-heads  of  metal,  fish-hooks 
from  iron  nails,  and  one  man  borrowed  a  fine  Barcelona  knife  and  produced  an 
equally  good  copy  in.  iron.  By  dint  of  much  hammering  they  made  the.  circular 
silver  plates  worn  by  the  women,  and  other  metal  oraments  (Vol.  I,  p.  296).  Skins 
were  well  prepared  by  stretching,  drying,  and  rubbing  hard  with  something  rough, 
usually  a  stone,  until  they  became  soft  and  pliable,  for  use  as  cloaks  when  the  cold 
south  wind  blew.  Short  coats  were  made  of  tiger  skin  for  war,  and  were  thought  to 
communicate  the  animal's  fierce  courage  to  the  wearer.  As  weapons  they  had  arrows, 
lances,  and  small  swords.  The  arrows  were  about  two  yards  long,  and  had  bone 
points  not  barbed,  fastened  to  sticks  of  a  hard  wood  carefully  shaped.  The  upper 
half  of  the  arrow  was  of  cane,  as  thick  as  a  forefinger.  The  bow  was  so  strong 
that  "only  arms  as  robust  as  those  of  the  C-uaycuru  could  bend  it."  The  arrows 
were  carried  in  the  left  hand  or  stuck  in  the  belt.  The  Mbaya  women  wove  stuffs 
and  ponchos,  invented  patterns  for  embroidery,  and  made  pottery.  All  this  was 
considered  recreation.  To  show  their  capacity,  Sanchez  Labrador  relates  that  a 
woman  happened  to  come  into  a  town  near  Asuncion  and  to  a  house  where  the 
sisters  of  the  priest  were  embroidering  a  beautiful  vestment.  Asked  jokingly  when 
she  would  do  one  for  the  church  at  Belen,  she  answered  that  it  was  not  difficult,  and 
taking  the  needle  she  continued  the  work  perfectly,  to  the  surprise  of  those  present. 

The  second  volume  begins  with  an  account  of  the  solemn  drinking  ceremonies, 
the  foot  races  (followed  by  terrible  scarification  of  their  bodies  by  the  runners),  games, 
and  other  customs.  There  was  a  great  festival  at  the  re-appearance  of  the  Pleiades, 
for  the  beginning  of  the  season  of  plenty  ;  everything  was  cleaned,  the  reed  huts 
were  taken  to  pieces,  and  the  mats  shaken.  Then  came  visitors  from  other  settle- 
ments and  great  boxing  matches  took  place  between  the  young  men.  War  was 
made  to  obtain  captives  (Vol.  I,  p.  311);  children  were  taken  by  preference,  even 
those  of  Spaniards,  and  some  adult  women  were  kept  alive,  the  others  and  the  men 

[  126.  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  58. 

being  killed.  The  Mbaya  did  not  marry  their  daughters  to  captives  and  their 
aristocracy  married  only  amongst  themselves.  All  the  relatives  of  caciques  and 
their  descendants  of  both  sexes  formed  a  hereditary  aristocracy,  quite  distinct  from 
the  servant  class.  A  kind  of  life-honour  was  also  conferred  on  a  male  infant  chosen 
when  a  son  was  born  to  a  cacique.  On  such  an  occasion  there  were  ceremonial 
dances  and  drinking  (Vol.  II,  pp.  14-19).  Marriage  was  usually  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five  to  thirty,  but  could  be  terminated  as  soon  as  the  husband  tired  of  his 
wife.  Infanticide  was  practised,  so  there  was  seldom  more  than  one  child  in 
a  family.  Twins  were  killed. 

In  November,  1761  (Vol.  II,  p.  269),  .Sanchez  Labrador  accompanied  a  party  of 
400  Mbaya  (men,  women,  and  children)  on  a  visit  to  a  Ghana  town  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Paraguay,  about  sixty  leagues  from  Belen,  between  it  and  the  Chiquitos 
country.  He  notes  with  admiration  their  method  of  travel.  The  men  rode  bare-back, 
guiding  their  horses  with  a  rope  tied  round  the  jaw.  The  ladies  had  comfortable 
pack-saddles  and  carried  ostrich  feather  parasols.  The  female  servants  and  captives 
were  laden  with  mats,  pots,  and  all  their  other  possessions.  The  main  party  went 
on  each  day  to  the  appointed  camp  whilst  the  hunters  ranged  widely  to  provide 
game.  When  they  came  to  the  Paraguay,  within  half  an  hour  all  had  crossed  and 
were  marching  on  the  other  side,  although  twenty  minutes  were  occupied  in 
swimming  the  wide  stream.  Children,  pots,  and  most  of  the  women  were  sent  over 
in  skins  fastened  up  at  the  sides. 

A  crowd  of  about  2,000  Ghana  received  the  visitors,  painted  black,  with  crowns 
of  white  ostrich  feathers  on  their  heads.  In  general  appearance  they  resembled  the 
Guarani.  They  were  gentle  and  of  good  disposition,  the  women  clever  housekeepers, 
skilful  in  weaving,  and  careful  of  their  children.  To  the  Mbaya  they  acted  as  vassals, 
and  were  as  good  tillers  of  the  soil  as  the  others  were  hunters.  Their  town  was  in 
a  cleared  space  of  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  in  an  extensive  forest.  It  had  wide 
streets  and  a  centre  square.  The  houses  were  from  16  to  20  yards  long,  dome- 
shaped  Avithout  pillars  (Vol.  II,  p.  275).  The  posts  which  formed  the  walls  were 
arched  and  tied  together  without  quite  touching  at  the  top,  where  a  hole  was  left  as 
chimney.  The  sides  were  filled  in  with  straw,  plaited  in  and  out,  from  the  ground  to 
the  top.  Each  captain  lived  with  his  brethren  and  family  in  one  house,  which  had 
five  doors.  Near  the  doors  were  the  cooking  fires  with  three  stones,  between  which 
the  ornamental  pots  were  set.  On  the  opposite  side  were  the  beds,  reed  mats  laid 
on  the  ground.  There  were  about  6,000  souls  in  the  town,  and  as  infanticide  was  not 
practised  the  numbers  increased.  Mandioc,  maize,  beans,  calabash,  sweet  potato,  tobacco, 
and  cotton  were  cultivated.  The  men  cleared  and  dug  the  ground  sitting,  using  a 
long-handled  spade.  Having  sown  their  fields,  they  went  away  for  the  dry  season  to 
hunt  and  fish,  returning  when  the  crops  were  ready  for  harvest.  Their  seven  towns 
were  near  enough  for  mutual  protection. 

The  author  complains  of  the  number  of  names  given  in  the  Historia  del  Chaco 
1o  the  Ghana  and  other  native  tribes.  The  name  Enimagas,  applied  to  some  of  the 
Leuguas,  was  only  a  rendering  of  the  Spanish  enemigos  =  enemies,  the  Lenguas  being 
in  constant  feud  with  everyone.  An  amusing  example,  too  long  to  quote,  illustrating 
the  pitfalls  of  those  who  employ  interpreters,  will  be  found  in  Vol.  II,  p.  115.  He 
adds,  "  Speaking  to  the  Indians  through  an  interpreter  is  waste  of  time."  There  is  a 
short  note  on  the  Guachitos,  Vol.  II,  pp.  134—5  ;  on  Itatine  burials,  Vol.  I,  p.  62  ; 
Payagua  burials,  Vol,  II,  p.  93  ;  Mbaya  funeral  ceremonies  and  mourning.  Vol.  II, 
pp.  46-49.  Stone  hatchets  are  described  Vol.  I,  p.  161. 

According  to  Boggiani,  by  1897  the  Mbayii  had  disappeared  from  the  Chaco  a.id 
the  modern  state  of  Paraguay  and  were  reduced  to  scarcely  more  than  one  hundred 

[     127    ] 


Nos,  58-62.]  MAN.  [1914. 

persons  of  pure  race  living  higher  up  the  river.  Taunay  about  the  same  time  speaks 
of  Guaycuru  and  Chane,  on  the  Miranda  river,  in  Matto  Grosso  (Brazil).  The  Caduveo 
appear  to  be  the  modern  representatives  of  the  Mbayii,  and  have  recently  been  studied 
by  A.  Frie.  A.  C.  B. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTES. 
Anthropology  and   Research   in   India. 

In  a  paper  read  recently  before  the  Royal  Society  of  Arts,  the  Hon.  CQ 
Mr.  E.  A.  Gait,  C.S.I.,  C.I.E.,  late  Census  Commissioner  for  India  and  Member  UU 
of  the  Executive  Council  for  Bihar  and  Orissa,  expressed  his  cordial  approval  of 
the  suggestion  made  last  year  by  the  Council  of  the  Institute  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  India,  that  anthropology  in  the  widest  sense  should  be  made  a  subject 
of  study  at  the  Central  Research  Institute,  which  it  is  hoped  the  Government  of 
India  may  be  in  a  position  shortly  to  establish. 

Meeting  at  Oxford. 

The  meeting  at  Oxford,  on  the  14th  May  1914,  to  which  the  Oxford  Oil 
University  Anthropological  Society  invited  the  Institute,  was  held  in  Christ  UU 
Church,  when  Professor  Gilbert  Murray  addressed  a  large  gathering  on  the  subject 
of  "  Folk  Influence  in  Greek  Literature."  In  moving  a  vote  of  cordial  thanks  to  the 
distinguished  lecturer  for  his  brilliant  and  stimulating  address,  Dr.  Marett,  at  the 
request  of  the  President,  who  was  unavoidably  absent,  conveyed  to  the  meeting  an 
expression  of  gratification  with  which  the  Institute  had  accepted  the  invitation  to 
the  meeting,  and  had  noted  the  growth  of  the  Oxford  School  of  Anthropology  in 
recent  years.  The  representatives  of  the  Institute  present  at  the  meeting  included 
Mr.  Henry  Balfoiir,  past  President  ;  Mr.  Edge  Partington,  Chairman  of  the  Executive 
Committee  ;  the  Honorary  Secretary  ;  and  a  considerable  number  of  Fellows. 

The  School  of  Oriental  Studies,   London   Institution. 

At  the  Mansion  House  meeting  held  on  May  6th,  1914,  in  support  of  the  IM 
School  for  Oriental  Studies  (which  will  occupy  the  premises  of  the  London  Ul 
Institution,  Finsbury  Circus),  with  the  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Mayor  in  the  chair, 
Lord  Curzon  laid  eloquent  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  the  real  key  to  success  in  the 
East  was  a  knowledge  of  the  national  character  of  the  peoples,  and  their  point  of 
view,  their  religious  beliefs,  their  scruples,  their  prejudices  perhaps,  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  at  the  school  would  be  set  up  machinery  for  teaching  those  whose 
careers  took  them  abroad  into  the  East  among  alien  cultures,  what  was  from  some 
points  of  view  even  more  important  than  languages,  an  acquaintance  with  the  ideas, 
traditions,  customs,  and  beliefs  of  Oriental  peoples.  Other  speakers  took  the  same 
line,  and  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  Social  Anthropology  of  India  will  be 
included  in  the  curriculum  of  the  School. 

Library  of  the    Royal   Anthropological    Institute.  Oft 

The  re-arrangement  of  the  Institute's  library  is  beginning  to  take  definite  Ofc 
shape,  and  it  is  hoped  that  a  catalogue  will  be  issued  in  due  course.  A  disinterested 
member  of  the  Council  has  undertaken  to  check  the  entire  stock  of  periodical  pub- 
lications with  a  view  to  discovering  deficiencies  in  series,  and  communication  will 
shortly  be  opened  with  publishing  institutions  with  a  view  to  filling  gaps.  It  is 
hoped  that  Fellows  of  the  Institute  and  others  who  possess  back  numbers  of  scientific 
journals  dealing  with  or  bearing  upon  Anthropology  for  which  they  have  no  use 
will  communicate  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


PLATE  J-J. 


MAN,  1914. 


FlG.  I. TREE  FROM  WHICH  BARK  HAS  BEEN  REMOVED  FOR 


FlG.  2. — TREE  FROM  WHICH  BARK  HAS  BEEN  REMOVED  FOR  MAKING  A  FOOD OR  WATER — CARRIER. 

EVIDENCE    OF    BARK    CANOES    AND    FOOD-CARRIERS    ON    THE    RIVER    MURRAY 

SOUTH    AUSTRALIA. 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  63-64. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 
Australia,  South.  With  Plate  I-J.  Basedow. 

Evidence  of  Bark-Canoes  and  Food-Carriers  on  the  River  Murray, 
South  Australia.  By  Herbert  Basedow,  M.A.,  M.D. ;  Local  Correspondent 
for  Australia  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

The  photographs  reproduced  in  the  accompanying  plate  (I— J)  show  "gum-trees" 
{Eucalyptus  rostratd)  bearing  traces  of  the  handicraft  of  extinct  South  Australian 
tribes.  I  came  upon  them  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Murray,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Tailem  Bend.  All  the  original  native  inhabitants  have  practically  vanished,  but 
there  is  ample  proof  to  bear  out  the  writings  of  early  explorers  and  the  reports  of 
old  residents  to  the  effect  that  the  area  was  at  one  time  thickly  populated.  Very 
numerous  heaps  of  bleached  shell-fragments,  principally  of  the  fresh-water  mussel 
(Unio  species\  and  burnt  pieces  of  limestone,  the  remnants  of  native  ovens,  exist 
among  the  sandhills.  The  method  of  cooking  was  to  lay  the  game  upon  stones  and 
rock  surfaces  previously  heated  by  an  open  fire.  It  was  in  the  same  district  that 
during  the  Government  Reclamation  Works  at  Swanport,  over  a  hundred  skulls  and 
more  or  less  complete  skeletons  were  recently  unearthed  in  an  excavation.  These 
bones,  which  have  found  their  way  to  the  Adelaide  Museum,  are  regarded  as  being 
those  of  natives  reported  by  the  late  Rev.  Taplin  to  have  died  during  an  epidemic 
of  small-pox. 

Illustration  No.  ]  shows  how  a  long  elongated  oval  patch  of  bark  has  been  cut 
and  detached  from  the  tree-trunk  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  a  canoe.  Quite  a 
number  of  trees,  from  which  the  bark  had  been  removed  in  like  manner,  were 
observed  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood. 

In  Illustration  No.  2  we  have  a  very  much  smaller  and  more  circular  patch 
removed,  the  thickening  of  the  bark  along  the  edge  giving  a  very  fair  idea  as  to  the 
time  that  has  elapsed  since  the  cutting  took  place.  Pieces  of  green  bark  of  the 
shape  indicated  are  still  used  in  many  parts  of  Australia  in  the  manufacture  of  food 
and  water  carriers,  known  as  "  coolemans  "  or  "  pitchis."  They  are  bent  into  the 
required  shape  and  dried  over  a  fire.  They  are  then  scraped  longitudinally  on  the 
inside  and  outside  surfaces  with  a  stone-implement. 

Both  photographs  betray  the  fact  that  the  trees  now  stand  on  cultivated  lands 
of  a  modern  farm.  H.  BASEDOW. 


Africa,  East:  Religion.  Werner. 

A  Galla  Ritual  Prayer.     By  Miss  A.    Werner.  O I 

The  following  prayer  was  dictated  to  me  by  a  Galla,  who  specially  desired  UT 
me  not  to  mention  his  name  in  connection  with  it.  I  subsequently  obtained  correc- 
tions and  additions  from  other  informants,  but  have  not  yet  succeeded  in  getting  a 
complete  copy,  as  the  invocation  for  the  Mandoyu  clan  is  still  missing,  in  spite  of  all 
my  efforts  to  get  it  supplied.  The  original  informant  did  not  give  a  complete  trans- 
lation into  Swahili,  only  explaining  in  a  general  way  that  it  was  a  prayer  for  peace 
and  plenty.  As  far  as  I  could  make  out  it  is  recited  at  festivals,  such  as  the  Jara 
(though  he  did  not  mention  this  especially),  by  a  man  who  stands  with  his  hands 
held  out  before  him,  palms  upward  and  somewhat  hollowed,  on  a  level  with  his  chest. 
The  rest  of  those  present  respond  at  intervals  :  Toche  !  (which  he  said  was  equivalent 
to  "  Amen  !  ")  Kanye  !  Jelachisye  !  Davie  !  (last  vowel  accented)  Jawesye  !  Galche  ! 
Magache !  I  could  not  get  at  the  meaning  of  these  ejaculations  (except  that  the 
last  two  mean  "  wealth  "  and  "  many  "  respectively),  nor  could  I  arrive  at  any  satis- 
factory conclusion  as  to  whether  they  are  used  in  a  fixed  order,  except  that  from 
line  11  onwards  (if  I  understand  rightly)  every  line  is  followed  by  the  response, 
Toche!  The  Galla  who  helped  me  to  correct  the  first  version  explained  most  of  the 

[     129     ] 


No.  64.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


lines  (though,  I  fancy,  in  very  paraphrastic  fashion),  but  said  that  he  did  not  know 
the  meaning  of  all,  some  of  the  words  being  very  old.  He  was  induced  to  recite  it 
into  the  phonograph,  but  the  record  is  not  very  satisfactory,  and  does  not  tally  with 
the  written  version,  either  because  he  became  confused  and  forgot  the  order  of  the 
lines,  or  because  he  was  reluctant  to  communicate  it  at  all.  My  first  informant,  after 
communicating  it  quite  spontaneously  at  Mambrui,  grew  nervous  at  his  own  village, 
saying  the  other  men  had  been  asking  how  I  knew  this,  and  begging  me  to  say,  if 
asked,  that  I  had  read  it  in  a  book  of  the  Europeans,  or  heard  it  at  Golbanti — 
anything,  in  short,  except  that  he  had  told  me  ! 


1.  Nagea  ana  kariu 

2.  Uta  Laficho  antolchu 

3.  Waka  laf  anjelachisu 

4.  Nam  Wak  so  bet  antolchu     - 

5.  Mil  laf  itandabu 

6.  Galet  anjabesu 

7.  Karar  Dulo  antolchu 

8.  Gerars  karan  galchu 

9.  Soda  Kareyu  Dul  antolchu  - 

10.  Karafulan  magachu   - 

11.  Denich  gamo  antolchu 

12.  Namwongame  wamet  antolchu 

13.  Gardyed  kale  antolchu 

14.  Kale  lachu  ankufsu  - 

15.  Galech  korm  ambul  antolchu 

16.  Galech  Meta  fayo  antolchu  - 

17.  Wanfay  wakomangowu 

18.  Bitalani  antolchu 

19.  Mida  bita  tan  holfolchu 

20.  Hani  karwoms  antolchu 

21.  Sunkena  wordalea  antolchu - 

22.  Dalsanama  bir  antesisu 

23.  Bujaji  antolchu 

24.  Kachir  anjaweswo 

25.  Wayu  Cherete  antolchu 

26.  Ak  chirecha  an  magachu 

27.  Hajej  antolchu 

2M.  Ak  hajijia  an  magachu 

29.  Guji  mambas  antolchu 

30.  Mambas  sanama  anhorsisu     - 

31.  Gdmadu  antolchu 

32.  Wamwongame  wamet  antolchu 

33.  Machitu  antolchu 

34.  Kodyega  diko  an-tolchu 

35.  Dik  anbalisei 

36.  Itu  autolchu  - 

37.  Hrime  ana  itichu 

38.  Digalu  holagafa  antolchu     - 

39.  Wongafa  anosisu 

40.  Abole  antolchu 

41.  Abwom  anbiesisu 

42.  Soda   fVamaji  antolchu 


(God),  give  me  peace  ! 

Make  (that)  Uta  Laficho  (may  have  peace)  ! 

May  God  (Wak)  love  me  and  the  land  ! 

Make  (that)  a  man  (nam)  may  pray  to  Wak  ! 

Let  (my)  leg  stand  on  the  land  ! 

Let  (my)  side  (ribs)  be  strong  ! 

Give  peace  to  Karar  Dulo. 

The  song  of  great  wealth  (?). 

Give  peace  to'his  brother-in-law,  Kareyu  Dul. 

?  many  ! 

Make  the  Denu         [?J. 
•) 

Make  that  the  stomachs  of  the  Gardyed, 

That  their  stomachs  may  be  filled. 

Make     .     .     .     ? 

Give  peace  to  the  Galech  Meta. 

Make  them  to  wear  beautiful  garments  ! 

Give  peace  in  the  north  ! 

Save  me  both  in  the  north  and  the  south  I 

Make  the  Hani  numerous  as  the  stars  ! 

Make  the  Sunkena  ? 

Let  people  and  cattle  multiply  ! 

Give  peace  to  the  Bujaji, 

Let  the  backs  of  their  heads  (kachir)  be  hard  ! 

Give  peace  to  the  Wayu  Cherete, 

Let  them  be  numerous  as  the  gravel  ! 

Give  peace  to  the  Hajej, 

May  they  be  many  as  the  hajij  aloes  ! 

Give  peace  to  the  Guji, 

May  they  have  plenty  of  people  and  wealth  ! 

Give  peace  to  the  Garnadu,    . 

Give  peace  to  the  Machitu  ! 
Give  great  peace  to  the  Kodyega, 

?  . 

Give  peace  to  the  Itu, 
Let  me  increase  and  multiply  ! 
Make  the  Digalu  like  a  ram, 
Give  me  (plenty  of)  horned  beasts  ! 
Give  peace  to  Abole  ! 
(God)  forgive    me    if  I  have  wronged   my 

people  ! 

Give  peace  to  (his)  brother-in-law,  Wamaji. 
130    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  64-65. 

Line  8. —  Gerars  is  more  especially  the  song  of  praise  (Zulu,  isibongo\  which  a 
man  chants  after  performing  any  notable  feat,  such  as  killing  an  elephant. 

Line  9. — There  seems  to  be  a  special  relationship  between  Karar  (Irdid)  and 
Kareyu  (Barietuma).  The  ancestors  of  these  two  clans  descended  from  Heaven 
immediately  after  Uta  Laficho,  and  married  each  other's  sisters  ;  hence  they  are  said 
to  be  brothers-in-law  (soda). 

Lines  13,  14. — My  informant  said  that  both  kale  and  lachu  are  equivalent  to 
tbe  Swahili  tumbo.  The  usual  Galla  word  is  gara. 

Line  15. — I  have  been  unable  to  make  anything  of  this  line.  Korm  is  a  bull, 
or  other  male  animal  (not  used  of  human  beings).  Galech,  as  explained  elsewhere* 
means  "witness"  (or  possibly  "  sponsor "),  and  seems  to  refer  to  the  special  position 
occupied  by  the  Gardyed  and  Meta  clans. 

Line  18.  —  Bita  =  north,  also  "left  hand";  seems  to  show  that  the  Galla 
entered  this  country  from  the  west. 

Line  20. — Karwoms  is  a  word  expressing  the  twinkling  of  the  stars. 

Line  21. — My  informant  could  not,  or  would  not,  give  the  meaning  of  wordalea. 
Wor  is  "  a  village  "  ;  dal  =  "  to  bring  forth." 

Line  22.  —  Explained  rather  confusedly  in  Swahili  as  "  Kama  mtu  amezaa 
"  ng'ombe  na  binadamu,  naketi  pamoja  nao "  —  "  as  if  a  person  had  given  birth  to 
"  cattle  and  human  beings  and  lived  together  with  them  !  " 

Line  26. —  Chirecha,  =  small  pebbles  or  gravel,  evidently  a  pun  on  the  second 
name  of  the  clan  Cherete. 

Line  27. — Hajej  (or  hajij)  is,  I  believe,  a  species  of  Sanswiera,  very  abundant  in 
the  forests  of  Tanaland  and  the  Seyyidie  Province,  and  noted  for  its  prolific  and  rapid 
growth.  I  do  not  think  it  is  in  any  sense  a  totem  of  the  clan  (whose  special  tabu 
is  the  liver  of  any  animal)  ;  but,  as  in  the  last  case,  the  resemblance  in  the  names 
is  probably  a  mere  accidental  coincidence.  I  cannot  learn  that  the  Hajej  have  any 
special  beliefs  or  observances  connected  with  the  plant. 

Line  29. — Mdmbas  is  si  fa  tu,  a  mere  laudatory  epithet.  I  could  not  get  its 
exact  meaning. 

Line  33. — Machitu  (it  is  difficult  to  tell  whether  the  t  following  the  accented 
short  i  is  doubled  or  not)  was  quite  distinctly  given  as  the  name  of  the  clan  which 
I  at  first  noted  as  Manjitu. 

Line  37.  —  Hrime  (hrume  in  the  Rev.  G.  W.  Howe's  vocabulary)  Yneans 
"  pregnancy  " — so,  according  to  my  informant,  does  itichu.  Ana  =  "  I." 

Line  38. — Hola  =  "  sheep  "  ;  gafa  =  "  horn  "  :  "a  horned  sheep." 

Line  41. — Abloom,  says  my  informant,  is  "to  beat  a  child  without  a  cause" — 
to  commit  an  injustice.  He  paraphrased  the  line  in  Swahili  as,  "  Muungu  anisamehe 
"  kama  nimefanya  makosa  kwa  watu  wangu."  An  =  "me"  ;  basa  =  "forgive." 

The  Bedi,  Bolazu,  and  Ababia  clans,  of  whom  I  only  heard  Bedi,  Bolazn,  from 
the  Wasanye,  are  not  included  in  these  lists.  Perhaps  they  and  the  Mandoyo  are 
recent  subdivisions.  The  sub-claus  of  the  Hani,  Hajej,  and  Karar  are  not  mentioned 
in  the  chart,  which  probably  dates  back  to  the  time  before  these  clans  were  divided. 

A.  WERNER. 


Africa,  Central.  Stannus. 

Nyasaland  :  Angoni  Smelting  Furnace.        />'//    S.  N.    Stannus,    M.I).     OC 

At  the  present  time,  when  iron  is  fairly  easily  obtained  in  Nyasaland  from     0 U 

traders,  smelting  has  almost  become  a   lost  industry  among  the    natives.     It  may  be, 

therefore,  of   some  interest   to  put  on   record  a  smelting  operation  I  witnessed    some 

three  years  ago  in  Northern  Angoniland. 

*  Journ.  Afric.  Soc.,  Jan.  1914,  p.  HO. 

r  isi  j 


Nos.  65  66.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


The  type  of  furnace  differs  essentially  from  that  which  was  used  by  the 
Anyanja  and  Yao,  but  I  am  unable  under  my  present  circumstances  to  state 
whether  it  should  be  associated  with  the  Angoni  of  Zulu  origin  or  with  the 
Atumbnka,  a  division  of  the  Batumbuka  from  further  west,  among  whom  they  came 

as  a  conquering  race  and  among 
whom  they  settled  and  intermarried. 
The  furnace,  ngango,  is  an  up- 
right one,  about  10  feet  in  height, 
somewhat  bottle-shaped  and  made 
of  clay,  supported  by  wooden  poles 
let  into  the  ground  bound  round  the 
outside.  At  the  base  there  are 
eight  holes  through  which  earthen- 
ware pipes  having  an  internal  dia- 
meter of  3  inches  are  inserted  to 
create  the  draught  (nchelwa).  The 
furnace  is  built  on  a  slight  slope, 
which  allows  of  a  hole  being  made 
at  the  lower  side  from  which  the 
slag  escapes  ;  slag  is  called  by  the 
Avord  used  for  fasces.  A  rough 
platform  of  logs  is  made  up  against 
the  upper  side  for  convenience  of 
those  filling  the  furnace.  It  is  filled 
almost  to  the  neck  with  charcoal 
(rnakala)  made  from  the  "  Kam- 
poni "  tree  ;  this  is  then  ignited 
from  the  top  and  a  mixture  of 
charcoal  and  iron  stone  (tar'i)  in 

ANGONI  SMELTING  FURNACE.  e(lual    proportions    is    added    at    in- 

tervals.    The  operation  lasts  for  two 

days  ;    an  opening  is  then  made  at  the  base  of  the  furnace  and  the    iron,  which  has 
collected  in  a  circular  trough  at  the  bottom,  is  extracted.  H.   S.   STtANNUS. 


New  Zealand.  Best. 

Maori    Beliefs   concerning   the    Human    Organs   of  Generation.     DC 

By  Elsdon  Best.  00 

One  of  the  most  singular  beliefs  of  the  Maori  of  New  Zealand  is  that  concerning 
the  inherent  power  of  the  organs  of  generation  in  the  genus  homo.  This  belief  is 
by  no  means  clear  to  us,  hence  we  can  but  give  the  few  notes  we  have  collected  on 
the  subject.  So  far  as  we  can  see  into  this  curious  belief,  the  general  idea  seems 
to  be  that  the  power  of  the  female  organ  is  destructive,  and  that  of  the  male  organ 
is  preservative  and  protective  in  its  nature.  In  perusing  a  collection  of  old  time 
myths  and  beliefs  obtained  from  the  Awa  folk  of  the  Bay  of  Plenty  district,  we 
often  encounter  a  singular  expression  applied  to  the  female  organ  ;  it  is  termed  the 
whare  o  aitua,  which  we  can  only  render  as  "  the  abode  of  misfortune "  ;  it  is  the 
emblem  of  trouble,  if  not  of  death  itself.  The  following  sentence  occurs  in  an  old 
cosmogonic  myth  :  "  The  aperture  of  misfortune  is  below,  with  Papa  (the  '  Earth 
Mother'");  the  realm  (or  origin)  of  life  is  above."  Also,  when  Tace  was  seeking 
the  female  element,  the  Sky  Parent  said  to  him,  "  The  female  element  is  below." 

An  'old  man  of  many  summers  once  said  to  the  writer,  "It  was  the  tawhito 
"  of  Hine-nui-te-po  that  destroyed  Maui."  Now  this  word  tawhito,  in  the 

[  132  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  66. 

vernacular,  means  "old,"  but  is  applied  iu  myths,  &c.,  to  the  generative  organs. 
Hine-nui-te-po  is  a  queeu  of  the  underworld,  whose  care  is  the  spirits  of  the  dead, 
and  destroyed  Maui,  the  hero,  as  he  was  entering  her  body  by  way  of  the  tawhito 
iu  order  to  gain  eternal  life  for  man. 

Taue,  who  represents  the  male  element,  Taue  the  fertiliser,  is  sometimes  said 
to  have  been  the  cause  of  the  introduction  of  death  into  the  world,  apparently 
because  of  his  incestuous  act  towards  his  daughter,  who  thereupon  descended  to  the 
underworld,  where  she  is  known  as  Hine-nui-te-po. 

The  Maori  ever  recognised  sex  in  nature,  and  his  views  concerning  the  male 
and  female  elements  are  highly  interesting.  The  Tama-Tane,  or  male  element,  and 
Tama-Wahine,  or  female  element,  enter  into  all  nature,  apparently.  Thus,  the  right 
hand  is  the  male  hand  and  the  left  the  female.  The  ocean  to  the  east  of  these 
islands  is  the  female  sea,  that  of  the  west  the  male  sea.  Both  elements  also  enter 
into  religious  rites,  hence  the  introduction  of  women  into  many  ceremonies,  the 
singular  acts  of  the  ruahine,  who  first  crosses  the  threshold  of  a  new  house,  and 
also  lifts  the  tapu  from  a  newly  erected  fortified  place.  The  power  of  sex  is  also 
recognised  when  the  services  of  the  first-born  female  of  a  family  of  rank  is  employed 
to  step  over  the  body  of  a  man  who  has  lost  his  spiritual  health  and  intellectual 
vigour  by  transgressing  some  law  of  tapu,  which  act  will  restore  him  and  bring 
him  back  to  normal  conditions. 

The  way  by  which  man  is  born  into  the  world  is  termed  the  house  of  death, 
because,  so  soon  as  he  enters  the  world  from  that  organ,  he  is  subject  to  trouble, 
misfortune,  disease,  and  death.  He  resembles  not  the  primal  beings,  the  offspring 
of  the  Sky  Parent  and  Earth  Mother.  Observe  the  Children  of  Light  (the  heavenly 
bodies)  on  the  breast  of  Rangi  (sky),  who  live  for  ever,  and  know  not  death — such 
was  a  remark  made  to  us  by  a  native.  Another  remarked,  "  The  female  organ  is 
44  the  destroyer  of  mankind."  Now,  compare  the  following  given  by  a  native  of 
India,  "  The  goddess  Kali  is  the  emblem  of  sakti  (i.e.,  of  the  feminine  principle, 
*'  symbolising  in  this  case  destructive  energy)  and  the  image  gives  a  vivid  idea  of 
*'  the  destruction  and  havoc  inevitably  to  follow  on  the  exercise  of  sakti.  The 
"  sakti  is  inherent  in  all,  but  in  a  sleeping  state  while  not  in  action,  and  the 
**  moment  it  is  stirred  up,  it  manifests  itself  in  overwhelming  force." 

Tutaka,  an  old  man  of  the  Tuhoe  tribe,  once  said  to  the  "writer,  in  response  to 
certain  queries  :  "  The  male  organ  is  a  destroyer  of  man  in  one  sense,  for,  by  its 
*'  powers,  the  workers  of  magic  are  confounded.  But  it  is  really  the  saviour  of 
*'  man.  The  male  organ  is  the  tangata  matua  (?  parent  person).  If  two  persons 
44  are  engaged  iu  a  contention,  and  one  thinks  that  the  other  has  an  intention  of 
44  bewitching  him,  he  at  once  withdraws  to  a  secluded  spot,  takes  hold  of  his  penis, 
44  and  draws  back  the  foreskin.  He  then  returns,  holding  his  hand  half  closed  as 
44  though  still  grasping  his  penis,  expectorates  into  that  hand,  and  makes  a  motion 
"  with  it  towards  his  adversary  as  though  throwing  something  at  him.  That  act 
44  will  save  him,  and  will  destroy  his  opponent  (or  render  his  magic  futile)." 

In  this  account  no  mention  is  made  of  any  charm  uttered  by  the  operator,  such 
as  are  given  by  other  informants.  Tikitu,  of  the  Bay  of  Plenty,  said  :  "The  per- 
"  formance  termed  kai  ure  is  to  avert  magic.  If  you  are  endeavouring  to  bewitch 
*'  me,  I  grasp  my  ure,  draw  the  foreskin  back,  and  repeat  these  words  : — 

"  Kai  ure  nga  atua, 
Kai  ure  nga  tapu, 
Kai  ure  on  makutu. 

"  This  act  will  deprive  your  magic  of  all  power  ;   if  correctly  performed,  that  magic 
u  has  no  effect,  it  becomes  powerless  before  the  powers  of  the  ure." 

[     133    ] 


Nos.  66-67.]  MAN.  [1914. 

A  very  old  man  of  the  Awa  tribe,  with  whom  the  writer  was  on  most  intimate 
terms,  sent  the  following  message  : — "  Friend  ;  I  am  sending  you  the  means  by 
"  which  you  may  ward  off  the  magic  arts  of  your  enemies.  This  charm  that  I  send 
"  you  is  the  kai  ure ;  it  is  the  salvation  of  man.  Now,  when  you  are  aware  that 
"  a  person  is  trying  to  bewitch  you,  though  he  be  before  you,  or  at  your  very  side, 
"  yet  will  this  destroy  his  magic  powers,  and  turn  them  against  himself.  Slip  your 
"  hand  down  inside  your  clothing  and  grasp  your  penis,  and  repeat  the  charm  quietly, 
"  so  that  none  may  hear  it.  Thus  shall  you  retain  life." 

The  same  old  fellow,  when  discoursing  on  the  subject  of  the  vitality  and 
fertility  of  the  white  people,  as  opposed  to  the  decadent  Maori,  remarked  :  "  To 
"  my  mind,  the  cause  of  the  health  and  universal  welfare  of  the  white  folks  is 
"  found  in  the  fact  that,  ever  as  they  sleep,  they  keep  within  their  rooms  the  koutu 
"  mimi  (chamber),  it  is  never  absent ;  and  assuredly  that  vessel  (i.e.,  the  contents 
"  thereof)  represents  the  tawhito  (penis)  that  is  the  saviour  of  man,  preserving  his 
"  welfare." 

These  are  samples  of  the  mentality  of  the  Maori,  and  the  extraordinary  channels 
of  thought  in  which  his  mind  has  run  for  many  centuries.  Nor  is  it  any  light  task 
to  get  at  the  meaning  of  these  amazing  beliefs,  so  different  are  our  modes  of 
thought. 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  that,  in  Southern  Asia,  the  urine  of  cows  is,  or  was, 
used  in  purification  rites,  and  that  the  holding  of  the  penis,  when  wishing  to  impart 
power  or  solemnity  to  a  verbal  compact,  as  a  promise  or  vow,  is  alluded  to  in  the 
Bible. 

In  former  times,  when  a  native  wished  to  dispel  a  frost  that  might  injure 
his  crops,  he  took  a  firebrand  to  the  mianga,  or  urinal,  and  there  waved  it  to 
and  fro. 

More  might  be  written  on  the  subject  of  the  native  view  of  the  generative 
principle  in  nature,  and  more  information  might  be  collected  on  such  topics.  The 
origin  of  such  customs  as  ceremonial  copulation,  and  the  extraordinary  ngau  pagpae 
(biting  the  beam  of  a  latrine)  ceremony,  seem  to  be  lost,  but  such  items  are  worth 
recording  for  purposes  of  comparison.  ELSDON  BEST. 


Archaeology.  Passmore. 

Rarity  of  Large  Flint  Implements   in  Gloucestershire.     By   A.  D.     O^ 

Passmore.  II I 

Canon  Greenwall  in  his  preliminary  remarks  on  the  district  and  tumuli  of 
Nether  Swell,  in  N.  Gloucestershire,*  discusses  the  remarkable  absence  of  large 
flint  implements,  such  as  axes  or  adzes. 

Thousands  of  arrowheads,  flakes,  and  scrapers  have  been  found,  but  only  two 
halves  of  axes  were  to  be  -seen  amongst  an  enormous  collection. 

During  a  recent  sojourn  in  that  region  of  Gloucestershire,  the  writer,  while 
finding  flints,  came  to  the  following  conclusions,  which  seem  to  explain  the  absence 
of  the  larger  implements. 

In  the  horizon  under  discussion  there  is  no  indigenous  flint,  and  therefore  the 
raw  material  for  working  into  implements,  or  the  finished  implements  themselves, 
Avould  be  imported,  probably  from  Wiltshire.  This  means  that  flint  at  Nether 
Swell  would  be  rare,  and  in  troublous  times,  when  commerce  was  temporarily  inter- 
rupted, would  become  scarce  and  valuable.  In  Wiltshire,  where  flints  are  common^ 
a  man  who  broke  a  large  axe  could  afford  to  throw  away  the  pieces  and  pick  up  a 

*  British  Harrows,  p.  443. 
[     134    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  67-68. 

fresh  lump  of  flint  to  chip  into  a  replacement  ;  hut  in  Gloucestershire,  where  flint 
is  scarce,  the  reverse  would  be  the  case  ;  the  axe  being  broken  and  flints  scarce, 
the  pieces  would  be  immediately  used  up  for  arrowheads,  scrapers,  and  the  like ; 
hence  the  scarcity  of  large  implements  to-day. 

Another  fact  in  the  same  connection  is  that  before  a  man  started  to  make  a 
large  implement  he  would,  by  tapping  and  minute  inspection,  ascertain  whether  the 
piece  of  flint  was  devoid  of  flaws,  fossils,  or  other  impediments  to  free  working. 
Having  found  such  a  mass  of  suitable  material,  the  favoured  flint  would  be  chipped 
into  the  axe,  and  when  broken,  even  when  other  flints  were  to  hand,  it  would,  on 
account  of  its  flawless,  free-working  character,  be  preferred  for  working  into  smaller 
implements,  hence  one  more  reason  why  axes  or  large  portions  of  axes  are  rare  in 
N.  Gloucestershire. 

This  last  fact  would  seem  to  refute  a  theory  lately  propounded  regarding 
fragments  of  polished  axes  on  Windmill  Hill,  near  Avebury,  Wilts.  Here  for  many 
years  worked  flints  have  been  picked  up  by  the  thousand,  amongst  which  is  an 
appreciable  quantity  of  flakes  struck  off  polished  axes,  and  large  pieces  which  have 
one  part  of  their  surface  ground  and  were  obviously  once  parts  of  axes.  To  account 
for  the  apparent  disproportionate  quantity  of  ground  fragments,  it  is  stated  that  a 
successful  invading  race  of  bronze-using  people  Avent  round  after  their  conquest 
smashing  up  the  flint  arms  of  their  victims. 

Without  going  so  far  into  the  realms  of  imagination,  the  evidence  seems  to 
yield  a  much  more  simple  explanation  ;  in  fact,  the  second  conclusion  of  the  previous 
argument  fits  the  case.  We  here  have  free  working  material  of  known  quality, 
used  when  broken  in  preference  to  new  material  of  untried  quality,  hence  the 
number  of  fragments  or  waste  pieces  remaining  from  the  conversion  of  broken 
implements  into  smaller  articles. 

A  modern  parallel  is  as  follows.  In  a  workshop  known  to  the  writer,  wood- 
workers in  the  repair  of  furniture  use  up  broken  articles  for  the  repair  of  others, 
and  one  day  an  old  table  top  came  in  which  bore  a  peculiar  yellow  polish.  This 
was  immediately  used  for  good  work,  because  it  was  an  exceedingly  mellow, 
straight-grained,  free-working  piece  of  wood,  and  from  time  to  time  bits  were  cut 
off  and  worked  up  into  parts  of  other  articles,  with  the  result  that  scores  of  little 
flakes  and  chips  showing  the  peculiar  yellow  polish  may  be  picked  up  in  all  corners 
of  the  workshop. 

The  objection  that  flint  exposed  to  the  weather  is  not  so  workable  as  that 
newly  dug  could  easily  be  overcome,  and  will  be  understood  by  those  who  really 
know  flint.  A.  D.  PASSMORE. 


Papua.  .  Beaver. 

Some    Notes   on    the    Nomenclature    of    Western    Papua.       By     Ofl 
W.  N.  Beaver.  DO 

Considerable  difficulty  has  been  experienced  in  identifying  various  points  and 
places  which  have  had  names  given  them  by  travellers.  European  names  are  in 
many  instances  given,  and  of  course  no  native  can  know  these,  while  it  becomes 
correspondingly  difficult  for  persons  travelling  in  the  neighbourhood  to  ascertain  the 
\vhereabouts  of  such  places.  A  native  name  may  not  always  be  available,  for  many 
obvious  reasons,  but  this  should  be  rectified  as  soon  as  possible  and  at  any  rate  when 
obtained  the  native  name  should  be  placed  alongside  the  European  one  on  the  map. 
To  quote  the  names  of  certain  rivers  in  the  west,  there  are  the  Bensbach  and 
Morehead,  the  correct  names  of  which  are  the  Turas  and  Baiamkad  respectively ; 
the  so-called  Wassi-kussa  and  Mai-kussa  are  really  the  Baudu  and  Toji.  As  for  the 
F  ly,  I  cannot  find  any  definite  name  for  it,  at  any  rate  in  the  lower  reaches,  except 

[    133    ] 


No.  68,]  MAN.  [1914. 

auwo  oromo  ("big  river"),  and  the  name  Fly  itself  has  passed  into  somewhat  general 
use  among  the  natives.  Frequently  a  river  has  different  native  names  at  different 
points.  For  instance,  the  Gama  has  a  different  name  some  twenty  miles  up.  Again, 
it  is  quite  incorrect  on  maps  to  add  a  suffix  such  as  turi  to  the  native  name  of  a 
river.  Turi  itself  in  Kiwai  means  creek  or  stream,  and  while  it  is  quite  correct  to 
put  on  a  chart  "  Pahoturi,"  it  is  not  correct  to  write  "Pahoturi  River."  It  is  simply 
a  reduplication.  The  same  error  is  seen  in  the  case  of  the  "  Bina-turi  River." 
Similarly  the  Kiwai  word  muba  ("  point ")  is  added  to  the  name  of  promontories  as 
well  as  u  point,"  for  example  "  Augaramuba  Point."  This  mistake  is  to  be  noted  all 
over  the  map.  One's  native  informants  are  quite  correct  in  giving  the  name  of  a 
place  or  point  in  their  own  tongue,  but  there  is  no  need  for  a  European  addition. 
In  the  Aird  delta  the  word  bari  has  been  added  to  place  names  in  a  similar  manner. 
The  name  Goaribari  has  been  popularly  applied  to  a  whole  district,  though  as  a 
matter  of  fact  Goari  is  the  name  of  a  village  on  the  island  named  on  the  map 
"Goaribari  Island,"  and  bari  simply  means  "point"  and  Goaribari  actually  refers  to 
a  small  cape.  The  same  is  true  of  a  neighbouring  island,  "  Ibibu-bari." 

In  obtaining  the  names  of  villages  the  inquirer  is  very  apt  to  set  down  either 
the  name  of  the  locality,  or  the  district,  or  the  tribe,  or  something  absolutely  different. 
There  are  two  villages  on  the  Fly  River,  Adagositia  and  Tagota,  that  I  have  not  been 
able  to  identify  at  all.  On  almost  their  exact  sites  are  two  villages  and  tribes  called 
respectively  "  Baramura  "  and  "  Weridai."  Probably  the  two  former  were  merely 
place  names  or  the  names  of  natural  features.  It  is  essential  that  the  name  of  a 
tribe,  the  name  of  a  village,  and  the  name  of  a  locality  or  site  should  be  distinguished. 
For  instance,  the  Sangara  tribe,  in  the  Northern  Division,  has  or  had  about  twenty 
villages,  each  of  course  with  a  different  name.  It  would  have  been  quite  incorrect 
to  call  each  of  these  villages  by  its  separate  name  as  a  distinct  tribe. 

There  are  many  other  suffixes  in  various  parts  of  the  Western  Division  that  are 
indiscriminately  added  to  names.  In  Kiwai  the  word  rubi  means  "  people,"  yet  one 
sees  such  examples  as  "Dabura-rubi  Tribe"  to  which  one  could  add  indefinitely.  The 
Kiwai  word  darimu  ("  house  ")  is  used  in  the  same  way,  as,  for  example,  at  Ipidarimu, 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Fly. 

Other  instances  of  reduplication  I  fancy  are  found  in  the  suffixes  na  in  the 
district  between  the  Fly  and  the  Bamu,  and  mono,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Fly.  In 
the  former  case  one  hears  of  tribes  referred  to  as  "  Barimona  Tribe  "  or  "  Adariona 
Tribe."  To  write  "  Barimona "  or  "  Adariona "  would  he  correct,  and  equally  so 
Barimo  Tribe  or  Adario  Tribe.  In  the  case  of  mona  I  know  of  Goiamona,  Marsamona, 
and  Diwaramona,  all  of  which  are  used  with  the  addition  of  "  Tribe." 

There  are  many  minor  instances  of  the  use  of  wrong  tribal  names.  For 
instance,  the  natives  of  Wabada  Island*  are  really  the  "  Siba-rubi "  but  the  name 
Wabada  has  passed  now  in  general  use  with  Europeans  and  to  some  extent  with 
natives. 

It  is,  however  very  misleading  when  an  absolutely  wrong  name  is  used.  On 
the  Kiko  River  there  is  a  village  marked  "  Tumu."  This  has  never  been  traced. 
Now  tumu  in  Kiwai  means  "  bush,"  and  the  word  was  evidently  accepted  in  error  as 
the  name  of  the  village.  Other  instances  occur  where  the  name  of  a  tribe  is  given 
as  "  Oberi-rubi  "  ("  bushmen  ")  or  "  Tagara-rubi  ("  old  time  people  ").  With  regard 
to  the  name  Kiko,  it  is  marked  on  the  map  Kikori  River,  but  I  feel  pretty  confident 
that  the  ri  is  a  suffix,  just  as  the  Mamba  River  in  the  north  has  re  added  or  the 
word  Kokoda  has  da.  At  any  rate,  practically  throughout  the  whole  course  of  the 
river  it  is  spoken  of  by  the  natives  as  "  Kiko."  W.  N.  BEAVER. 


[    136    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  69, 

Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  1 

Major  A.  J.  N.   Tremearne,  M.A.,  LL.M.,  Dip.  Anth. 


Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  their  Folk-lore.     />'//      DQ 


No.  2. 

wanni      mutum  maikishi  ya    teffi    ya      yi       gidda      a-daji  duk 

Certain     man,   feeler  of  jealousy,  he  icent,  he   built    house    in  forest  both  (he} 
<la      matansa      ya    die  ba    maineman  matau«hi     sai  anagerdamma 

and  wife  his.  He  said  (there  was)  not  seducer  of  wife  his.  Now  there  was  argument 
a-ga(r)ri  sai  sa(r)riki  ya  che  kowa  ya  nema  matansa  ya  ba 

in  city,  and  chief  he  said  whoever  he  seduced  wife  his,  he  (chief)  would  give 
shi  zambar  derri  keauta  sai  wanni  sauraye  ya  che  shi  zaya  chi 

him  thousand  hundred*  (as)  present.  So  certain  youth  he  said  he,  he  would  seduce 
matanshi  shi  ko  shina  ganni  da  idonshif  sai  sa(r)riki 

wife  his  he  (husband)  even  (while)  he  was  seeing  with  eyes  his.  Then  chief 
ya  che  yaya  zaka  yi  sai  ya  che  a  ni  de  na  iya 

he  asked  "  How  will  you  do  (it)  ?  "  But  he  (youth)  replied  "  Oh,  me,  as  for,  1  can." 
sai  ya  nemi  dan  bokko  ya  sa(r)roke  shi  ya  zuba  da  yayan  chikki  sai  ya 
So  he  procured  fruit  of  baobab,  he  cleaned  it ;  he  threw  out  seeds  inside,  and  he 
zubar  knrdi  dubu 

poured  in  cowries  thousand. 

to  kofan         giddanshi  maikishin  shina     da  bokko   da 

Now,  entrance  of  house  his,  feeler  of  jealousy,  it  ivas  with  (  =  had)  baobab  in 
yaya  bokkon  kuwa  dogo  ne    na         kofan  gidda  sai    sauraye    sai   ya  dauka 

fruit,  baobab  too,  high  was,  at  entrance  of  compound.  And  youth  then  he  took 
dan  bokkon  da  ya  zubar  kurdi  achikki  sai  ya  je  kofan  giddan 

fruit  of  baobab  which  he  (had}  put  coivries  inside,  and  he  icent  door  of  house  the. 
sai  ya  che  salaam  aleikum  a-gusun  kuka  sai  mai  gidda  da 
Then  he  said  "  Greetings  upon  you  at  foot  of  baobab.'1'1  And  oicner  of  house,  ichen 
ya  ji  salamrna  sai  ya  fitta  da  kibiya  achikkin  serkiya 

he  had  heard  salutation,  immediately  he  ran  out  with  arrow  on  bow-string. 
sai  da  ya  gan  shi  sai  sauraye  ya  pa(s)sa  dan  kuka  sai  kurdi 

And  when  he  (youth)  saw  him,  then  youth  he  broke  fruit  of  baobab,  so  cowries 
<luba  suka  waatsi  pal  sai  ya  che  mi  ya  kuwo 

thousand  they  fell  out  (in)  heap.  Then  he  (husband)  said  "  What  it  has  brought 
ka  giddana  en  ji  maikishi  sai  sauraye  ya  che  a  na 

you  house  my  ? "  Let  me  hear  feeler  of  jealousy. %  Then  youth,  he  said  "  Oh  I 
zo  zan  wuche  ne  na  ga  dan  kukanka  ya  fado 

came  I  was  about  to  pass  (it)  is  (when)  I  saw  fruit  of  baobab  your  it  fell  down. 
to  ni  ko  da  na  dauka  na  pa(s)sa  sai  na  ga  yayansa  duk  kurdi 
Well,  I,  now,  when  I  had  taken  (it)  I  broke  (it)  and  1  saw  seeds  its  all  coiories 
ne  shi  ke  nan  sai  na  yi  salamma  don  en  gaya  ma-ka  sai 

were.  That  is  all,  so  I  made  salutation  so  that  I  might  tell  to  you."  Then 
ya  che  ma  mata  massa  ki  fitto  ki  ka\vo  mi-ni  tsanina 

he  (husband)  said  to  wife  "  Quickly  you  come  out  you  bring  to  me  ladder  my." 
sai  ta  zo  da  tsani  sai  ta  sa  a-kuka  sai  ya  liau 

So   she  came  ivith  ladder,  and  she  set  (it)  against  baobab,  and  he  climbed. 

*  A  hundred-thousand  cowries,  about  21.  10*.,  but  the  value  varies, 
t  i-e.,  even  in  the  husband's  presence. 

I  i.e.,  "  so  said  the  jealous  husband/'     Even  the  Hausa  listeners  often  become  rather  confused, 
and  have  to  ask  en  ja  wa,  "  Let  me  hear  (know)  who  (is  speaking)  " 

C     137     ] 


No,  69.] 


MAN. 


[1914. 


da  ya  hau       bissa    chan   ba      daman  da      ya  sauko 

When  he  had  climbed  up  high,  no  means  of  (by)  which  he  could  descend 
sai  da  tsaniu  nan  sai  mata  ta  ture  shi  ya  fadi  tsanin  nan  sai 
except  by  ladder  the  this,  then  wife  she  pushed  it,  it  fell,  ladder  the  this.  Then 
ta  kwanche  zennenta  ta  shimfidda  a-ka(s)sa  shi  kuma  sauraye  ya 

she  pulled  off"  body-cloths  her,  she  spread  on  ground',  he,  also,  youth,  he 
kwunche  wandonshi  sai  ya  hau  ta  eai  maigidda  yana  bissa 

pulled  down  trousers  his,  and  he  mounted  her.  Then  oicner  of  house,  he  was  above, 
ya  ga  suna  chi  sai  ya  che  a  a  a  ptu  ku  tashix  ptu 

he  saw  they  ivere  copulating,  so  he  said  "  No,  no,  no  "  (spit),  you  get  up,  (spit), 
ku  tashi  yana  zuba  ma-su  yawo 

vou  get  up"     He  was  expectorating  on  them  spittle. 

sai          da         suka       gamma     ta    dauke  zennenta          ta  daura  shi 

Now  when  they  had  finished,  she  took  body-cloths  her,  she  tied  (them  on),  he 
kuma  ya  dauka  wandoushi  ya  sa  saanan  da  sauraye  ya 

also  (youth)  he  took  trousers  his  he  put  (them  on).  Then  when  youth  he  had 
teffi  ya  yi  nesa  sai  ta  dauke  tsani  ta  sa  ma  mijjinta  sai 

gone,  he  had  made  distance,  then  she  took  ladder  she  placed  for  husband  her,  and 
ya  sauko  sai  ya  dauko  kayanshi  sai  ya  komo  achikkin  ga(r)ri  ya 

he  descended.  Then  he  took  possessions  his,  and  he  returned  into  city,  he 
che  ba  ya  kara  kishi  ba 

said  not  he  would  continue  jealousy  not. 

sauraye    ya       samu         aron  mata     ya       samu         kurdi       wu(r)rin    sa(r)riki 

Youth      he    obtained   loan   of    woman,   he    received    cowries      from  chief 

kuma  ya     ji     dadi 

in  addition.      He  felt  sweet  (happy). 

No.  3. 

wanni       ke  nan     da      matanshi  suna         gardamma       ya     che       kowa      ya 

Certain  is  this  and  wife  his,*  they  were  arguing.  He  said  ivhoever  he 
nemeta  da  farraka  ya  sanni  ita  kuwa  ta  che  ka(r)riya 

sought  her  in  adultery,  he  (husband)  icould  know.  She,  however,  she  said  "  Lie 
ka  ke  yi  ayi  tuwo  akai  ma  farraka  bar 

you  are  telling,  there  can  be  made  porridge,  there  can  be  taken  (it)  to  adulterer,  even 
ya  bada  tukuichin  zenne  kai  ba  ka  sa(u)ni  ba  shi  ke  nanf  sai  ya 
he  can  give  payment  of  cloth,  you  not  you  will  know  not.  But  he 

che  ka(r)riya  ne        sai    ta    che  to 

said      "  Lie      (it)  is."     So  she  said  "  Very  well." 

ashe   kuwa      tana  tadi  da       wanni       farraka       shi  ba     ya 

Lo !  now,  she  was  intriguing  with  certain  adulterer,  he  (husband)  not  he 
sa(n)ni  ba  shi  ke  nan  sai  ta  che  ma  farrakan  nan  to  jibi 

knew     not.  And  she  said  to  adulterer  the  this,  "  Now  day  after  to-morrow 

da  almuru    ka    teffi    ka     hau       makatta         a-hainyan     giddan  iyayena  sai 

in  evening  you  go  you  climb  rope-noose^  on  road  to  house  of  parents  my."  And 
ya  che  to  shi  ke  nan  da  jibi  ya  yi  sai  ta  che 

lie  said  "  Very  well"  So  when  day  after  to-morrow    it   came,  then  she  said 

da        mijjinta  to  uwana       ba     ta  lafiya         zan          yi  tuwo 

to    husband    her    "  Now,    mother  my  not    she  (is)  in  health,  I  shall    make   porridge 

*  This  is  about  a  certain  man  and  his  wife. 

f  ski  ke  nan=  "  it  is  that,"  or  "  that  was  all,"  "  very  well,"  &c.      When  followed  by  sai  the  whole 
may  be  translated  by  "  but,"  "  so,"  or  "  and."     Ke  nan  or  ne  often  correspond  to  c'est  que. 
J  For  climbing  trees,  it  might  be  called  "  rope-ladder." 

[    138    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  69-70. 

en  je  en  gaisheta  sai         mijji       ya    che    da  keau*       sai   ya 

that,  I  may  go  that  I  may  salute  her"  And  husband  he  said  "  Good"  So  he 
yenke  kaza  biyu  ya  ba  ta  ta  yi  tuwo  ta  sa  kaza  achikki  shi  ke  nan 
killed  fowl  two,  he  gave  her.  She  made  porridge,  she  put  fowl  in. 
sai  ta  dauka  tuwo  sbi  ya  rataya  kworrinshi  tana  gabba  shi  k inn:i  ya 
So  she  took  porridge,  he,  he  slung  on  quiver  hisrf  she  was  (going)  before,  he  however  he 
bi  ta  abaya 

followed  her  behind. 

to  da  suka         zo      wu(r)rin     makattan      nan     sai      ta     mika     kwariya 

Now,    when    they  had  come   place   of  ladder   the    this,  then    she    held    calabash 
bissa    sai    ta    che  kai  kwarakwatta     ina         chison  kaina  sai 

up,      for  she  said  "  Oh,   dear !  lice  they    are    biting    head    my."$      And 

kworto  ya  dauke  tuwo  ya  sa  sakka  zenne  gu(d)da  daya  achikkin  kwariya 
adulterer  he  took  porridge,  he  put  exchange  cloth  unit  one  in  calabash. 
shi  ke  uan  da  suka  kara  teffiya  kaddan  sai  ta  che  sai  mu 

And  when  they  had  continued  travelling     little,    then  she  said  "  Now  let  us 
koma        gidda     ga    darre      ya  yi      kuma      sai  ya    che  to  mu 

go  back    home,    see    night    it  has  come,  also."       So    he    said     "  Very    ivell,    we    will 
koma 
go  back" 

da  suka  komo         sai    ya    che         to         ki     kawo  tuwon  nan 

When    they  had    returned,    then  he    said  "  Well,   you    bring   porridge    the    this 
mu  chi  kadda  ya  lalache       sai    ta     che       wanni         tuwo  tuwonda 

we  may  eat  (if)  lest  it  spoil."  But  she  said  "  Which  porridge  f  Porridge  that 
akachainye  sai  ya  che  wa  ya  chi  sai  ta 

there  has  been  eaten  (it)  ?  "  Then  he  said  "  Who  he  has  eaten  (it)  ?  "  And  she 
che  opp  ai  ka  san  akachi  tuwo  bar  akabada 

replied  "  Poof,  surely  you  know  there  has  been  eaten  porridge,  even  there  has  been  given 
tukuichi  zenne  sai  ya  che  yaushe  sai  ta  che  opp  ba  tare 

payment  cloth."       Then  he  said  "  When?"      And  she  replied   "Poof,   not   together 
mu    ke         da     kai      ahainya          sai      ya  che     tabbas      ku      mata    ba    maiyi 
we.were§  with  you  on  road?"      Then  he  said  "  Verily  you  women  not  doer  (equal) 
ma-ku      sai      allah 
to  you  except   God."  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


REVIEWS. 
Ethnology :  Method.  Graebner. 

Methode    der    Ethnologic.      Von    F.   Graebner.     Heidelberg  :     Carl    Winter's     "111 

Universitatsbuchhandliing.     1911.  *U 

It  is  in  the  nature  of  all  sciences  to  grow  more  and  more  detailed,  to  become 
progressively  careful  and  even  meticulous  in  method.  As  their  inquiries  advance  new 
problems  arise,  which  must  be  handled  by  the  application  of  processes  unthought  of, 
or  even  unnecessary,  in  the  earlier  stages.  Departmental  investigations  multiply,  and 
the  student  of  necessity  becomes  more  or  less  of  a  specialist,  limiting  his  interests  to 
a  small  portion  of  the  whole  area  of  the  science  to  which  he  has  devoted  himself. 
In  this  way  the  general  study  can  best  be  promoted  ;  without  it,  indeed,  the  science 
would  become  stagnant — its  usefulness  would  be  at  an  end,  its  career  would  be  finished. 

*  Short  for  shina  da  keau  = "  it  is  with  goodness." 

f  i.e.,  he  took  his  bow  and  arrows.     The  man  follows  so  as  to  be  able  to  protect  his  wife. 
J  Loads  are  often  held  up  at  arms  length  to  rest  the  head. 
§  A  Hausa  idiom,  plural  for  singular.     Means,  "  Did  you  not  see  ? " 

[     139     ] 


No.  70.]  MAN.  [1914. 

To  this  point,  according  to  Dr.  Graebner,  had  anthropology  other  than  somatic — 
what  the  Germans  distinguish  as  ethnology — arrived  when  Katzel  pointed  out  the 
existence  of  cultural  groups  and  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  correlating  them.  The 
method  of  inquiry  expounded  in  the  little  book  named  above,  the  method  now 
usually  associated  with  Dr.  Graebner's  name,  is  intended  to  serve  this  purpose,  and 
thereby  ultimately  to  unveil,  so  far  as  that  is  possible,  the  history  of  civilisation. 
Psychological  considerations  are  thrust  aside.  The  history  of  humanity  is  not  one 
great  epic  of  evolution  in  which  some  peoples  have  progressed  more  rapidly  than 
others.  It  is  a  number  of  small  tales  of  the  rise  and  spread  and  inter-action  of 
cultures  originating  in  different  centres,  from  different  causes,  and  thence  diffused 
throughout  adjacent  areas,  and,  indeed,  to  the  most  remote  and  unexpected  corners  of 
the  world.  The  older  method  of  inquiry,  to  which  Bastian  had  given  something  of 
a  philosophic  form  by  his  theory  of  Elementary  edanken,  is  useless.  Humanity  has 
no  elementary  ideas.  The  psychology  of  one  people  differs  as  much  from  that  of 
another  as  the  psychology  of  one  individual  from  that  of  another.  To  trace  cultural 
similarities  to  a  common  root  in  human  nature  is  mysticism,  which  has  nothing  in 
common  with  science.  All  cultural  phenomena — be  they  myths,  beliefs,  institutions, 
tools,  dwellings,  weapons,  or  whatever  else  they  may  be — can  have  arisen  but  once  in 
some  definite  area  or  cultural  compl  x,  and  must  have  spread  thence,  whatever 
distance  in  space  they  may  have  reached,  whatever  apparently  unsurpassable  barrier 
they  may  have  had  to  cross,  and  however  improbable  the  journey  may  seem 
a  priori.  Moreover,  every  cultural  phenomenon  is  an  integral  part  of  a  whole 
culture.  It  cannot  be  separated.  Its  existence  at  any  given  point  of  the  earth's 
surface  is  evidence  of  the  diffusion,  though  possibly  in  an  attenuated  form,  of  the 
whole  culture  in  the  direction  in  which  it  is  found.  Every  people  bears  the  marks 
of  a  series  of  cultural  deposits.  They  have  overflowed  it,  like  the  waves  of  a 
sea,  coming  now  from  one  direction,  now  from  another.  The  problem,  therefore,  is 
to  investigate  these  deposits,  and  in  each  cultural  group  to  determine  their  succession 
and  the  direction  from  which  they  have  come.  So  only  can  the  scientific  knowledge 
of  mankind  make  any  real  progress.  To  do  this,  we  must  eliminate  all  subjective 
interpretations  of  the  phenomena,  we  must  confine  ourselves  to  a  strictly  objective 
consideration  of  the  facts.  Though  when  we  are  baffled  for  the  moment  we  may 
have  recourse  to  hypothesis,  it  must  be  recognised  as  a  mere  guess.  It  may  help  u& 
by  indicating  the  direction  in  which  we  may  hopefully  look  for  a  solution  of  the 
question,  but  until  that  solution  be  actually  found  we  must  keep  steadily  in  mind  that 
the  hypothesis  is  nothing  more  than  a  guess.  This,  and  this  only,  is  the  true  scientific 
method  as  applied  to  ethnology.  For  here  statistics  do  not  help  us,  and  we  cannot, 
as  in  some  sciences,  make  experiments  to  verify  our  conjectures.  The  facts  cannot 
be  reproduced  at  our  will.  We  must  take  them  as  they  are,  and  by  comparison  and 
reasoning  endeavour  to  ascertain  their  meaning.  Among  the  more  civilised  peoples, 
indeed,  we  have  records  that  will  yield  us  a  certain  amount  of  information.  But  for 
all  the  more  backward  peoples  and  the  more  backward  stages  of  civilised  peoples 
the  only  means  of  discovering  the  succession  of  cultures  is  analysis  of  the  existing 
complexes,  inquiring  into  the  coherence  of  individual  phenomena — that  is  to  say, 
whether  they  appertain  to  this  or  that  element  of  a  cultural  complex — and  their 
comparison  and  correlation  with  the  phenomena  of  other  cultural  areas. 

Now,  it  may  at  once  be  said  that  there  is  much  that  is  attractive  in  ethnological 
method  as  thus  conceived.  It  does  at  least  seem  to  promise  results  more  minute, 
more  accurate,  more  definite,  more  certain  than  much  that  has  been  attained  by  the 
older  method  of  comparison.  Nor  are  its  claims  altogether  without  foundation.  It 
has  offered  plausible,  and  perhaps  fairly  certain,  solutions  of  many  problems.  This 
is  because  it  brings  into  play  the  historical  conception  which  ethnologists  have  been 

[     140    ] 


1914.]  MAN,  [No.  70. 

prone  to  overlook.  Having  little  more  than  the  facts  observed  within  the  last  few 
generations,  they  have  too  often  forgotten  that  the  phenomena  with  which  they  are 
dealing  are  but  the  latest  links  in  a  chain  of  causation  stretching  back  for  as  long  a 
period  as  that  which  has  resulted  in  the  evolution  of  the  Buropean  culture  of  to-day. 
This  does  not  mean  that  of  necessity  the  chain  of  causation  has  as  many  links  in 
a  savage  culture  as  in  the  culture  among  the  distinguishing  characteristics  of  which 
are  motor-cars  and  telephones.  The  conservatism  of  the  lower  culture  is  proverbial, 
and  can  be  proved  over  and  over  again.  What  it  does  mean  is  that  a  superficial 
resemblance  of  two  customs  or  two  artifacts  is  not  enough  for  strict  parallelism. 
We  must  be  careful  to  inquire  into  the  surroundings,  and  not  the  least  into  the 
psychological  atmosphere,  before  we  can  decide  whether  we  have  a  true  parallel. 
What  we  call  survivals  may  not  be  the  result  of  the  growth  of  one  part  of  a  given 
society  at  a  greater  rate  than  another  part.  They  may  be,  us  Dr.  Graebner  contends, 
the  result  of  the  inter-action  of  two  or  more  distinct  cultures.  On  this  we  can  only 
form  an  opinion  after  careful  examination  of  all  the  facts.  And  we  may  conceivably 
find  that  the  meaning  attached  to  such  a  survival  is  not  merely  different  from  that 
attached  to  what  looks  like  a  similar  phenomenon  in  another  community,  but  quite 
opposed  to  it.  What  is  important  to  note  is  that  when  we  have  arrived  at  a 
judgement  upon  the  facts,  it  is  after  all  an  opinion  only.  It  may  be  reached 
after  consideration  of  a  larger  number  of  data,  or  by  a  more  judicial  use  of  the 
evidence  than  by  other  inquirers  ;  it  is  still  no  more  than  a  conclusion  of  the 
reason. 

Here  we  touch  upon  Dr.  Graebner's  most  cherished  illusion.  He  continually 
insists  on  the  objectivity  of  his  method.  He  claims  it  as  :i  peculiar  virtue,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  subjectivity  of  Bastian  and  the  older  school,  which  he  looks  at  with  eyes 
of  scorn.  Over  and  over  again  he  comes  back  to  this  point.  Yet  it  is  a  claim,  with 
all  respect  to  him,  grossly  exaggerated,  if  not  quite  unfounded.  Having  laid  down 
his  tests  and  enlarged  upon  their  objectivity,  for  example,  he  goes  on  to  say  :  "  The 
"  best  tool  does  not  render  service  of  itself,  but  needs  correct  application.  Universal 
"  rules  for  this  purpose  can  hardly  be  laid  down.  It  is  in  great  part  a  matter  of 
"  tact,  of  nicety  of  feeling,  and,  above  all,  of  self-criticism"  (p.  125).  Again  :  "What, 
"  therefore,  is  necessary  first  and  foremost  to  the  ethnologist  is  a  wide,  practical 
"  knowledge  of  the  human  mind,  a  comprehension  of  human  nature  in  all  its  most 
"  delicate  emotions.  These  endowments,  which  are  not  to  be  learned  like  the  results 
"  of  a  science,  but  are  inborn  and  must  be  developed  by  training,  render  possible 
"  first  of  all  a  many-sidedness  of  the  understanding,  an  abstraction  from  the  bonds  of 
"  his  own  mental  world,  a  grip  of  the  frequently  numerous  possibilities,  the  considera- 
"  tion  of  which  will  prevent  one-sided  conclusions"  (p.  169).  He  repeatedly  dwells 
upon  the  necessity  for  tact,  and  describes  this  or  that  hypothesis  as  thinkable  or  un- 
thinkable. And  he  seems  all  the  while  unconscious  that  this  is  pure  subjectivity. 
Take  two  cases  in  which  he  comes  to  two  opposite  conclusions.  On  the  Rio  Negro, 
in  South  America,  he  finds  a  paddle  which,  in  the  shape  of  its  handle  and  of  its 
blade  (typical  curving,  handle-piece,  position  of  its  greatest  breadth,  and  so  forth), 
exactly  resembles  Indonesian  and  Melanesian  forms.  A  theory  of  independent 
origin  must,  he  says,  hark  back  to  some  mystical  predisposition  of  mind  affected 
by  similar  natural  or  cultural  environment  ;  but  this  is  anything  but  science 
(p.  145).  In  other  words,  the  independent  origin  of  this  isolated  South  American 
form  of  paddle  is  unthinkable  to  him  :  it  contravenes  his  dogma  of  the  impossibility 
of  independent  origins.  He  forgets  his  repudiation  on  a  previous  page  of  Professor 
von  Luschan's  suggestion  of  a  genetic  connection  between  the  head-rests  of  New 
Guinea  and  the  Ionic  capital  (p.  118).  The  forms  coincide  here  in  a  manner  that 
must  strike  everyone,  but  the  purpose  is  different.  Therefore,  for  Dr.  Graebner, 

[     141      J 


No.  70,]  MAN.  [1914. 

genetic  connection  is  as  unthinkable  as  the  independent  origin  of  the  paddle  on  the 
Rio  Negro.  What  are  these  but  purely  subjective  judgments  ? 

Whatever  truth,  indeed,  there  is  in  Dr.  Graebner's  method  and  theory,  it  is  as  purely 
subjective  as  that  of  his  opponents.  If  the  independent  origin  of  two  cultural  phenomena 
be  unthinkable,  convergence  of  phenomena  arising  out  of  different  cultural  and  natural 
environments  is  almost  equally  unthinkable.  Accordingly,  if  he  does  not  absolutely 
repudiate  it,  he  puts  it  aside  as  incapable  of  proof,  or,  if  proved  in  some  particular 
case,  quite  unimportant.  But  cultural  phenomena  do  not  issue  from  nothing.  They 
gro\v  out  of  the  common  soil  of  human  nature,  in  response  to  human  needs  or  aspira- 
tions, physical,  economic,  mental,  or  emotional.  Without  this  basis  they  would  be 
inexplicable.  Human  needs  and  aspirations  are  not  peculiar  to  one  tribe  or  one  race. 
A  priori,  therefore,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  same  invention  should  not  be  made 
more  than  once.  The  inquirer  who  starts  from  the  dogma  that  the  same  things, 
whether  beliefs,  tales,  customs,  institutions,  or  artifacts  are  not  invented  twice  is  no 
more  likely  to  arrive  at  the  truth  than  one  who  starts  determined  to  attribute  to  every 
separate  cultural  phenomena  a  disparate  and  independent  origin.  Neither  of  these 
opinions  can  be  enforced  ;  in  every  case  it  is  a  question  of  probabilities  after  weighing 
the  evidence  without  prepossession. 

There  are  dozens  of  examples  of  ideas  and  practices  which  are  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  universal,  such  as  (to  name  no  more)  the  uncleanness  of  a  woman  at  certain 
seasons,  the  life  after  death,  the  practice  of  sympathetic  magic  by  obtaining  a  portion 
of  something  that  has  once  formed  part  of  a  man's  body,  clothing,  or  food,  and  per- 
forming certain  rites  upon  it.  Will  Dr.  Graebner  assert  that  they  must  have  come 
from  a  single  centre,  that  they  must  have  been  evolved  once  i'or  all  in  a  single  social 
atmosphere  ?  If  not,  where  will  he  draw  the  theoretical  line  ?  Apparently  he  would 
venture  on  this  assertion,  for  he  insists  that  no  available  criterion  has  yet  been  found 
to  establish  the  repeated  independent  origin  of  homogeneous  cultural  phenomena. 
Where  his  tests  fail,  he  counsels  suspension  of  judgement  and  a  clear  recognition  that 
any  other  conclusion  than  that  of  cultural  connection  is  purely  hypothetic,  with  the 
evident  implication  that  it  is  of  no  value,  practical  or  theoretical. 

With  him  the  tests  of  form  and  quantity  are  conclusive,  and  he  can  only  admit 
as  a  bare  possibility,  and  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that  they  can  fail.  He  throws 
the  burden  upon  objectors.  "  What  is  to  be  expected  from  a  sound  criticism,"  he 
says,  "  is  not  general  negative  theoretical  objections,  but  positive  proof  that  the 
"  tests  are  not  universally  applicable,  that  is  to  say,  that  results  which,  according 
"  to  the  presumption  of  the  tests,  are  only  brought  about  by  cultural  relationship, 
"  may  have  arisen  and  have  in  fact  arisen  in  another  way"  (p.  123).  But  this 
proof  is  precisely  what  he  puts  out  of  court  to  start  with.  And  he  quotes  in  a 
note  from  Soltau  a  remark  concerning  certain  parallels  between  European  and 
American  myths.  Soltau  says  :  "  Only  a  fool  can  believe  that  here  a  relationship 
"  exists  with  the  Greek  myths  of  Styx  and  Cerberus "  ;  to  which  Dr.  Graebner 
replies  :  "  To  be  sure  nobody  but  a  fool  may  '  believe  '  ;  but  it  approaches  to  proof." 
This  is  not  a  fair  method  of  argument.  The  burden  of  proof  lies  on  him  who 
makes  the  assertion.  When  Dr.  Graebner  in  a  given  case  asserts  that,  to  take  an 
illustration  already  mentioned,  the  paddles  of  Rio  Negro  are  genetically  connected 
with  those  of  Indonesia,  it  lies  upon  him  to  prove  it.  It  is  not  enough  to  apply  his 
tests  of  form  and  quantity.  They  prove  no  more  than  a  striking  similarity  ;  they  do  not 
prove  genetic  connection.  To  show  that  such  a  result  has  in  fact  arisen  in  another 
way  may  be  the  most  conclusive  reply  to  the  inference  of  genetic  relationship  ;  but 
it  is  a  reply  by  no  means  incumbent  upon  the  opponent.  A  negative  theoretical 
objection,  based,  let  us  say,  on  distance,  or  on  general  diversity  of  culture,  or  on 
the  limited  number  of  possible  variations  of  form,  may  be  quite  sufficient,  in  the 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  70-71. 

absence    of    more    cogent    reasons    in    favour    of    genetic    relationship    than    striking 
similarity. 

If,  therefore,  we  welcome  Dr.  Graebner's  method  of  investigation,  it  is  rather 
because  it  is  in  harmony  with  the  tendency  of  every  science  to  grow  more  and  more 
minute  in  its  investigations,  more  exacting  in  its  demands  for  proof.  With  much  of  the 
criticism  he  applies  to  "the  older  school"  everybody  must  agree.  The  fate  of  all 
pioneers  is  to  be  in  time  superseded.  There  would  be  no  progress  if  it  were  other- 
wise. On  the  other  hand,  we  cannot  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  much  of  the 
reasoning  with  which  the  distinguished  author  supports  his  claims  is  purely  sub- 
jective, not  to  say  prejudiced  by  his  initial  repudiation  of  the  psychic  unity  of 
mankind.  It  may  be  true  that  the  psyche  of  different  human  families  differs  as 
much  as  their  physis.  But  after  all  there  is  an  underlying  basis  which  Dr.  Graebner 
ignores,  though  in  his  final  paragraphs  he  is  forced  to  admit  it,  in  graciously  accord- 
ing to  psychology  the  rank  of  an  auxiliary  to  the  true  science  of  ethnology.  If 
there  were  no  such  underlying  basis,  even  his  own  conclusions  would  be  without 
support.  It  is  the  psychic  unity  of  mankind  that  renders  the  diffusion  of  culture 
possible. 

Considerations  of  space  prevent  the  detailed  examination  of  Dr.  Graebuer's 
method  as  expounded  in  the  book  before  us.  That  has  been  done  with  effect  by 
others,  notably  by  Dr.  Lowie  and  Dr.  Goldenweiser  in  the  Journal  of  American 
Folklore.  It  took  its  rise  naturally  among  students  interested  chiefly  in  the  material 
products  of  civilisation.  It  is  in  tracing  the  provenience  of  these  that  its  most 
important  successes  have  hitherto  been  won  ;  though  many  of  the  results  claimed 
are  still  contested  even  by  anthropologists,  who  are,  iu  general,  favourably  inclined 
to  it.  Whether  it  can  be  applied  equally  well  to  ideas  and  institutions  we  shall 
be  better  able  to  judge  when  Dr.  Graebner's  promised  work  on  Australia  is 
forthcoming.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


Africa,  West.  Thomas. 

Ibo-speaking  Peoples  of  Nigeria.     By  Northcote  W.  Thomas,  M.A.,  F.R.A.I., 
etc.,  Government  Anthropologist.     London  :  Harrison  and  Sons,  1913. 

This  work  deals  with  a  small  section  of  the  Ibo  people,  one  of  the  most 
important  and  interesting  races  of  Southern  Nigeria,  and  reputed  to  number  over 
3,000,000.  Of  the  three  slender  volumes,  the  first  deals  with  the  law.  and  customs 
of  the  Ibo  of  the  Awka  neighbourhood.  The  illustrations  are  excellent,  and  many 
facts  have  been  got  together,  which,  however,  would  have  been  more  valuable  from 
an  ethnologist's  point  of  view  had  the  author  given  some  indication  as  to  the 
amount  of  corroborative  evidence  obtained  for  each.  The  second  volume  consists 
of  an  English-Ibo  and  Ibo-English  Dictionary,  and  the  third  contains  proverbs, 
vocabularies,  and  grammar,  with  some  interlined  stories  of  considerable  value  to  the 
linguist. 

It  is  to  be  feared  that  the  usefulness  of  the  dictionary  and  vocabularies  will  be 
greatly  lessened  for  the  ordinary  student,  to  say  nothing  of  the  hard-worked  official 
on  the  spot,  by  the  complicated  system  of  transliteration  followed.  About  fifty 
forms  of  letters  are  used,  as  well  as  four  tones  and  two  accents.  As  pointed  out 
by  Sir  Harry  Johnston,  it  is  improbable  that  the  dots,  dashes,  and  angles  beneath 
the  letters  will  ever  come  into  practical  use  for  ordinary  writing. 

Under  the  circumstances  of  the  great  variety  of  pronunciation  and  dialects 
used  even  iu  the  few  towns  examined — as  witnessed  by  the  author's  statements, 
"  Each  town  has  its  own  dialectical  pecularities  ;  at  Awka,  for  example,  the  word 
"  for  'evening'  is  ainyase ;  at  Nibo,  a  mile  away,  it  is  anase.  Even  within  the 

[    143    ] 


Nos.  71-72.]  MAN.  [1914. 

"  limits  of  a  single  town  great  variations  can  be  found  ;  at  Nibo  I  noted  tbe  fol- 
"  lowing  variations  of  the  word  a/0,  ("  stomach  ")  :  aho,  aivo,  aivho,  avo,  avo  "  ;  and 
again,  *'  The  pronunciation  varies  considerably  even  in  the  same  town  " — it  seems 
a  pity  that  so  much  time  should  have  been  spent  in  getting  the  exact  pronuncia- 
tion of  a  few  men,  instead  of  adopting  a  wider  system.  In  the  words  of  Sir  Harry 
Johnston,  "  It  would  be  absurd  to  expect  of  any  phonetic  system  that  it  should 
"  give  the  exact  pronunciation  of  a  clique  or  a  tribe  either  in  England  or  Africa ?> 
(Phonetic  Spelling,  p.  8).  Possibly  had  this  latter  excellent  monograph  appeared 
a  little  earlier,  Mr.  Northcote  Thomas  would  have  adopted  this  system,  at  least  ii> 
part.  P.  AMAURY  TALBOT. 


Folk-lore.  Andrews. 

Ulster  Folk-lore.     By  Elizabeth  Andrews,  F.R.A.I.     London,  1913.  "I  ft 

In  this  volume  Mrs.  Andrews  has  brought  together  and  revised  several  essays  I  fc 
on  Ulster  folk-lore  and  archaeology,  which  have  either  appeared  in  the  pages  of  the 
Antiquary  or  have  been  read  before  the  Belfast  Naturalists'  Field  Club,  and  their 
appearance  in  this  convenient  form  will  be  welcomed  by  anthropologists.  The 
greater  part  of  the  work  is  devoted  to  the  souterrains  of  Ulster,  especially  in  the 
Counties  Down,  Antrim,  Deny,  and  Donegal,  and  to  the  folk-lore  connected  with 
them  and  with  the  mounds  and  raths  which  exist  in  great  numbers  in  the  same 
country.  With  regard  specially  to  the  souterrains,  this  work  may  be  read  in  con- 
nection with  Mrs.  Hobson's  paper  in  the  Journal  of  the  Institute,  entitled  "  Some 
Ulster  Souterrains"  (Journ.  R.  Anthr.  Inst.,  1909,  Jan.  to  June).  The  subject  of 
the  relation  between  the  beliefs  in  fairies  and  small-sized  races,  and  possible  late 
survivals  of  prehistoric  races,  has  been  already  dealt  with  by  Mr.  D.  MacRitchie  in 
various  publications,  and  in  Dr.  C.  A.  Windle's  editiou  of  Tyson's  Essay  Concerning 
*the  Pygmies  of  the  Ancients,  and  Dr.  Kollmann  has  found  a  neolithic  necropolis  of 
pygmies  near  Schaffhausen,  in  Switzerland,  where  similar  beliefs  as  to  small  people 
are  prevalent.  These  little  fairies,  or  the  short  races  known  as  "Pechts"  and 
"  small  Danes,"  are,  in  Ireland,  especially  associated  with  the  souterrains,  which 
there  is  good  reason  to  believe  were  inhabited  not  only  in  prehistoric  but  in  more 
recent  times.  Mrs.  Andrews  argues  that  there  is  a  probability  that  some  of  these 
pygmies  survived  into  Christian  times,  and  that  the  souterrains  and  hill-raths  were 
their  places  of  refuge.  There  is  certainly  something  to  be  said  in  favour  of  this 
theory,  but  the  absence  of  actual  remains  of  pygmy  races  in  the  British  Isles  is 
a  negative  argument  against  it.  Nevertheless,  the  Swiss  discoveries  show  that  such 
races  did  exist  in  Western  Europe,  and  time  may  bring  to  light  similar  remains  in 
our  own  country.  The  evidence  from  tradition  and  from  the  existing  souterrains  is 
carefully  compiled  and  set  forth  by  Mrs.  Andrews.  A  good  deal  of  miscellaneous 
folk-lore,  especially  from  Donegal,  is  also  brought  together  here.  The  perched 
blocks  near  Glenties,  said  to  have  been  used  as  missiles  in  the  war  of  the  giants, 
that  is,  between  Finn  MacCumhal  and  Goll  MacMorna,  may  be  paralleled  elsewhere. 
Mrs.  Andrews  alludes  to  Rob  Roy's  putting-stone,  mentioned  by  J.  F.  Campbell  in  his 
Tales  of  the  West  Highlands,  and  I  was  myself  as  a  boy  very  familiar  with  the 
boulder  on  the  hill  above  Rostrevor  known  as  "  Cloughniore,"  supposed  to  have 
been  thrown  at  Finn  by  the  giant  on  the  Carlingford  side  of  the  lough.  The  giant 
was  killed  by  Finn's  stone,  and  his  profile  can  still  be  traced  in  the  outline  of  the 
Carlingford  Mountains  as  seen  from  the  Rostrevor  Strand. 

There    are    many  other    interesting   points    in    Mrs.  Andrew's    work,    which  is  a 
valuable  contribution  to  Irish  folk-lore  and  archaeology. 

'M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 

Printed  by  EYRE  A34D  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  K. 


MAN,  1914. 


MANGANJA     HEAD-DRESSES. 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  73-74. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Africa,  Central.  With  Plate  K-  Marett. 

Manganja  Head-dresses.     By  R.  R.  Marett,  M.A.,  D.Sc.  TO 

Sir  John  Kirk,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  who,  as  Dr.  Kirk,  took  part  in  Dr.  /U 
Livingstone's  expedition  which  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  Lake  Nyassa,  has  allowed 
me  to  publish  the  accompanying  rough  sketches,  made  at  the  time,  under  conditions 
that  did  not  favour  "  art  for  the  sake  of  art,"  of  Manganja  head-dresses.  The 
explorers  were  engaged  on  their  first  voyage  up  the  Shire,  which,  as  far  as  they 
could  discover,  had  never  before  been  ascended  by  Europeans.*  Hence  we  have  here 
an  opportunity  of  studying  native  fashions  in  an  entirely  unadulterated  form.  One 
set  of  sketches  is  marked,  "80  miles  up  the  Shire — Jan.  1859";  and  the  other 
(which  occupies  the  lower  portion  in  the  reproduction),  "Jan.  9,  1859 — River  Shire 
at  Cataract,"  namely,  the  Marnvira  (or  Mamvera)  Cataract,  the  first  or  lowest  of 
the  Murchisou  cataracts,  which  for  the  time  being  checked  the  progress  of  the  little 
steamer,  the  "Ma  Robert."  R.  R.  MARETT. 


Papua.  Beaver. 

Some    Notes    on    the    Eating  of  Human    Flesh    in    the   Western     T§ 
Division  of  Papua.     By     W.  N.  Beaver.  I H1 

Under  the  Western  Division  of  Papua  I  include  all  that  area  lying  between  the 
Anglo-Dutch  boundary  and  the  western  end  of  the  Purari  Delta,  an  area  which 
embraces  very  many  distinct  tribes  of  varying  types. 

Speaking  in  general  of  cannibalism,  I  am  under  the  impression  that  the  majority 
of  authorities  regard  the  eating  of  human  flesh  as  an  act  of  ceremony  or  ritual,  but 
a  long  experience  of  almost  every  district  of  British  Papua  makes  me  incline  to  the 
view  that  while  ritual  or  ceremonial  does  in  many  instances  form  the  prime  reason 
for  cannibalism,  in  by  far  the  greater  number  of  cases  human  flesh  is  eaten  because 
it  is  a  food  and  is  liked.  I  do  not  wish  to  imply,  even  in  the  case  of  frankly 
cannibal  tribes,  that  a  diet  of  this  sort  was  an  everyday  occurrence  ;  such  a  statement 
would  be  obviously  wrong. 

For  a  long  time  it  was  maintained  that  cannibalism  did  not  exist  in  the  west, 
but  I  think  that  view  has  long  since  been  abandoned,  at  any  rate  there  is  ample 
proof  that  the  practice  did  and  does  still  exist. 

I  have  no  actual  knowledge  that  cannibalism  exists  among  the  tribes  of  the 
extreme  west  of  the  division,  although  Beardmore  was  told  by  the  Mawatta  people 
that  the  tribes  on  the  Baxter  River  (Maikussa)  ate  men.  Chalmers  states,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  Buji  people  were  not  cannibals.  In  the  inland  district  known 
as  Dudi,  a  case  occurred  at  the  end  of  last  year  where  a  man  was  killed  by  sorcerers 
and  buried  by  his  relatives.  The  same  sorcerers  subsequently  came  back  to  the  grave, 
exhumed  the  body,  and  ate  at  any  rate  a  considerable  portion  of  it.  In  this  instance 
the  body  was,  I  think,  eaten  for  a  specific  purpose,  not  as  a  food.  I  am  told  that  the 
exhumation  and  eating  of  corpses  was  not  uncommon  in  this  inland  district.  It  should 
be  noted  that  there  is  no  lack  of  either  animal  or  vegetable  food.  I  have  also  been 
informed  that  human  flesh  was  eaten  in  the  ordinary  way  as  well. 

Even  at  a  village  like  Parama,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Fly,  a  native  of  the  tribe 
told  me  that  in  his  grandfather's  time  men  were  eaten.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
among  the  Kiwai-speaking  tribes  the  same  practice  was  not  unknown.  On  Kiwai 
Island  when  a  head  was  brought  home  pieces  of  the  muscle  behind  the  ear  mixed  with 

*  D.  and  C.  Livingstone,  fiarratiee  of  an  Expelit'um  to  the  Zambesi  and  its  Tributaries 
(London,  1865,  p.  75). 

f     145     1 


No.  74,]  MAN.  [1914, 

sago  were  given  to  the  lads  to  eat  to  "  make  strong."  Bevan  in  Toil,  Travel,  and 
Discovery  in  British  New  Guinea,  refers  to  the  Kiwai  tribes  as  eaters  of  flesh. 

Last  year  at  a  village  called  Iwi,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Fly,  a  man 
belonging  to  a  neighbouring  village  was  killed  and  eaten. 

In  the  Bamn  River  district  cannibalism  was  until  recently  more  or  less  common. 
Mr.  Jiear,  lately  resident  magistrate  of  the  Western  Division,  in  one  of  his  reports 
notes  seeing  at  Sisiame  human  joints,  and  similar  sights  have  been  recorded  by  other 
observers,  including  myself,  in  various  villages.  The  less  civilised  tribes  are  quite 
frank  about  the  subject.  Man-eating,  I  think,  prevails  through  the  Gama  and  Turama 
River  districts.  In  the  Aird  Delta  all  the  village  are  openly  cannibal.  It  is  noted 
that  the  bush  villages  on  the  lower  and  middle  Kiko  River  usually  provide  the 
necessary  victims  for  the  Delta  people,  and  the  latter  in  return  state  that  the 
"  bushmen  "  eat  them. 

In  1911  I  travelled  up  the  Kiko  for  about  seventy  miles,  and  thence  inland 
due  north  and  west  for  a  considerable  distance.  Among  the  many  natives  met,  I  can 
only  say  that  I  have  no  evidence  at  all  to  enable  me  to  make  a  definite  statement 
one  way  or  the  other. 

As  far  as  the  Paia  and  Urama  peoples  are  concerned,  lying  between  the  Aird 
and  Purari  Deltas,  I  believe  them  to  be  man-eaters. 

In  regard  to  methods  of  cooking,  all  food  in  the  west  is  roasted,  for  there  is 
no  pottery.  In  the  Iwi  case  noted  above,  the  body  was  cut  up  and  mixed  with 
sago.  At  Sisiame  (in  the  Bamu  River)  the  joints  were  roasted,  and  the  same 
practice  prevails  elsewhere  in  the  district  of  the  Bamu  River.  The  flesh  may  also 
be  mixed  with  sago.  The  victim  is  always  killed  first  before  roasting,  and  there  is 
no .  particular  care  taken  as  to  the  cutting  up  except  that  in  the  Bamu  River  the 
arms  and  legs  are  cut  off.  These  portions,  especially  the  hands  and  calves,  are 
esteemed  as  food,  as  also  are  the  breasts  of  women.  In  the  Kumusi  River  region 
(Northern  Division)  I  am  informed  that  it  was  frequently  the  practice  among  several 
tribes,  the  Dobodura  among  others,  to  roast  their  victims  alive,  principally  with  the 
idea  that  the  meat  tasted  better  when  treated  in  this  manner. 

From  the  Bamu  to  the  Purari  the  whole  body  may  be  eaten,  but  in  the  case 
of  a  male  the  testes  are  thrown  away.  At  any  rate  this  is  the  case  among  the 
Torobina,  Anaidai,  and  Bina  tribes  in  the  Bamu.  On  the  other  hand,  at  Kondua, 
on  the  Anglo-Dutch  boundary,  whether  the  tribe  is  cannibal  or  not,  the  testes  are 
cut  from  dead  enemies  and  used  as  ornaments  or  charms. 

From  the  western  bank  of  the  Fly  eastwards  it  seems  that  in  the  case  of  a 
male  the  penis,  and  in  the  case  of  a  female  the  vulva,  were  always  cut  out.  These 
portions  were  used  for  various  purposes.  The  penis  is  bitten  into  immediately  after 
being  cut  off,  especially  by  a  young  warrior.  This  is  for  the  purpose  of  "making 
strong."  Small  pieces  are  eaten  with  the  same  object.  To  use  almost  the  exact 
words  of  one  informant  "a  man  must  eat  a  little  before  fighting,  and  it  is  very 
sweet."  Very  often  the  part  is  dried  and  used  as  a  battle  charm  and  in  the 
ceremony  before  fighting,  in  which  case  a  little  is  eaten.  The  female  privates  are 
used  in  a  similar  manner  to  the  male. 

As  far  as  I  know  there  is  no  restriction  on  the  eating  of  human  flesh  in  the 
west,  that  is  to  say,  anyone  may  eat  it.  On  the  other  hand,  among  the  Koko  of 
the  Yodda  Valley  (Northern  Division)  a  man  may  not  partake  of  the  person  he  has 
himself  killed.  Much  the  same  practice  occurs  at  Baimura,  the  extreme  eastern 
limit  of  the  Western  Division  ;  in  an  actual  case  before  the  courts  in  1909  the 
following  statement  was  made  :  "  .  .  .  It  is  not  our  custom  to  eat  a  person 
"  whom  you  have  killed.  If,  after  killing  a  man,  you  sit  on  a  cocoanut  with  a 
"  cocoanut  under  each  heel  and  get  your  daughter  to  boil  the  man's  heart,  you  may 

[  146  ] 


1914.] 


MAN. 


[Nos,  74-75. 


"  drink  the  water  .  .  .  and  may  eat  a  little  of  the  heart,  but  you  must  be 
"  sitting  on  the  cocoanuts  all  the  while."  lu  this  instance  the  eating  of  human 
flesh  by  the  village  may  be  considered  as  being  of  a  ceremonial  nature,  for  when 
a  large  new  canoe  is  launched,  a  man,  a  cassowary  and  a  pig  must  be  killed. 

Such  practices  as  the  eating  of  portions  of  the  penis  or  the  muscle  behind  the 
ear  are  forms  of  almost  entirely  ritual  cannibalism,  but  in  the  main,  apart  from  such 
cases,  cannibalism  seems  to  me  to  be  carried  on  for  dietary  purposes. 

I  have  heard  it  stated  that  snake-eaters  are  always  cannibals.  I  do  not  know 
if  it  is  a  fact,  but  it  certainly  is  a  coincidence  that  the  majority  of  snake-eating 
tribes  in  Papua  are  also  cannibal.  For  instance,  the  so-called  Kukukuku  in  the 
Gulf  Division  are  both,  as  also  are  many  of  the  Northern  and  North-eastern  tribes. 
It  is  noteworthy  that  a  new  movement  called  baigona  has  within  the  last  couple 
of  years  started  northward  from  about  Cape  Nelson ;  in  this  cult  the  killing  of 
snakes  is  forbidden. 

I  have  only  noted  here  the  existence  of  cannibalism  in  the  Western  Division. 
The  eating  of  human  flesh  of  course  is  known  in  many  other  districts  of  Papua. 

W.  N.  BEAVER. 


Archaeology :  Australia.  Johnson. 

Pygmy  Implements  from  Australia.    By  J.  P.  Johnson.  TC 

I  can  sympathise  with  Mr.  Lewis  Abbott  in  his  surprise  (expressed  in  his     I  U 

paper    on    "  Pygmy  Implements    from    Cape  Colony "    in    the    September  number)  at 

learning  that  pygmy  implements  similar  to   those  of  South  Africa  occur  in  Australia. 


PYGMY  IMPLEMENTS  FROM  AUSTRALIA. 

I  experienced  a  similar  surprise  on  recently  seeing  examples  from  Western  Australia 
in  the  Perth  Museum,  and  others  from  Eastern  Australia  in  the  Sydney  Museum. 

It  does  not  seem  to  be  realised  by  writers  on  this  subject  that  the  South 
African  pygmies,  with  the  exception  of  the  crescent  type,  are  merely  diminutive 
forms  and  varieties  of  what  the  French  archaeologists  term  the  Audi,  Chatelperron,  and 
Gravette  pointes  or  couteaux.  These  are  characteristic  of  the  Aurignaco-Magdalenien 
assemblages  of  North-western  Europe  where  the  crescent  is  absent,  and  are  prominent 
in  the  Capsian  assemblage  of  Sicily  where  the  crescent  is  present. 

I  am  now  able  to  announce  that  this  is  also  the  case  with  the  Australian 
pygmies.  They  are  all  varieties  of  the  Audi,  Chatelperron,  and  Gravette  pointes, 
the  crescent  being  absent.  The  accompanying  drawing  of  specimens  collected  by 
Mr.  Whitelegge,  of  Sydney,  and  now  in  my  possession,  will  demonstrate  this.  These, 
it  should  be  noted,  are  of  more  than  average  size.  In  Australia,  however,  they  do 
not  appear  to  be  associated  with  "  scrapers  "  as  in  Europe  and  South  Africa. 

J.  P.  JOBNSON. 


[     147     ] 


No,   76,]  MAN.  [1914. 

Africa,  West.  Tremearne. 

Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  • 

Major  A.  J.  N.    Tremcarne,   M.A.,  LL.M.,  Dip.  Anf/i. 


Marital  Relations  of  the  Hausas  as  shown  in  their  Folk-lore.      /;//     TO 


Xo.  4. 

wanni  da    matanshi      yana  da  kishi  dayawa  en 

Certain  (man)  and  wife  his.      He  teas  with  (had)  jealousy  in  plenty,  whenever 
zata  fisari      yana         tsaya       akan  ta  en  zata 

she  would   (make)   water   he   was  standing  above  (beside)  her,    whenever  she   would 
kashi      yana        tsaya      akan    ta        sai       ta     che    rai-shi  wata  rana       wanni 
excrete  he  was  standing  beside  her.     Now  she  said  to  him   one    day    "  Certain  (mail) 
zaya         chi     ni  kai      kana         kai       na          ya   che    ka(r)riya  ne 

he  will  have  me,  (even  while)  you  you  are  beside  me."      He  said      "Lie       (it)  is." 
sai      ta    che         ai         ga  mu       tare 
But  she  said'"  Verily  see  us  together."* 

shi       ke  nan     sai       ta     che  ma     kwortonta*    shi  zo       shi  sbigga 

Well,  now,  she   said  to  adulterer  her   he    (must)    come,    he  get  amongst 

kaikai  shi  kwanta    ringinni  shi    rufe      jikkinshi     duka  sai      bura        awoje 

chaff,    he        lie       on  back,    he   cover   body  his    whole  (leaving}  only  penis   outside. 
sai     ya       che  to  en     ji         kworto         sat  ya     zo      ya     rufe 

And  he  said  "  Very  well"  let  me  hear  (so  said)  adulterer.       So  he  came,  he  covered 
jikkinshi  duka      da     kaikai  duk    sai    ya  ber    bura     awoje 
body  his  whole  ivith    chaff  all,  only  he  left  penis  outside. 

sai       ta    che  ma    mijji  zani  fisari       sai  ya    che  to 

Then  she  said  to  husband  "  I  am  about  (to  make)  water,"1"1  and  he  said  "  Very  well, 
tashi         mu        je         to       shi  kuma  rana  ya      fadi  almuru          ba  ya     yi  ba 

get  up,  let  us  go."      Now    he    also,    sun   it   had  set,  late   evening  not  it  made  not."\ 
shi  ke  nan  da      zuwauta       ta     ga    bura     awoje    sai   ta   tsuguna    abissa  mijji 

and  on  arrival  her,  she  saw  penis  outside,  so  she  squatted  on  top.  Husband 
yana  chewa  yi  fisari  ki  tashi  ita  kuwa  tana  chewa  ma  kworto 
he  was  saying  "  Make  water,  you  get  up."  She,  however,  she  was  saying  to  adulterer 
kai  ma  yi  ka  kare  manna  sai  mijji  Ja  che  da  wa  ki 

"  You,  now,  do  (it)  you  finish  please"       Then  husband  he  asked  "  With  whom  you 
ke       yi  maganna  sai     ta       che          wa          ka     ganni  sai      ya     che 

are  making  conversation  ?  "     But  she  replied  "  Whom  yon  do  see  ?  "      Then  he  said 
yi  fisari     ki      tashi  ita        kuwa      sai      ta     che  ma    kworto         yi  ka 

"  Make  water,  you  get  up."     She,  however,  only  she  said  to  adulterer  "  Do  (it)  you 
kare       manna      shi    ke    nan       sai         mijji      ya   che  ko  da       wanni 

finish,  please."  And   husband  he  said  "  Perhaps  (is   if)    with    certain 

aljan    ki      ke        yi  maganna       da       shi 

demon  you  are  making  conversation  with  him  ? " 

da  kworto         ya  kare         sai     ta    tashi       tsaye       sai     kworto     ya        yi 

When  adulterer  he  had  finished,  then  she  arose  standing,  and  adulterer  he  made 
bup         dagga    chikkin  kaikai       sai  mijji      ya    che        a         a         a  kin 

"  boop "  from     under     chaff.       Then    husband  he  said   "Oh!   Oh!   Oh!    you    have 
zambacheni          sai     ta     che  ai  na  gaya  ma-ka         to         tun    dagga 

betrayed  me"     But  she  said  "  Of  course,    I   said  (so)  to  you."       Well,  since   after 
nan  ya  che  shi  ba       zaya  kara  kishi        ba 

that  he  (husband}  said  he  not  he  would  continue  jealousy  not. 

*  r.e.,  "  We  shall  see." 

f  i.e.,  this  was  against  him,  the  sun  had  set,  etc.    About  7.0  p.m. 

[     148     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  76. 

No.  5. 

wanni     maharbi    ke    nan       ya    teffi      daji     ya    her    matanshi      a-gidda  sai 

Certain    hunter      is   this.      He  went  forest,  he    left    ivife    his    at    home.      Noiv 
wanni      kworto    ya      zo     da  rana    ta    che         shiggo      manna      ai  maigidda 

certain  adulterer  he  came  by  day,  she  said  "  Come  in,  please,  truly  oivner  of  house 
ba    shi    nan     ba        ko          ya         dawo  yanzu     kuma          da  ya         shiggo        ta 

not   he   here,    not    either    he    will   return  now     either"       When  he  had  entered,  she 
nuna  ma-sa     wota    tukuniya    ta    che         shigga  da  ya  shigga 

pointed  out  to  him  certain      pot,      she  said  "  Get  inside."     When  he  had  got  inside, 
ke  nan     wanni  kworto      ya      zo        ta      che         marhaba  sai        suka   hangye 

another     adulterer    he    came,    she    said    "  Welcome.'''1        Then    they     espied 
mijjinta  yana      zuwa 

husband  her  he  was  coming. 

da  mijji      7a      zo     ghi     kworto      nabiyu  ya    che       sann  da  zuwa 

When    husband  he   came,  ke    adulterer   second  he    said  "  Hail  to  (you)  coming, 
anaiko  ni          ne          en  dauka  tunkuniya     sai        ta         miko 

there    was    sent    me  (if)  is  (so  that)  I   might    take       pot"          And    she    indicated 
mi-shi    tuknniyan      da       kworto      na-fari    ke    chikki    sai    ya  dauka 
to  him  pot  the        which  adulterer     first     was  inside,  and  he  carried  (it)  away. 
yana  teffiya          sai     ya   che  kai          ashe     yau     na     yi 

He  was  going  along  when  he  said  "Dear  me,  verily  to-day  I  made  (=was  in) 
azzikki        sai  nachikkin  tukuniya  ya    che       kai  ne     ka         yi      azzikki 

luck."         Then  (one)  inside  of  the  pot        he  said  "  You  (it)  was  you  were  in       luck 
ko    ni  sai       ya  che     wanene     ya  ke     tama      mi-ni    maganna        sai      ya 

or   If"       Then    he  (other)  said     "  Who     he   is  joining  to  me   words?"       And    he 
che  ko       eblisi    na     daji  ne 

thought  perhaps   devil    of  forest  (it)  was. 

da         ya          kara  teffiya        sai     ya    che  kai          ashe      yau      na 

When  he   had    continued   travelling,  then    he    said  "  Dear  me,   verily  to-day    I 
yi         azzikki  sai  nachikkin  tukuniya    ya  che        kai  ne     ka  yi 

was  in  luck."        And  (one)  inside  of  the  pot        he  said  "  You  (it)  was  you  were  in 
azzikki  ko  ni         sai      ya  dauka    tukuniya    ya     yer  ya  pa(s)sa 

luck      or  If "      Then  he  (other)     took          pot,        he  threw  (it  down),  he  broke  (it), 
sai  mutum  ya        fitta        ya         dirri  sai      ya    che         a        ka       zambacheni 

and    man     he    emerged,    he  jumped  up.       Then   he  said   "  Ah,   you    deceived  me," 
en     ji       na-biyu        da     na    sa(n)ni    kai     ne     achikki    da      ban  dauka 

(so  said)  second,    "  Had    I    known   you  were   inside,    then   not  I   have    carried  (it) 
ba          sai      ya  che         barkarmu      da    azzikki    duka 
not."     Then  he  said  "  Fortune  our  and      luck     both." 

No.  6. 

wota       mache     da        mijjinta          talauche  ya         damesu        ba         su  da 

Certain  woman  and  husband  her.     Poverty    it   crushed  them,  not  they  were  with 
komi  sai    ta    che         zan       yi       ma-ka  dubaran       da        zaka        samu         kurdi 

anything.     So  she  said  "  /  will  make  to  you  plan  by  which  you  will  obtain  money." 
sai      ta    che       ina      farraka       da     wanni         maikurdi         shi  kuma  maikurdi 

And  she  said  "  I  am  intriguing  with  certain  owner  of  money,  he,   now,  owner  of  money, 
yana     da       yaya       biyu        ta  che          da  sasafe  na       nikka       ma-ka 

he  is  with  children  two."       She  continued  "  In  early  morning  I  will  grind  for  you 
gari       ka  che  zaka  teffi  en          ka  yi         nesa         ka  tsaya     ka 

flour,  you  say  you  about  to  go  away,  when   you  have  made  distance,  you  stop,  you 

[     149     ] 


No,  76.]  MAN.  [1914. 

koma   dagga   baya         en       ya     zo         farrakan       nan          zan    che       ya  shigga 

return  from  behind.      When  he  comes  adulturer  the  this,  I  will  say  he  must  get  inside 
rumbn  kai    kuma    da       zuwanka         ka    che       zaka         sa    wuta  a-rumbun 

granary.      You    noiv,    on  arrival  your,  you  say   you  will  put  fire    to  granary  the 
nan  ka  sarau    toka  ka  seyer  ni     kuma  zan 

t  his  (that)  you  (may)  obtain  ashes  (that)  you  (may)  sell  them.*      1   however,  I  will 
teffi     zan     gaya  ma       yayanshi       ubansu  na  chikki  su  zo       su      seye 

go     I  will   say    to    children   his  father  their  (is)    inside,    let    them    come    they    buy 
rumbu  sai  ya    che  to 

granary.'1''     So  he   said  "  Very  good" 

da       safe       ya    che  zashi         teffiya        da  ya         teffi       sai        kworton 

In  morning,  he  said  he  about  to  journey.      When  he  had    gone    then   adulterer 
ya     zo         sai       niijji      ya      koma     dagga    baya        da  ya         zo       sai      ta     che 

he  came.     But  husband  he  returned  from  behind.      When  he  had  come  then  she  said 
da       kworton  shigga         rumbu     ga         mijjina  da  niijji  ya 

to   adulterer  the  "  Get  inside  granary  see  husband   my"       When    husband    he    had 
zo         sai  ya  che         a     na  manta     da       wanni     abu         zan       sa  wuta  a-rumbun 

come  then  he  said  "  Oh  !  I  forgot  about  certain  thing,  I  shall  put  fire  to  granary  the 
nan       na        seyer  da    toka  mu  samu    abinchi      sai     ta      che          a         a 

this,    I  shall   sell  ashes  (that)  we    may  obtain  food."      But  she    said  "  No,  no, 

kadda  ka      kona       ko         akwoi  wauni      maiseye  sai       ta       je        ta 

lest      (=  do  not)  you  burn,  perhaps  there  is  some  purchaser."       Then  she  icent,  she 
gaya  ma    yayan       ta     che        to       ga         mijjina  zaya         sa    wuta         a-rumbu 

told     to    children,  she  said  "  Now  see  husband  my  he  about  to  put  fire  to  granary, 
ubanku  yana  chikki  kuma  ku    je      ku    seye 

father  your  he  is  inside,  now,  you  go,  you  buy" 

sai  da         zuwansu       tayan  fari    suka    che         zambar         derri  sai 

Immediately  on    arrival   their,     bid    first    they   said  "  Thousand  hundred,"  but 
ya  che         albarka  suka    che      zambar  metin  sai  ya  che  albarka 

he  said  "  No  thanks."      They  said  "  Thousand  two  hundred,^  but  he  said  "  No  thanks." 
suka     che         zambar         derri         u(k)ku     sai    ya     che  albarka  suka      che 

They  said  "  Thousand  hundred      three,"    but    he    said    " No    thanks"       They    said 
zambar  arbamiya  sai    ya    che  albarka  suka     che  zambar 

"  Thousand  four    hundred,"    but    he    said    "  No    thanks."        They  said  "  Thousand 
derri          biyal        sai        ya    che    ya    salamma         su  kawo         biya  sai    suka 

hundred   five"       Then    he    said    he    accepted,    let    them    bring  payment.        So    they 
kawo  biyar 

brought  payment  the. 

da  suka       biya    sai    ya     zuba      kurdi    a-da(i)ki  ya  che         to       ni  na 

When  they  had  paid,  then  he  poured  coicries  in  hut,  he  said  "  Well,  I,  I  shall 
teffi    teffiya      kuma      sai    na    komo  ashe  ya         zaga  ya 

go    journey    again,    until   I  return  (=  au  revoir)"     In  reality    he    went  around,  he 
je          bayan        gidda  don  nbansu  ya  fitta  sai         uban       ya 

went  back  of  compound  so    that  father    their  he  might  get  aivay.     So  father  the  he 
fit  to  bup      bup    dagga  chikkin    rufogo      ya    che     na  yi  azzikki 

jumped  out  "  boop,    boop"  from    inside    granary,    he    said  "  /   have    been    in    luck, 
muzuru         zaya      kasshe    kanwa  tental 
wild-cat  ivould  it      kill        cat  civet  ?  " J 

*  Ashes  are  used  instead  of  salt  where  this  commodity  is  scarce. 

f  Two   hundred   thousand   cowiies.      Finally,  they  paid  121.  10*.   for  what  was  supposed  to  be 
worth  perhaps  10*. 

|  i.e.,  is  a  common  poor  man  to  be  allowed  to  kill  a  rich  "one  ? 

[    150    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  76. 


Xo.  7. 

waddanan    de     su  kamman  goma  sha  daya       uban  ya  haifesu 

These         now,  they  (were)     about       ten-and-two,     father  the  he  had  born  them 
duk  mazza     shi    ke    nan     da       ya  haifesu        sai    suka      yi      girrima  da 

all    males.  Noio          when  he  had  born  them,  then    they    grew       big.  When 

suka  yi         girrima        sai       babban          nasit      ya    shigga  yan  kama  daya 

they  had  grown  big,  then  eldest  the  of  them  he  entered  children  of  drum*  one 
kuwa  iya  karatu  daya  kuraa  ya  teffi  iya  tioma  duk  suka  passhe  dagga 
also  he  was  reading,  one  also  he  went,  he  was  farming.  All  they  departed  from 
gun  babban  sai  autaf  karuwaye  sai  uban  ya  seye  mi-sbi 

place  of  father  the  except  Baby  Rake.^.  And  father  the  he  bought  for  him 
madubi  ya  seye  tozali  duk  kayan  karuwanchi 

looking-glass,  he  bought  antimony  (for  eyes}  all  paraphernalia  of  seduction 
akaseye  wa  yaro  shi  ke  nan  da  akaseye  ma-sa 

there  was  bought  for  boy.  Now          when  there  had  been  bought  for  him  (these}, 

sai      auta   ya  teffi         yawou      karuwanchi      da  ya          teffii    sai    ya          taradda 

then  Baby  he  went  practising  seduction.  When  he  had  gone,  lo !  he  came  upon 
maisassakar  jirrigi  ya  che  auta  karua  enna  zaka  ya  che  zaiii 

hewer  of  canoe,  he  said  "  Baby  Rake,  where  go  you  ? "  He  replied  "  /  go 
yawon  karuwanchi  sai  ya  che  en  zo  mu  teffii 

practising  seduction."  Then  he  (other)  said  "  May  I  come,  (so  that)  we  go  (together) 
ne  sai  ya  che  zo  manna  en  yi  auta  karuwa 

is  (it)?"     And  he  replied  "  Come  certainly,'1''  (so  said)  Baby     Rake. 

shi  ke  nan     sai  dagga  nan       suna  teffiya       sai     suka     taradda         maitukar 

So    after    that  they  were  travelling  ichen  they  came  upon  paddler  of 
jirrigi       ya     che       auta    karuwa    enna      zaka  ya       che  zani  yawon 

canoe.  He  said  "  Baby  Rake,  where  go  you  ? "  He  replied  *'  /  go  practising 
karuwanchi  sai  ya  che  en  zo  mu  teffi  ne  sai  ya  che  zo 

seduction."       Then  he  said  "  May  I  come  ice    go    is  (it)  ? "     And  he  replied  "  Come 
manna 
certainly." 

shi  ke  nan     sai        iya  teffiya          sai    ya  gamma  da  barawo  kan        arufe 

Noiv  he  was    travelling  on  when  he     met    with  thief    (if    is    shut 
ido  ya     yi       sata  ku  sai     ya  che       auta  karuwa     enna       zaka  ya 

eye  he  makes  theft  immediately}.^  And  he  said  "Baby  Rake,  where  go  you  ?"  He 
che  zani  yawon  karuwanchi  sai  ya  che  en  zo  mu  teffi  ne 

replied  "  /  go  practising  seduction."  Then  he  said  "  May  I  come  we  go  is  (it)  ?  " 
sai  ya  che  zo  manna 

and  he  replied  "  Come  certainly." 

suna  teffiya        sai       suka        samu         maisaurare  shi      ko 

They     were     travelling    on    when     they    came      to       watcher      he     now      (if) 
anamaganna  a     fada     kogoro  en  ya    tsaya  a     jemaa    ya    saurara      sai 

there  should  be  talk  in  Fada  Kagoro  (and)  if  he  stood  in  Jemaa,  he  looked,  then 
ya  ji  sai  ya  che  auta  karuwa  enna  zaka  ya  che  zani 

he  would  hear.      And  he  said  "  Baby    Rake,    where  go  you  ?  "      He  replied  "  /  go 

*  i.p.,  became  a  drummer. 

f  auta  means  youngest,  the  baby  of  the  family. 
J  The  karuwa  is  a  person  of  loose  morals. 

§  This  is  a  kirari  or  description  of  the  thief.     Such  a  thief  that  he  could  steal  from  you  even 
while  you  winked. 


No.  76.]  MAN.  [1914. 

yawon  karuwanchi        sai       ya    che  en       zo      imi  teffi  ne  sai      ya 

practising     seduction."        Then   he    said  "  May  I  come    we     go    is  (it)  ? "       And  he 
che  zo       manna 

replied  "  Come  certainly" 

sai      knma       suna  teffiya  sai     suka   gammu     da     sa(r)rikin     ya(i)ki 

Now   again  they  were  travelling  on  ivhen  they       met      with  leader  in         war, 
duk      shi     ne       kain      ya(i)ki  duk    duniya  ko  ya       mika      hanu         bissa 

whole  he  ivas  head  of  war  (armies)  whole  world,  if  he  stretched  hand  on  high 
sai  mutane  su  mutu  sai  ya  che  auta  karuwa  enna  zaka  ya 

then  men  they  icould  die.  And  he  said  "  Baby  Rake,  where  go  you  ? "  He 
che  zani  yawon  karuwanchi  sai  ya  che  en  zo  mu  teffi  ne 

replied  "  /  go  practising  seduction."  Then  he  said  "  May  I  come  we  go  is  (it)  ?  " 
sai  ya  che  zo  manna 

And  he  replied  "  Come  certainly." 

Shi  ke    nan        suna  teffiya         sai     ya  gammu     da      sa(r)rikin  jefa 

Well,  they  were  travelling  on  when  he      met      with  champion  of  throwing, 
iya  da       dan         keranshi  mailauje     komi  kankantan       tsuntsu  en    ya 

he  was  with  small  throwing-stick  his,  bent,  whatever  small  size  of  bird,  if  he 
jefa  sai  ya  fado  sai  ya  che  auta  karuwa  enna  zaka  ya  che  zani 

threw,  then  it  fell.  And  he  said  "  Baby  Rake,  where  go  you  ?  "  He  replied  "  /  go 
yawon  karuwanchi  sai  ya  che  en  zo  mu  teffi  ne  sai  ya 

practising  seduction."  Then  he  said  "May  I  come  we  go  is  (if)?"  And  he 
che  zo  manna 

replied  "  Come  certainly." 

shi  ke  nan  sai     suka  teffi  babban  ga(r)ri      da  suka  je      dayamma  suka 

Well,         then  they  icent      big        city.       When  they  had  gone,  in  evening  they 
sauka         agiddan         wota    jatuma         wai     .  ta     tasakalla  mainki 

lodged  at  house  of  certain  hag,  it  was  said  (of)  her  old  thing,  fat  your  (is  only) 
akaure  shi  ke  nan  sai  auta  ya  che  jatuma  ba  zaki  yi  min  alkawali 
at  knee.*  And  so  Baby  he  said  "  Hag,  not  will  you  do  for  me  help 

en  nema      matar  sa(r)rikin  ga(r)rin  nan    ba  sai      ta     yerda         ai         jatuma 

that  I  seduce  wife  of  chief  of  city  the  this  not  ?  "  And  she  agreed.  Ah  !  hag 
bakeau  en  kana  da  mata  maikeau  ka  ji  dadi  jatuma  sai 

not  good,  if  you  are  with  wife  owner  of  goodness,  you  feel  happy,  hag  then 
ta  kasshe  ma-ka  aure  nan  da  nan  shi  ke  nan  sai  ta  che  to 

she  will  destroy  for  you  marriage  immediately.^    Well  then,  she  said  "  Very  well." 

sai  ya      ba     ta    goro    kamman    gu(d)da   ashirin     da    turare       sai     ya   che  to 

So  he  gave  her  kolas  about  units  twenty,  and  scent.  And  he  said  "  Good, 
ki  teffi  ki  gaisheta  amma  da  da  derre  ina  zuwa  sai  ta  che 

you    go,    you  salute  her,     but     (=and)      by  night     lam   coming."       So    she   said 
to 
"  Very  well." 

sai      shi  ke  nan    sai   ta       rufe  da     fefe     ta     kai  samma 

Well  so   she   covered  (them)  with  mat,  she  put    above    (=on  head), 

sai     ta         tashi          talha  akofar       sa(r)riki     ?ai  fadawan        sa(r)riki 

and  shelcommenced  crying  (wares)  at  door  of  chief.  Then  attendants  of  chief 
suka  rufeta  da  duka  sai  sa(r)riki  ya  che  ku  ber  ta  ta  shigga  ko 
they  covered  her  with  blows.  But  chief  he  said  "  You  leave  her,  she  enter,  if 
mata  suna  so  su  seye  dadawa  su  sha  da  marimari  su  yi  sai 

ivives  they  like  they  buy     cakes     they  take  with  sweetmeats  they   may  do  (so)."     So 

*  See  kirari  of  women,  Hama  Superstitions  and  Customs,  chapter  VII;  waiwai=  "gossip." 
f  i.e.,  if  you  have  a  good  wife,  and  are  happy,  the  hag  will  try  to  part  you. 

[     152     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  76. 

ta      shigga       shi  ke  nan     sai     ita  wanda    auta    karuwa  ya   ke         so  ta       kirra 

she  entered.     It  happened  she    whom  Baby    Rake     he  tvas  wanting,  she  called 

jatnma       da  ta  zo       sai     ta  che        ga    shi    wanni  wai 

lint/.  When  she  had  come,  then  she  (hag)  said  "  See   this,   certain  (one),  said  (of) 

shi       anta    karuwa  ya    ba      ni     wai       en       kawo      mi-ki       sai      ta  karba 

hinr'   Baby    Rake,    he  gave  me,  said  I  must  bring  to  you"     And  she  (wife)  accepted, 
ta      bai    jatuma      kurdi     da     goro      shi  ke  nan       sai        ta  che         to        shi 

she  gave      hag      cowries  and  kolas.  Then  she  (hag)  said  "  Good,  he, 

anta    karuwa    iya      zuwa  da  da  derre        sai       ta       che         allah       ya       kamo        shi 
Baby    Rake,    he  is  coming    by    night."     And  she  replied  "  God  may  He  bring  him." 
shi     kuwa       auta        ya       iya       kiddan      molo        da       gaski  sai 

He,      now,      Baby,      he      could       play     guitar    with      truth    (=tvell).       When 
akeyi  berchi     fadawa         suna  kofar       gidda       bayi  suna 

there  ivas  being  made    sleep,  attendants  they  were  door  of  palace,    slaves  they  were 
zaure  sa(r)riki  ya       shigga  iya         berchi        da         jatuma    ta  komo 

entritnce-porch,      chief     he  went  inside,  he  was  sleeping.      When      hag      she  returned 
gidda    ta      che  kofar      da(i)ki  da         durimi  eu       ka     je    shi  zaka 

home,    she   said  "  Door   of     hut      (is)  with    ficus    tree,   when   you  go,    it    you  \oill 
shigga        sai    auta    karuwa      da          ya  zo        sai     ya    shigga  da(i)ki  iya 

enter"\     So   Baby     Rake     when    he    had   come,    then    he    entered      hut,      he    was 
kiddan      molo       da  iya        kiddan     molo    sai         kayan     shimfidda    na    sa(r)riki 

playing  guitar.      While  he  was  playing  guitar  lo  !  things  of  spreading    of         chief 
ta  shimfidda  wa  auta     karuwa      iya       kiddan     molo         shi  ke  nan 

it  (they)    spread    (themselves)  for  Baby    Rake ;    he  was  playing  guitar.  J  Well 

sai         auta    karuwa       ya  seye         turare    kamman    na  kororo  ya 

now,     Baby    Rake      he    had     bought        scent       about       of      bag      (=  skinful),    he 
zubar  da(i)ki  duka  ya  dauke     kamshi         shi  ke  nan  sai  sa(r)riki  ya  ji 

poured  (it  out) ;      hut      whole  it  took     fragrance.          Well        then    chief     he    heard 
kiddan  molo     sai  ya  che         a-enua  akekiddan  molon      nan 

playing  oj  guitar,  so  he  said  "At  where  there  is  playing  of  guitar  the  that?" 
ya    tashi       fadawa         da       bayinshi     ya  che         to        duk  azare       bu(n)nu 
he  roused   attendants   and   slaves  his,  he  said  "  Noiv,  each   pull    thatch-straw,    one, 
daya  dagga  samman  da(i)ki     da       auta    karuwa  ya  ke  chikki       sai     ya  che         aterri 
one,     from    roof  of      hut     w hie h  Baby     Rake    he   is   inside.'1'1     And  he  said  "  Guard 
kofa  kuma       shi    auta    karuwa    da    yariniya     su     ba    sun       ji      ba 
door  also."     He,  Baby    Rake,    and      girl,      they  not  they  heard  not. 

sai     maisaurare  ya       mika         kainsa     ya       ji       sai  ya    tashi     barawo    ya    che 
Now     icatcher      he  stretched  head  his,  he  heard,   so    he  roused     thief,     he  said 
ka          teffi    ga  ranarka  sai  barawo    ya    tashi    ya  zammi 

"  You    go,    see  day  (=  opportunity)  your.'1''      So      thief     he    arose,    he    turned   into 
ba(k)kin    kanwa    ya     shigga     da(i)kin      da      autan    karuwa    ya     ke     chikki  sai 

black  cat,       he    entered        hut       which    Baby      Rake      he    was    inside.      Then 

ya      juye      autan  karuwa  kaddanga(r)ri  matar        kuwa  ita  ya 

he  changed  Baby     Rake     (into)  crocodile  of  city  (=  lizard)  woman  the   also  her  he 
juyeta  kaddanga(r)ri  sa(r)riki  ya  che     kuwa         opp  ga  kanwa  ni  ma      ina 

changed  her  (into)          lizard  chief   he  said,  however,  "  Oh,  see    cat,   I,  now,  I  am 

*  i.e.,  '-a  certain  youth  whose  name  is,"  &c. 

t  i.e..  "  there  is  a  ficua  tree  by  the  side  of  the  door  of  the  hut   in  which  is  the  woman  whom 
you  desire,  so  go  in  there." 

I  The   meaning  is  that  the  music  caused  the  mats  and  skins,  used  for  the  chief  when  he  slept 
there,  to  place  themselves  ready  for  Auta  to  sleep  upon. 

[    153    ] 


No.  76.]  MAN.  [1914. 

da       ita     ta         kaino        kaddanga(r)ri  ne    ku  ber  ta  shi     ko      barawo 

irifh  her,  she  has  caught          lizard         (it)  is,  you  let  her  (go)"     He,  now,      thief, 
ya       teffi        da       su      suka    fnche    dagga  ga(r)rin 
he  went  off  with  them,  they  passed  out  of      city. 

sai     shi  ke  nan  sai  suka  zare  da(i)ki     duka    ba      su        ga 

Well  so    they  (attendants)  pulled    down      hut      ichole,  not    they  saw 

komi  ba      sai       sa(r)riki  ya  hakura  ya    che  to  sai       su    waddanan 

tint/thing  not.     Then      chief     he  calmed,  he  said  ;'  Very  well."     But  they         others 
da  suka        fuche       dagga    ga(r)ri  suka    teffi    suka     zo       rafi        en  sun 

when  they  had  escaped  out    of     city,     they  ivent^  they  came  river.      When   they  had 
zo        rafi    sai  maisassakar  jirrigi  nan  da  nan  ya     sassaka     jirrigi  maikeau 

come  river  then      hewer  of    canoe  immediately  he  hewed  out  canoe  oicner  of  goodness, 
nan  de  nan     niaitukar    jirrigi  ya     tuka       shi  sai  suka    haye     suka       teffi 
immediately  paddler  of  canoe  he  paddled  it,  so   they  crossed,  they  went  off. 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  the  ending  missing  from  the  above,  as  a  variant  the 
chief  pursues  and  is  held  off  by  the  warrior  and  the  slinger  until  the  canoe  has 
been  made,  and  one  would  expect  this  from  the  commencement. 


da       gizzo  ne    da         gaurakiya  sai       gizzo  ya       auro         ta  da 

And  spider  (it)  is    and    hen-croicn-bird.      Now  spider  he   married    her.      When 
gizzo       ya  aura       ta       sai    ya     kawo      ta        giddansu     ga  da(i)kin  uwar 

spider  he  had  married  her,  then  he  brought  her  house  their,  see    hut  of  mother  the, 
ga  na    gizzo 

see  (that)  of  spider.* 

shi  ke  nan  sai         gizzo    ya   che          zo        ki  karbe  hatsi     ki        yi     abinchi    sai 
Well,  spider  he  said  "  Come,  you  take  grain,  you  make   food"  but 
gaurakiya  sai      ta        yi        kuka         sai  uwar         gizzo      ta      che  mi 

hen-crown-bird  then  she  began    crying.       Then    mother    of  spider    she    said    "  What 
ka  yi       ma-ta  sai     ya       che         na  che    ta  zo  ta  yi 

you  have  done  to  her?"     And  he  replied  "/  said  she  should  come,  she  should  make 
nikka  ta  ki  sai  uwar       gizzo    ta    che        kai  ba    ka     yi 

grinding,  she  has  refused."      Then  mother  of  spider  she  said  "  You,  not  you  do  (it)  ?  " 
ta         yi  wadon  fadda     ke     nan       sai         gizzo     ya    dauka    hatsi      ya 

She   made   commencement    of  trouble    is    this.       Then    spider     he    took     grain,    he 
yi  nikka. 
ground  (it). 

sai        ya  che         to         zo        ki      sa     tukuniya  ki       yi       abinchi     sai 

Then  he  said  "  Well,  come,  you  put        pot        (on  fire)  you    make   food"    but 
ta        yi         kuka        sai       dagga        chan  uwar       gizzo    ta    che         mi  ka 

she  began  crying.      Then  from    over  there  mother  of  spider  she  said  "  What  you  have 
yi         ma-ta          sai     ya      che        na    che         ta  yi       girriki          ta  ki 

done  to  her?"     And  he  replied  "/  said  she  should  make  fire  up,  she  has  refused." 
sai  uwar         gizzo     ta    che         kai    ba    ka   yi  shi  ke  nan  sai     ya  dauke 

Then  mother  of  spider  she  said  "  You,  not  you  do  (it)  ? "      So  then  he    took, 

ya     sa  tukuniya  ya         girrika  sai  shi  ke  nan      sai  da  tukuniya  ta 

he  put        pot         (on  fire),    he    made    up  fire.  Well    when       pot         it 

taflfar      sal  ya    che         zo       ki    tuka     sai  ta       yi       kuka        sai  uwar          gizzo 

boiled,  then  he  said  "  Come  you  stir"  but  she  began  crying.      Then  mother  of  spider 

*  The  spider  was  living  in  the  family  compound,  and  his  own  mother's  hut  was  close  by. 

[     154     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No,  76. 

ta     che         mi       ka  yi  ma-ta  sai     ya       che       na  che         ta     yi 

she  said  "  What  you  have  done  to  her?"     And  he  replied  "/  said  she  should  make 

tuka  ta  ki  sai  invar         gizzo    ta     che        kai     ba    ka     yi 

stirring,  she  has  refused."       Then  mother  oj  spider  she  said  "  You,  not  you  do  (it) 

ba  sai  gizzo    ya    tuka  .  tuwo 

not  ?  "     So  spider  he  stirred  food. 

da  gizzo      ya  tuka      tuwo    sai    ya    che         to         zo       ki    dauka      naki 

When  spider  he  had  stirred  food,  then  he  said  "  Well,  come,  you  take  yours, 
ki  chi  sai  yariniya  ta  yi  kuka  sai  uwar  gizzo  ta 

you  eat,"  but      girl       (croivn-bird)  she  began  crying.       Then  mother  of  spider  she 
che          mi  ka  yi       ma-ta  sai       ya     che        na    che         ta  zo 

said  "  What   you  have  done  to  her?"      And    he    replied  "/  said  she    should   come 
ta  dauka  nata         ta  chi        sai  uwar       gizzo     ta    che        kai      ba 

she  should    take    hers,  she  should  eat."      Then  mother  of  spider  she  said  "  You,  not 
ka       ba     ta     ba  sai  shi  ke  nan    sai    gizzo    ya  dauka     tuwo      ya    ba     yariniya 

you  give  her  not  ? "     So     therefore     then  spider  he    took    porridge  he  gave         girl. 
sai    ta    dauka  ta   chi 

So   she    took    (it),  she  ate. 

shi  ke  nan  sai     derre  ya     yi       sai     gizzo    ya  che         to         hau          gaddo      ma 
Well  then  night  it  came,  and  spider  he  said  "  Well,  get  upon    bed     now, 

ki       kwanta       sai    ta        yi         kuka         sai  uwar         gizzo      ta      che  mi 

you  lie  down,"  but  she    began    crying.       Then    mother    of  spider    she    said  "  What 
ka  yi      ma-ta  sai      gizzo  ya       che        na   che        ta  hau       gaddo 

you  have  done  to  her  ? "     And  spider  he  replied  "  /  said  she  should  get  upon  bed." 
sai  uwar         gizzo     ta     che         kai    ba      ka     dauketa     ba  sai    gizzo     ya 

Then  mother    of  spider  she  said  "  You,  not   you  carry  her   not  ? "       So    spider    he 
zo        ya     dauketa     ya    sa    akan  gaddo 
came,  he  lifted  her,  he  put  upon     bed. 

sai  da         ya          sa      ta      sai    ya    che         to  gara  sai     ta  yi 

Then  when  he  had  put  her,  then  he  said  "  Now,  get  ready,"  but  she  began 
kuka  sai  uwar  gizzo  ta  che  mi  ka  yi  ma-ta  sai  ya 

crying.      Then  mother  of  spider  she  said  "  What  you  have  done  to  her  ?  "     And   he 
che  na  che         ta  gara  ta  ki  sai  uwar        gizzo 

replied  "/  said  she  should   get  ready,  she  has  refused."       Then    mother    of  spider 
ta     che         kai    ba    ka       gara       ta     ba  sai    gizzo  ya       gara       ta 

she  said  "  You  not  you  prepare  her  not  ?  "     So  spider  he  prepared  her. 

da  ya  gara         ta       sai  ya    kwanta    ya         ber        ta    kamma  zaya 

When  he  had  prepared  her,  then  he  lay  down,  he  left  alone  her  as  if  he  ivould 
yi  berchi  sai  shi  ke  nan  kamma  tsakkan  derre  uwar  gizzo  kuma  ba 
make  sleep.  But  about  middle  of  night — mother  of  spider,  too,  not 

ta       yi     berchi  ba     gizzo    ya        kwanche  zennenta         sai      yariniya      sai        ta 

she  made  sleep  not — spider  he    snatched    off  clothes    her.       Then       girl,       then    she 
fa(r)raka      sai      ta        yi       kuka 
icohe  up,  then  she  began  crying : 

ni        gaurakiya  yau      na  mutu  babu  noma 

"  /  hen-croivn-bird  to-day    I     die      no     (more)  farming."* 

tana  nan       tana         kuka  anche  kukan      mene  ta  che 

She  was  there,  she  was  crying.     It  ivas  said  "  Crying  for  what  ?  "f   She  replied 

gizzo         ya  kasshe    ta     da       terkache  sai  uwar       gizzo       ta 

spider  he  would      kill      her  with  possessions  (genitals').      Then  mother  of  spider  she 

*  She  would  never  again  accompany  her  own  people  t.o  pick  up  seeds  on  the  farms, 
•f  The  mother  had  not  gone  to  sleep,  an<l  it  was  she  who  asked  the  question. 

[     155     ] 


Nos.  76-77.]  MA.N.  [1914, 

che  mi       ka  yi  ma-ta  sai       gizzo    ya      che       ina    so  en         chi 

said  *'  What  you  have  done  to  her?"     And  spider  he  replied  "/  desire  that  I  have 
ta  sai         uwar        gizzo    sai      ta        zageshi  wai  ya  berri 

her."1"1       But  mother  of  spider  then  she    abused  him  it  was  said  he  should    leave  off. 
shi  ke  nan  sai  ya     berri 
Well  so   he  left  off. 

ga(r)ri     ya         waye  kuma         sai     ya    che    da  yariniya  ta 

Town    it    was    astir  (=  daivri),    however,    then    he    said    to       girl       she    should 
gara  kayanta        cluk       ta  teffi  ba  ya  sonta         suka        rabbu 

collect  possessions  her  a//,  she  should  go  not  he  icanted  her.     They  separated. 

A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


REVIEWS. 
Religion.  Frazer. 

Psyche's  Task :  a  Discourse  concerning  the  Influence  of  Superstition  on  the  TT 
Growth  of  Institutions.  By  J.  Gr.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.  D.  :  Second  •  I 
edition.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.  1913.  Pp.  xii  +  186.  Price  5*. 

The  first  edition  of  Psyche's  Task  was  reviewed  in  these  pages,  Vol  IX.  (1909) 
No.  83,  p.  143.  The  present  edition  is  revised  and  enlarged,  chiefly  "  by  the 
"  discussion  of  a  curious  point  of  savage  etiquette,"  but  otherwise  substantially 
the  same,  and  the  admirable  discourse  on  the  scope  of  social  anthropology  with 
which  Dr.  Frazer  opened  his  first  professional  course  at  Liverpool  has  been  added. 

The  reviewer  of  the  first  edition  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  modest 
propositions  which  alone  the  book  professed  to  uphold  were  abundantly  proved.  With 
that  opinion  everyone  must  concur.  I  am  not  sure  that  all  the  illustrations  adduced 
strengthen  Professor  Frazer's  case.  One  would  like  to  know  how  the  German  writer, 
from  whom  he  cites  a  statement  concerning  the  Masai,  defines  adultery.  The 
statement  is  that  the  Masai  hold  that  "if  a  father  were  to  touch  his  infant  on  the 
"  day  after  he  had  been  guilty  of  adultery,  the  child  would  fall  sick."  So  far  as  I 
am  aware  there  is  no  such  thing  as  adultery  apart  from  incest,  or  what  is  equivalent 
to  incest  in  the  Masai  code,  namely,  intercourse  with  a  person  of  the  opposite  sex 
belonging  to  a  different  "age."  The  "sexual  crime"  to  whose  "blighting  influence" 
among  the  adjacent  Nandi  Professor  Frazer  calls  attention  is  not  what  might  be 
inferred.  It  is  not  ante-nuptial  unchastity,  for  that  is  universal  and  perfectly 
regular  among  the  Nandi,  as  well  as  among  the  Masai.  It  is  conception.  So  long 
as  sexual  intercourse  between  unmarried  persons  has  not  this  result,  the  girl  is 
blameless ;  she  is  subject  to  no  taboo,  social  or  otherwise.  It  is  gravely  t6  be 
doubted  whether  unchastity  among  the  Basuto  causes  defilement.  It  is  true  that, 
for  certain  ceremonial  purposes,  as  the  kindling  of  new  fire,  a  virgin  youth  is  required. 
The  Basuto  are  not  peculiar  in  this  ;  whatever  may  be  the  reason  of  it,  it  is  clear 
that  the  punishment  which  follows  the  ceremonial  performance  by  one  who  does  not 
fulfil  the  requirement,  follows  not  for  unchastity,  but  for  the  breach  of  a  purely 
ritual  condition.  "  Sexually  clean,"  too,  in  Morocco,  must  mean  pure  from  all  sexual 
contact,  even  the  most  legitimate.  Mahommedan  law  requires  ceremonial  ablution  to 
restore  "  purity  "  after  every  such  contact.  In  the  case  of  a  woman,  "  uncleanness  " 
may  mean,  of  course,  something  more  ;  and  women  are  commonly,  although  not  every- 
where in  Morocco,  forbidden  to  enter  granaries  at  all.  The  Anyanja  are  notoriously 
unchaste.  If  a  man  accidentally  met  a  solitary  woman  he  would  not  pass  her  by  ; 
and  if  she  refused  him  he  might  kill  her.  Adultery  by  a  husband  is  not  recognised. 
Adultery  by  a  wife  seems  to  be  resented  partly  because  it  is  an  infringement  of  the 
rights  of  her  husband,  but  more  because  it  is  held  to  have  a  magical  effect  upon 
him  if  he  go  hunting,  or  if  he  take  food  she  may  have  subsequently  prepared  for 

[     156    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  77-78. 

him  ;  it  is  witchcraft  which  may  cause  his  death.  The  same  reason  seems  to  govern 
the  rules  of  sexual  morality  among  the  Awemba. 

I  cannot  accede  to  the  proposition  that  "  wherever  we  find  that  incest,  adultery 
"  and  fornication  are  treated  by  the  community  with  extreme  rigour,  we  may 
"  reasonably  infer  that  .  .  .  the  reason  for  so  doing  has  probably  been  a  belief 
"  that  the  effect  of  all  such  deliquencies  is  to  disturb  the  course  of  nature,  and 
"  thereby  to  endanger  the  whole  people,  who  accordingly  must  protect  themselves  by 
"  effectually  disarming  and,  if  necessary,  exterminating  the  delinquents."  The  reason 
for  treating  post-nuptial  infidelity  and  ante-nuptial  incontinence  with  extreme  rigour 
may  very  often  be  no  more  than  the  indignation  of  the  husband  whose  rights  are 
infringed,  or  of  the  parent  for  the  depreciation  of  the  market  value  of  the  commodity 
he  has  to  dispose  of.  That  it  is  said  to  be  more  than  this  in  many  cases,  such  as 
are  here  rightly  adduced,  by  no  means  proves  it  for  all.  Incest,  it  is  true,  the  union 
of  persons  of  opposite  sexes  forbidden  by  the  customs  of  the  tribe,  stands  on  a 
different  footing  from  the  otber  infractions  of  sexual  rules.  But  I  think  we  ought 
to  require  proof  that  the  course  of  nature  is  held  to  be  disturbed  by  it,  before 
making  such  an  inference.  Professor  Frazer  himself  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that 
it  is,  for  some  purposes  and  among  some  nations,  not  merely  tolerated,  but  enjoined. 
Tbis  should  put  us  on  our  guard.  Our  plain  duty  is  to  consider  each  case  in  relation 
to  the  other  customs  and  beliefs  of  the  people  concerned — in  a  word,  to  their  entire 
culture. 

But  we  may  subtract  from  this  and  other  sections  of  the  work  all  the  illus- 
trations that  seem  inapplicable.  We  shall  still  have  ample  support  for  the  main 
thesis.  It  was  time  to  consider  the  useful  aspect  of  superstition  :  its  baneful, 
stupid,  and  merely  ridiculous  aspects  have  long  been  a  theme  for  moralist  and 
philosopher,  as  well  as  anthropologist.  All  who  are  interested  in  the  history  of 
civilisation  will  be  grateful  to  Professor  Frazer  for  making  a  beginning.  He 
jocularly  calls  superstition  his  "  disreputable  client."  She  has  no  reason  to  regret 
the  exertions  of  her  very  distinguished  advocate.  Now  that  he  has  shown  the  way, 
others  will  doubtless  follow.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


Archaeology :  Spain.  Breuil :  del  Rio:  Obermaier. 

La     Pasiega    (Santander,     Spain).       Institut    de    la    Paleontologie,    Paris.     "JQ 
Published  at  Monaco,  1913.     Pp.  64.     Plates  XXIX.     Fig.  25.  1 0 

This  is  another  of  that  wonderful  series  of  monographs  on  prehistoric  cave 
paintings  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  the  liberality  of  the  Prince  of  Monaco 
and  to  the  energy  of  the  distinguished  band  of  explorers  whose  labours  he  has 
so  ably  assisted.  Of  course  it  does  not  possess  such  interest  for  the  ordinary  reader 
as  that  epoch-making  volume  La  Caverne  d 'Altamira,  the  first  of  the  series,  nor 
does  it  contain  so  many  new  subjects  as  the  volume  on  the  Font  de  Gaume,  but 
as  a  corroborative  and  complementary  work  it  has  great  value.  It  is  not  given 
to  everyone  to  go  to  Spain,  or  to  those  out-of-the-way  parts  of  France  where 
caA^e  paintings  may  be  studied,  and  even  for  those  who  do  go  it  is  not  easy  at 
once  to  realise  the  meaning  of  the  strange  forms  and  colours  indistinctly  seen  on 
the  rough  surface  of  the  roofs  and  walls  of  gloomy  caverns.  At  one  time  some 
archaelogists  refused  to  regard  them  as  real  pictures,  and  thought  that  the  sketches 
first  published  of  them  were  to  a  large  extent  figments  of  the  brain  They  believed 
that  enthusiastic  copiers  had  "read  into"  the  natural  contours  and  striations  of  the 
rock  meanings  that  were  merely  casual  resemblances  to  the  forms  of  various  extinct 
animals,  just  as  some  enthusiastic  flint  collectors  see  the  artificially  formed  birds 
and  beasts  and  fishes  in  many  of  the  strangely  shaped  stones  that  may  be  found 
in  almost  any  gravel  pit.  Hasty  and  ignorant  reviewers — the  successors  of  those 

[    157    ] 


Nos.  78-79.]  MAN.  [1914. 

who  had  jeered  at  Bouchier  de  Perthes,  at  Lartet,  or  at  Christy,  and  the  predecessors 
of  those  who  for  all  ages  will  always  jeer  at  scientific  conclusions  that  would  compel 
them  to  recast  their  fossilised  ideas — these  men  were  eloquent  with  their  sarcasms  ; 
for  was  it  not  incredible  that  man  should  have  lived  in  France  when  it  was  inhabited 
by  the  mammoth  or  even  the  rhinoceros  ?  And  was  it  not  impossible  to  believe 
that  art  should  have  flourished  without  the  help  of  powerful  kings  and  wealthy 
patrons  ? 

Experienced  workers  are  careful  to  suspend  their  judgment  ;  they  wait  for  the 
decisions  of  specialists.  Only  the  other  day  I  saw  some  drawings  and  photographs 
of  strange  figures  in  an  English  cave  which  much  resembled  the  outlines  of  bison, 
but  the  Abbe  Brenil  has  decided  against  their  being  of  human  handiwork.  It 
requires  great  zeal  and  patience  as  well  as  good  artistic  perception  to  distinguish 
and  classify  the  confused  and  often  half-obliterated  forms  painted  or  engraved  by 
the  mysterious  race  or  races  of  mankind  who  dwelt  in  France  when  it  had  a  climate 
in  some  centuries  more  temperate  than  at  present,  but  in  others  far  more  rigorous. 
Mere  zeal  or  even  mere  artistic  knowledge  is  not  sufficient  without  the  minute  and 
careful  study  which  few  can  give  to  such  a  subject.  It  is  a  pity  that  critics  do  not 
more  often  call  to  mind  the  reply  that  Ruskin  made  to  an  enthusiastic  lady  who 
professed  to  have  seen  at  once  the  beauty  and  meaning  of  a  picture  after  she  had 
read  his  remarks  about  it.  "Madame,  I  am  glad  you  saw  it  at  once,  it  took  me 
"  nearly  twenty  years  to  perceive  it." 

Therefore,  although  in  turning  over  the  pages  of  La  Pasiega  the  ordinary 
student  may  not  perceive  much  that  seems  really  new  or  important,  yet  to  the 
expert  it  will  be  invaluable.  The  careful  renderings  of  the  numerous  paintings — 
chiefly  of  deer  and  horse,  with  a  few  bison,  by  Abbe  Breuil  are  supplemented  by 
excellent  photographs  taken  by  M.  Obermaier,  his  fellow  professor  at  the  Institut 
de  Paleontologie  Humaine,  and  by  a  large  scale  plan  of  the  cave  made  from  the 
surveys  of  M.  Alcalde  del  Rio. 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  feature  of  the  cave  is  the  prevalence  of  red  figures, 
but  some  of  the  "  inscriptions  symboliques "  are  very  interesting  and  mysterious. 
The  wide  publicity  given  to  such  inscriptions  by  these  monographs  may,  by  bringing 
them  to  the  notice  of  workers  in  other  fields  of  anthropology,  possibly  result  in  their 
being  explained  or  even  interpreted.  M.  Breuil  has  succeeded  in  classifying  chrono- 
logically the  "tectiform"  figures,  but  he  does  not  say  whether  he  considers  the 
variation  in  design  as  denoting  a  development  of  the  type  of  dwelling  or  a  development 
in  the  art  of  representing  it.  The  "  claviform "  signs  still  remain  incomprehensible, 
but  the  Abbe  suggests  that  they  may  represent  clubs.  He  also  thinks  that  some  of 
the  combinations  of  signs  may  be  sentences  warning  the  initiated  against  the  dangers 
of  the  deep  pitfalls  frequently  found  in  these  caves.  We  hope  that  these  problems 
may  perhaps  be  solved  by  the  researches  he  is  making  now  in  some  caves  in  the 
south  of  Spain,  a  labour  in  which  Ave  are  glad  to  note  he  is  being  assisted  by  two 
Englishmen,  Colonel  Willougby  Verner  and  Mr.  Burkitt.  H.  G.  SPEARING. 


Pacific:  Archaeology.  Enock. 

The    Secret   of  the   Pacific.      By  C.  Reginald  Euock.     London  :    T.  Fisher     ^Q 
Unwin.     1912.  /U 

This  is  a  book  which  deals  in  a  very  broad  and  general  way  with  the  archeology 
of  Mexico,  Central  America,  Peru,  and  the  Pacific  Islands.  The  author  has  himself 
visited  the  ruins  which  he  describes,  so  that  his  descriptions  have  the  merit  of  being 
based  upon  personal  observation.  But  as  soon  as  he  quits  the  terra  firma  of 
personal  narrative  for  the  shifting  sands  of  conjecture  on  sources  and  influences,  we 
are  more  struck  by  his  imaginative  than  his  critical  powers.  An  undue  proportion 

[     158    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos,  79-80. 

of  space  is  occupied  with  quotations  from  other  works,  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica 
figuring  largely  among  them.  The  author  himself  calls  the  book  a  "  fragmentary 
resume"  and  states  that  his  purpose  is  to  stimulate  further  inquiry  rather  than  to 
provide  a  compendium  of  information. 

A  book  of  this  size,  attempting  to  cover  so  large  a  field,  must  necessarily  suffer 
from  superficial  treatment,  which  is  not  a  good  foundation  on  which  to  build 
theories  of  connection  between  cultures.  The  suggestions  afforded  by  vague 
resemblances  in  the  art  of  different  races  are  likely  to  be  illusive ;  what  the 
student  requires  is  systematic  and  minute  investigation  of  details.  The  author,  like 
many  others  before  him,  evidently  wishes  to  see  a  close  connection,  not  merely 
racially,  but  culturally  also,  between  Mexico  and  Peru  on  the  one  hand  and  Asia 
on  the  other,  Egypt,  Assyria,  and  China  all  being  suggested  as  possible  sources  of 
direct  influence.  But  he  produces  no  convincing  argument  in  support  of  his 
theories  ;  for,  to  take  only  one  instance,  we  cannot  admit  the  similarity  of  designs 
such  as  the  "  Greek  fret,"  much  less  lines,  waves,  and  zigzags,  as  evidence  for 
direct  contact  between  two  cultures.  It  is  well  known  that  the  number  and  variety 
of  designs  in  plain  woven  basketry  is  limited,  and  that  these  tend  to  recur 
independently  wherever  the  arts  are  practised,  and  to  be  transferred  as  decorative 
motifs  from  one  kind  of  object  to  another,  regardless  of  structural  necessity. 

The  Greek  fret  need  be  no  more  than  a  basketry  version  of  a  "  loop-coil " 
meander,  and  as  such  may  well  have  had  independent  birth  in  different  parts  of  the 
world. 

We  are  bound  to  confess  that  a  single  piece  of  negative  evidence  such  as  is 
furnished  by  the  absence  of  the  wheel  in  ancient  America  in  any  form  whatever 
seems  to  us  more  convincing  than  the  positive  evidence  of  a  host  of  vague 
similarities. 

A  protest  is  necessary  against  calling  Mexican  temples  "replicas  of  pyramids," 
in  view  of  the  essential  differences  both  in  their  structure  and  purpose,  while  the 
use  of  such  phrases  as  "  Mexican  Pharaohs,"  "  American  Solomons,"  "  Hispano- 
Egyptian  denizens  of  the  New  World,"  "  Mexican  -  Graeco  -  Buddhist "  as  applied 
to  the  ruins  of  Mitla  rather  begs  the  whole  question  of  oriental  influence. 

Sufficient  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  book  is  popular  and  discursive  rather 
than  scientific  ;  it  will  entertain  and  stimulate  the  interest  of  the  novice,  without, 
we  hope,  unduly  biassing  his  judgment.  The  descriptive  and  narrative  portions  are 
the  best,  while  there  are  a  number  of  good  photographs  illustrating  the  text. 

H.  J.  B. 


Africa,  West.  Benton. 

The  Sultanate  of  Bornu.     Translated  from  the  German  of  Dr.  A.  Schultze, 
with    additions    and    appendices,  by  P.  Askell    Benton,  B.A.,   F.R.G.S.,  Third 
Class   Resident  Northern  Nigeria.      London  :    Humphrey  Milford,  Oxford    University 
Press.     4|  inches  x  7  inches.     Pp.  401. 

Bornu,  the  subject  of  this  compact  little  volume  may  be  said  to  have  been  for 
the  last  thousand  years  the  political,  as  well  as  the  geographical,  centre  of  Africa. 
No  exhaustive  study  of  the  land  and  its  people  has  so  far  been  attempted,  and  the 
present  work  comes  as  a  valuable  addition  to  the  knowledge  of  both.  The  first 
half  consists  of  a  translation  of  studies  by  Dr.  Schultze,  the  most  important  of 
which,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  present  reviewer  at  least,  are  the  chapters 
dealing  with  the  Flora  and  Fauna.  It  is  not  without  interest  to  note  that  since 
the  author  wrote,  "  It  has  not  yet  been  definitely  settled  whether  one  of  the  bush 
"  pigs  (Potamochcerus)  is  found  in  Bornu,"  several  examples  have  been  brought  to 
England  from  that  region. 

[     159     ] 


No,  80.]  MAN.  [1914. 

When  the  author  turns  to  the  history  and  customs  of  the  people,  he  is  on  less 
sure  ground.  Several  errors  are  noted  and  rectified  by  the  translator  as  regards 
British  Bornu,  with  which  the  latter  is  well  acquainted ;  but,  when  dealing  with 
lands  and  peoples  beyond  the  sphere  of  British  influence,  no  such  help  can  naturally 
be  given  to  the  reader.  For  instance,  although  Dr.  Schultze  saw  no  saddles  among 
the  Musgu,  it  is  hardly  correct  to  say  that  such  things  are  quite  unknown  among 
this  tribe.  Nor,  in  passing  through  this  country,  did  the  reviewer  come  across  a 
single  instance  of  what  Dr.  Schultze  states  as  "  characteristic  "  of  them,  i.e.,  "  the 
"  barbarous  way  in  which  they  retain  their  seat  on  a  horse  ...  As  saddles 
"  are  quite  unknown,  the  Musgu  supply  the  deficiency  by  causing  an  artificial  sore 
'•  on  the  place  where  the  saddle  ought  to  go  of  a  horse  otherwise  in  good  condition ; 
"  this  sore  is  kept  continuously  open,  so  that  the  rider  is  as  it  were  glued  to  his 
"  horse." 

Nor  are  all  Musgu  so  "  very  primitive  "  in  the  matter  of  clothing.  During  our 
visit  in  1910,  most  of  the  men.  in  Musgum  itself  were  wearing  long  Mahommedau 
robes,  while  nearly  all  the  women  were  attired  in  something  more  than  a  "  band  of 
"  rope-like  twisted  grass." 

Apropos  of  the  interdict  on  Maria  Theresa  dollars  into  English,  and — pace 
Mr.  Beaton — German  territory,  it  may  be  remarked  that  from  a  trader's  point  of 
vieAV  this  prohibition  is  a  great  hindrance  to  international  commerce,  since  it  is  the 
only  coin  which  is  readily  accepted  from  Nigeria  to  Abyssinia.  In  the  Territoire 
Militaire  du  Tchad,  1910-11,  these  dollars  had  reached  such  a  premium  that  four 
and  even  five  francs,  instead  of  the  ordinary  three,  were  eagerly  offered  for  them-. 

Since  Dr.  Schultze's  work  is  the  most  complete  modern  monograph  on  Bornu, 
it  is  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  it  takes  practically  no  account  of  later  English 
works  on  the  subject.  For  instance,  neither  Lady  Lugard's  A  Tropical  Dependency 
nor  Boyd  Alexander's  From  the  Niger  to  the  Nile  are  so  much  as  mentioned  in 
the  bibliography.  Later  publications,  such  as  Mr.  Benton's  own  works  and  Boyd 
Alexander's  Last  Journey,  by  Herbert  Alexander,  naturally  were  not  available. 
This  fact  would  partly  explain  the  author's  remark  on  p.  39  :  "  Our  knowledge  of 
"  the  British  part  of  the  country  has  not  been  substantially  increased  since  Rohlf's 
"  and  Nachtigal's  time.  The  exact  opposite  is  true  of  the  German  part 
"  for  it  has  been  so  thoroughly  explored  in  all  directions  by  Germans  as  well  as 
"  French  that  very  little  remains  to  be  done  in  the  geographical  department  of 
"  enquiry." 

So  well  does  Mr.  Benton's  translation  run  that  one  can  hardly  notice  that  it  is 
not  an  original  English  work.  To  him  we  are  also  indebted  for  the  whole  latter 
half  of  the  book,  which  contains  a  mass  of  information  in  appendices  : — First,  a 
precis  and  translations  from  Tilho's  works  ;  secondly,  a  translation  of  Julius  Lippert's 
Life  of  Rabeh;  and  thirdly,  unpublished  correspondence  on  the  Oudney-Denbam- 
Clapperton  Mission  to  Bornu  in  1821-24,  which  Mr.  Benton  has,  with  great  industry, 
unearthed  from  the  Record  Office  and  the  Royal  Geographical  Society.  The  letters 
are  most  interesting,  and,  from  a  historical  point  of  view,  their  publication  is  of 
importance  ;  though  it  comes  as  somewhat  of  a  shock  to  learn  so  much  concerning 
the  internal  dissensions  and  quarrels  of  the  members  of  an  expedition  which, 
whatever  its  faults  and  failings,  brought  glory  to  the  British  name. 

It  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Benton  will  continue  to  amass  and  publish 
further  information,  thus  helping  to  take  away  the  reproach,  implied  by  Dr.  Schultze, 
that  the  British  know  and  care  less  about  their  dominion  in  West  Africa  than  any 
other  European  people.  That  Mr.  Benton  should  have  found  time  amid  the  pressure  of 
official  work  for  studies  such  as  these  is,  to  those  who  know  the  conditions  under  which 
such  things  are  done,  more  eloquent  than  any  words.  P.  AMAURY  TALBOT. 
Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  E.G. 


PLATE  L. 


MAN,  1914. 


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1914,]  MAN.  [No.  81. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Tasmania.  With  Plate  L.  Basedow. 

Relic  of  the  Lost  Tasmanian  Race.  —  Obituary  Notice  of  Mary  01 
Seymour.  By  Dr.  Herbert  Basedow;  Local  Correspondent  for  Australia  01 
of  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

An  interesting  identity  passed  away  at  Hog  Bay,  Kangaroo  Island,  on  Tuesday, 
September  9th,  1913.  It  was  Mrs.  Mary  Seymour,  a  true  half-caste  Tasmanian, 
who  was  born  on  September  llth,  1833,  at  Wilson's  River  (Kangaroo  Island).  The 
mother  of  the  deceased  was  a  full-blooded  Tasmauian  aboriginal  who,  together  with 
other  native  women,  was  kidnapped  by  whalers  and  brought  to  Kangaroo  Island  in 
an  open  whale-boat  about  the  year  1828.  Among  these  men  was  one  named  Nat 
Thomas,  who  became  the  husband  of  Mary's  mother.  Of  this  union  came  three 
children  :  a  boy  named  Sam  (born  1830)  and  two  girls,  Mary  and  Hannah  (born 
about  1833  and  1839,  respectively).  It  was  during  these  years  that  several  runaway 
whalers  (including  two  by  name  of  George  Herman  and  Pirkey)  imported  some 
young  aboriginal  women  from  Cape  Jervis  on  the  mainland  opposite.  Quite  a 
number  of  children  are  said  to  have  been  brought  to  the  world  as  a  result  of  this 
importation,  but  according  to  Mrs.  Seymour,  they  either  died  from  natural  causes 
or  were  knocked  on  the  head  directly  they  were  born.*  The  black  women  from 
the  mainland  were  made  to  keep  the  men  supplied  regularly  with  food,  which  they 
obtained  by  hunting  and  fishing.  Mrs.  Seymour  often  remarked  that  the  Tasmanian 
women  never  would  join  the  women  from  the  mainland  in  their  hunting  expeditions, 
but  "  regarded  themselves  as  much  superior  in  every  respect."  It  was  on  that 
account  that  the  Tasmanian  women  kept  to  themselves  and  hunted  in  separate 
parties.  In  this  way  Mary,  her  brother,  and  young  sister  spent  the  greater  part  of 
their  childhood  hunting  and  camping  along  the  south  coast  of  Kangaroo  Island, 
where  kangaroos,  wallabies,  opossums,  fish,  and  shell-fish  were  to  be  found  in 
abundance.  Mary,  in  common  with  her  brother  and  sister,  lived  this  life  for  some 
ten  or  twelve  years,  never  speaking  to  her  mother  in  other  than  the  native 
Tasmanian  tongue.  Even  in  later  life  Mary  preferred  the  language  her  mother  had 
taught  her,  and  always  spoke  it  when  she  met  her  sister  (who  predeceased  her  by 
about  two  years).  Mary  married  Joseph  Seymour  when  only  sixteen  years  of  age. 
It  was  only  then  that  she  was  educated  by  the  lighthouse-keepers  and  learned  to 
read  and  write  English. 

Of  Mary's  brother,  Sam,  little  is  known.  When  but  sixteen  years  of  age  he 
joined  a  whaling  vessel  at  Antechamber  Bay  and  left  for  England.  Mary  received 
one  letter  advising  her  of  his  safe  arrival  at  Liverpool  and  that  he  was  about  to 
join  the  crew  of  a  boat  bound  for  China.  This  is  the  last  that  was  heard  of 
Sam  Thomas. 

Mary  claimed  to  be  "  the  first  woman  born  on  Kangaroo  Island."  She  was  an 
interesting  character  to  converse  with,  and  graphic  were  her  accounts  of  experiences 
in  the  pioneering  days  of  South  Australia.  Her  father  and  husband  became  keepers 
of  the  Cape  Willoughby  Lighthouse,  and  later  took  up  land  at  Antechamber  Bay. 
When  her  husband  died  Mary  bought  268  acres  of  land  near  Hog  Bay,  and  started 
a  farm  with  the  assistance  of  her  son  and  daughter.  Together  they  cleared  twelve 
acres  and  built  a  stone  house.  Mary  at  that  time  could  handle  a  plough  as  well  as 
any  man,  but  although  she  worked  with  a  will,  she  ultimately  found  it  necessary 
to  sell  out.  The  children  of  the  deceased,  Mr.  Joseph  Seymour  and  Mrs.  E.  Barrett, 
survive  her.  Although  a  sufferer  from  a  fractured  knee-cap  and  chronic  rheumatism, 

*  Deeds   of    this  description    do  not   belong    to    the  early  days    of    settlement    alone.      Quite 
recently  crimes  of  a  similar  nature  were  brought  under  my  notice  on  the  north  coast  of  Australia 

[     161     ] 


Nos,  81-82.]  MA.N.  [1914. 

for  which  she  had  latterly  been  under  my  treatment,  she  always  displayed  a  cheerful 
disposition. 

Mrs.  Seymour  was  a  woman  of  short  but  robust  stature.  The  facial  features 
indicated  a  keen  intellect  combined  with  a  determined  will  ;  both  of  these  character- 
istics being  well  known  to  persons  who  had  had  the  privilege  of  her  acquaintance. 
Seen  in  profile,  the  "  deep  notch  below  the  glabella  at  the  root  of  the  nasal  bones  " 
betrays  a  Tasmanoid  inheritance  described  by  Dr.  Garson*  as  one  of  the  characteristics 
of  the  race.  The  hair  was  silken,  white,  and  wavy,  the  eyebrows  bushy.  The  lips 
and  chin  were  remarkably  free  from  hairs.  The  skin  was  of  a  dark  bronze-brown 
and  wrinkled  with  age.  The  lower  jaw  was  well  developed,  and  had  a  big  loose 
flap  of  skin  attached  to  it  that  produced  a  very  noticeable  double-chin.  The  keen, 
small  eyes  lay  deep  Avithin  their  sockets  ;  their  colour  was  a  greyish  brown. 

It  is  of  some  interest  to  compare  the  accompanying  photographs  of  Mary  Seymour 
with  those  of  Mrs.  Fanny  Cochraine  Smith,  of  Port  Cygnet,  Tasmania,  published 
by  H.  Ling  Roth.f  Both  individuals  were  true  Tasmanian  half-castes,  and  there  is  a 
striking  resemblance  in  their  facial  features.  The  characteristic  notch  below  the 
glabella  is  certainly  more  marked  in  Mrs.  Seymour's  case  than  in  Mrs.  Smith's. 

H.  BASEDOW. 


Hocart. 
The  Disappearance  of  a  Useful  Art  in  Rot u ma.  /;//  .  /.  M.  Hocart.  QQ 

Ethnology,  in  order  to  progress,  has  not  only  to  gather  in  new  material,  Ufc 
but  also  to  rid  itself  of  the  many  old  fallacies  that  govern  our  treatment  of  the  material. 
Dr.  Rivers  has  done  yeoman  service  in  attacking  the  ultilitarian  fallacy.^  I  am 
glad  to  be  able  to  support  with  an  actual  case  from  Rotuma  his  suggestion  that 
reasons  of  magic  may  cause  a  useful  art  to  disappear. 

A  man  named  Fang  and  his  wife  Terani§  invented  the  big  nets  of  line  (aloV). 
Their  two  sons,  Fakaututu  and  Savatamaiir,  invented  a  big  net  twenty  fathoms  long 
for  turtle  fishing  (vao  kaluang  hoi}.  Savatamaiir  begot  Savatato,  and  Savatato 
begot  Sorfo'ou,  and  Marifang,  and  Tato,  and  So'so'ak. ||  Here  I  leave  the  narrative 
to  Sa'a,  a  woman  of  Malhah. 

"  The  fourth  son  died  through  the  words  of  Irav  (who  was  then  Sau,  or  sacred 
chief).  Irav  told  Savatato  to  bring  his  net  to  catch  turtle  in  Siimla'.  But  Savatato 
did  not  bring  the  net  and  Irav  was  angry  and  said  he  could  use  his  net  to  catch 
the  thing  that  was  hidden  in  the  house  (meaning  So'so'ak  who  was  hidden  in  the 
house  that  people  should  not  see  him).^[  So  So'so'ak  died  and  Savatato  pulled  off 
a  float  from  the  net,  and  buried  So'so'ak  in  the  sand,**  and  said,  '  You  died  through 
4  the  net  and  the  net  will  go  with  you  '  (that  the  net  should  not  be  made  again). 

"  And  it  came  to  pass  that  a  man  came,  Savatato's  grandson,  the  son  of  Tato, 
Vava  by  name.  And  he  told  Savatato  it  would  be  well  to  make  the  net  again, 
that  one  of  his  children  or  grandchildren  should  die.  Savatato  said  it  was  well, 

*  "  Is  Mrs.  F.  C.  Smith  a  Last  Living  Aboriginal  of  Tasmania  ?  "  Journ.  Antk.  Inst.,  Vol.  XXVII, 
Plate  XXVII.  Vide  also  Jas.  Barnard:  "Notes  on  the  Last  Living  Aboriginal  of  Tasmania," 
Proc.  Rl.  Soc.  of  Tasmania,  1889. 

f   Vide  H.  Ling  Roth  :  Aborigines  of  Tasmania,. 

I  Festakrift  t,  Edouard  Westermarck,  Helsingsfors,  1812,  p.  109. 

§  $  sounds  like  a  very  broad  o,  but  is  written  g,  for  reasons  that  cannot  be  explained  here. 

||  '  is  like  the  Samoan  break  and  represents  an  original  k,  §,  is  the  reduced  form  of  a  aud  lies 
between  French  e  and  e  in  je. 

^f  To  avoid  the  evil  eye  because  he  was  so  handsome. 

**  I  understand  that  the  float  was  buried  with  So'so'ak,  and  Savatato's  words  show  that  it 
was  so ;  but  on  turning  to  my  notes  I  can  find  nothing  to  that  effect.  It  is  customary  in  Rotuma 
to  bury  people  in  sand. 

C     162     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos,  82-83. 

that  the  price  of  it  should  be  the  children  and  the  grandchildren  of  Vava.  So  the 
net  was  made  again." 

They  do  not  make  these  nets  any  longer  in  Malhah  because  they  are  afraid, 
for  if  a  new  net  is  made  some  descendant  of  Vava  will  die.  Besides  the  old  folk 
that  made  the  net  are  extinct. 

Anyone  who  has  been  much  among  the  South  Sea  islanders,  and  knows  how 
important  a  place  food,  especially  animal  food,  occupies  in  their  minds,  will  admit 
that  turtle  fishing  is  not  the  least  of  their  useful  arts.  And  not  only  does  turtle 
fishing  satisfy  one  of  their  greatest  necessities,  but  it  was  invested  with  great 
prestige,  as  turtle  flesh  was  the  food  of  chiefs.  The  importance  attached  to  it  is 
proved  by  the  price  that  Vava  was  willing  to  pay  for  its  revival.  But  Vava's 
descendants  have  not  shared  his  enthusiasm  for  the  art,  and  it  has  again  fallen  into 
abeyance  in  the  district  of  Malhah. 

If  a  curse  could  compel  South  Sea  islanders  to  give  up  fishing  it  might  very 
well  compel  them  to  give  up  canoes.  A.  M.  HOCART. 


Archaeology.  Lewis. 

Standing  Stones  and  Stone  Circles  in  Yorkshire.  />'//  A.  L.  Lewis,  00 

So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover,  the  great  county  of  York  does  UU 
not  contain  any  dolmens,  nor  any  of  the  larger  non-sepulchral  stone  circles  ;  but  in 
almost  all  parts  of  it  there  have  been  numbers  of  what  I  call  "  barrow  circles," 
that  is,  small  circles  of  small  stones  surrounding  tumuli.  Most  of  these  have  been 
destroyed,  and  those  which  exist,  at  least  on  the  Ordnance  maps,  if  not  on  the 
moors,  are  often  so  inconspicuous  as  to  be  very  difficult  to  find  amongst  the  heather, 
and  if  found  do  not  appear  to  offer  any  special  features  of  interest.  Amongst  these 
are  a  cist  and  circles  said  to  have  existed  at  Obtrush  Roque,  in  the  North  Riding, 
while  in  a  paper  on  the  "  Antiquities  in  the  South-west  part  of  the  County  of 
York,"  read  by  the  Rev.  T.  James,  F.S.A.,  before  the  Huddersfield  Archaeological 
and  Topographical  Association  on  30  January  1867,  I  find  mention  of  the  "  Alder 
Stones  "  in  the  wilderness  above  Mytholmroyd,  the  "  Druidical  Temple  "  above  Slack, 
and  the  "  Ladstone "  on  the  edge  of  Norland  Moor,  but  no  detailed  description  of 
any  of  them,  and  I  do  not  know  whether  they  are  still  extant.  Turning  to  the 
extreme  west  of  the  county,  a  guide  book  of  1891  informs  us  that  at  Bordley, 
between  Malham  and  Grassington,  there  were  the  "remains  of  an  ancient  (supposed) 
"  Druids'  Temple,  consisting  of  a  mound  3  feet  high  and  about  150  feet  in  circum- 
"  ference,  where  was  formerly  a  complete  stone  circle  with  a  large  flat  stone  at  one 
*'  end  called  the  '  Druids'  Altar.'  "  The  circle  appears  to  have  been  destroyed  in 
building  the  adjoining  wall,  and  "all  that  is  to  be  seen  now"  [1891]  "are  three 
*'  upright  stones  raised  above  the  earthwork."  Other  stone  circles  and  cairns  are 
spoken  of  as  existing  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  on  Crow  Hill,  near  Haworth,  it  is 
said  "  a  huge  cromlech  or  altar  stone,  weighing  fully  five  tons,  is  laid  horizontally 
"  upon  two  upright  blocks  now  half  concealed  in  the  turf." 

The  1-inch  Ordnance  map,  surveyed  in  1843-9,  revised  in  1910,  and  published 
in  1913,  shows  upon  Rombald's  Moor,  above  Ilkley,  a  "circle  of  stones,"  a  "stone 
circle,"  and  a  "  Druidical  circle."  Why  so  distinguished  from  one  another  I  do  not 
know.  While  staying  at  York  last  year  I  tried  to  see  these  circles,  but  could 
neither  find  nor  hear  of  any  traces  of  them,  and  I  rather  suspect  that  they  have 
been  demolished  and  their  fragments  used  to  make  sconces  or  shelters  in  connection 
with  grouse  shooting.  They  are,  however,  described  in  Vol.  31  of  Archceologia 
(1845),  by  Mr.  J.  M.  N.  Colls,  as  including  "  a  circle  of  stones  of  various  sizes, 
"  from  cubes  of  3  feet  to  blocks  of  4  or  5  feet  by  2,  chiefly  set  upon  their  edges, 
"  and  of  the  sandstone  grit  which  here  forms  the  substratum  of  the  moor  ;  this 

r  163  1 


No,  83,]  MAN.  [1914. 

"  circle  about  43  feet  in  diameter,  and  in  its  centre  another  small  circle  of  seven 
"  stones,  likewise  set  upon  their  edges."  There  were  also  many  earth  circles,  that 
is,  banks  of  earth  and  stone  mixed,  several  of  which  had,  even  seventy  years  ago, 
been  ruined  for  road-making  purposes.  Exploration  of  the  centre  of  the  stone  circle 
produced  nothing,  but  seemed  to  indicate  that  it  had  been  previously  disturbed.  A 
circle,  27  feet  in  diameter,  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed  in  making  a  reservoir. 
The  guide  book  of  1891  already  mentioned  describes  these  or  other  circles  on  these 
moors,  but  all  as  being  in  a  state  of  dilapidation,  which  during  the  last  twenty-three 
years  has  probably  approached  complete  destruction.  They  were  all  most  likely 
either  burial  circles  or  dwelling  enclosures  of  one  sort  or  another. 

On  Ilkley  Moors  there  are  also  some  rocks  inscribed  with  concentric  circles  and 
other  figures  which  have  fortunately  proved  less  attractive  to  the  destroyers  than 
have  the  circles  whether  of  earth  or  stone. 

There  is  a  small  circle  called  the  "  Druid  Stones  "  on  Cloughton  Moor,  between 
Scarborough  and  Ravenscar  ;  it  is  31  feet  in  diameter,  and  the  present  diameter  of 
the  mound  in  or  on  which  it  stood  is  about  twice  as  much  ;  there  are  what  seem 
to  be  the  remains  of  a  cist  near  the  middle  of  it.  I  found  twenty-five  stones  and 
fragments,  the  largest  of  which  were  about  3  feet  by  2  by  2.  One  appeared  to 
have  had  a  cross  cut  upon  it.  While  on  my  way  to  this  circle  I  was  told  of  some 
stones  at  a  farm  near  by,  which  I  visited,  and  found  them  to  be  apparently  the 
remains  of  a  similar  circle  in  still  worse  condition. 

Four  circles  are  marked  on  the  Ordnance  map  on  Wykeham  Low  Moor,  but 
they  are  either  of  earth  only  or  of  such  small  stones  as  to  be  completely  hidden  by 
the  heather,  through  which  I  struggled  knee  deep  in  search  of  them  for  some  time, 
stirring  up  thousands  of  flies,  but  finding  nothing  else  to  reward  my  efforts. 

It  would  be  of  little  use  or  interest  to  enter  into  a  description  of  these  little 
burial  circles  ;  they  are  of  a  type  common  in  many  places,  and  might  as  well  be 
in  Siberia  as  in  Yorkshire,  just  as  this  one  by  the  Tasheba  River,  W.S.W.  from 
Minusinsk,  might  quite  as  well  be  in  Yorkshire  as  in  Siberia.  One  might  indeed 
think  that  the  people  who  made  this  grave  in  Siberia  were  the  ancestors  of  those 
who  made  similar  ones  in  Yorkshire,  but  for  the  fact  that  the  Siberian  tumulus 
contained  bronze  and  iron  articles. 

Although  Yorkshire  possesses  no  circles  worthy  of  note,  and  no  dolmens,  it  does 
contain  some  very  remarkable  menhirs  or  standing  stones,  which  may  even  be  said  to 
form  a  class  by  themselves.  The  longest  standing  stone  in  the  British  Isles  is  in 
the  churchyard  at  Rudston,  near  Bridlington.  It  stands  at  the  north-east  of  the 
church,  and  is  more  than  40  feet  long,  but  how  much  more  is  not  known  ;  25  feet 
of  it  are  above  ground,  and  a  hole  has  been  dug  by  its  side  to  a  depth  of  16  feet 
without  reaching  the  bottom  of  it.  Its  greatest  width  and  thickness  are  6  feet  and 
2^  feet  respectively,  and  it  has  been  dressed  to  a  regular  shape.  Its  broad  sides  face 
East  and  West  by  compass,  the  line  of  May-day  sunrise  or  thereabout.  It  is  said  to 
be  a  coarse  ragstone  or  millstone  grit,  but  its  place  of  origin  has,  I  believe,  not  been 
determined.  It  has  been  thought  to  have  been  erected  in  memory  of  some  Viking 
named  Rudd,  but  it  seems  that  the  original  name  of  the  place  was  Rodestan,  and 
that  it  was  not  corrupted  to  Rudestone  till  1266 — long  after  the  Viking  period.  As 
the  stone  stands  to  the  north-east  of  the  church,  it  is  possible  that  there  may  have 
been  a  circle  to  the  south-west,  and  that  the  church  was  placed  so  as  to  block  the 
line  of  sunrise  from  the  stone  to  the  circle,  as  at  Stanton  Drew,  but  there  are  no 
remains  of  any  circle  now,  and  the  absence  of  large  circles  in  Yorkshire  makes 
against  the  probability  of  there  having  been  one  here.  Two  cists  in  the  churchyard 
were  placed  there  in  1871,  having  been  dug  out  of  a  field  near  by  in  1869. 

At  Boroughbridge,  about  15  miles    north-west   from   York,  there   are   three   fine 

[    164    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  83. 

menhirs,  known  as  the  "Devil's  Arrows."  They  stand  very  nearly  in  a  line,  about 
20°  west  of  North  and  east  of  South.  The  most  northerly  one  is  18  feet  high,  7^  feet 
broad,  and  3^  feet  thick  ;  197^  feet  from  it  is  another,  22  feet  high  and  4|  feet  broad 
and  thick  ;  and  362  feet  further  is  the  third,  23  feet  high  by  4^  feet  broad  and  4  feet 
thick.  Camden,  Lelaud,  and  Stukeley  speak  of  a  fourth  stone,  which,  by  putting  their 
descriptions  together,  may  be  supposed  to  have  stood  between  the  first  and  the  second, 
and  close  to  the  latter.  Leland  says  they  stood  within  6  feet  or  8  feet  of  each  other. 
Camden  says  that  they  almost  touched  one  another.  Stukeley  says  two  of  the  stones 
are  exactly  100  cubits  apart,  and  100  cubits,  at  his  standard  measurement  of  20|  inches 
to  the  cubit,  are  only  173  feet,  against  185  feet  according  to  my  measurement  (197^  feet, 
less  4^  feet  for  the  thickness  of  the  lost  stone,  and  8  feet  for  its  greatest  distance 
from  the  second  existing  one).  He  says  further  that  two  more  stones,  doubtless 
my  second  and  third,  are  200  cubits  asunder,  that  is  346  feet,  instead  of  362  feet  as 
measured  by  me.  Again  he  says,  in  an  unpublished  letter  of  1740,  that  another  stone, 
at  that  time  carried  off,  was  100  cubits  more,  in  the  whole  making  400  cubits  distance. 
This  stone  would  obviously  be  in  prolongation  of  the  present  line  southwards.  It  will 
be  seen  that  there  is  a  considerable  difference  between  Stukeley's  measurements  and 
mine,  but  between  mine  and  those  of  the  late  Rev.  W.  C.  Lukis  there  is  only  a 
difference  of  1  foot  in  the  whole  length  of  564  feet  or  565  feet  ;  and,  after  comparing 
a  number  of  Stukeley's  measurements,  given  both  in  feet  and  cubits,  I  have  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  feet  represent  his  belief  as  to  the  actual  measurement,  and 
the  cubits  his  view  as  to  what  the  distance  was  intended  to  be  or  ought  to  have 
been.  Mr.  Leadman  has  stated,  but  I  do  not  know  upon  what  authority,  that  in 
1694  there  were  seven  stones  here. 

The  three  remaining  stones  are  not  exactly  in  line,  a  straight  line  between 
them  would  have  the  two  end  stones  touching  the  east  side  of  it  and  the  middle 
stone  touching  the  west  side  of  it,  and  this  deviation  has  caused  some  archaeologists 
to  think  that  the  stones  did  not  all  belong  to  the  same  line,  but  that  there  may 
have  been  an  avenue,  or  even  a  number  of  lines,  like  those  of  Carnac,  here.  I 
myself  am  not  of  that  opinion  ;  a  series  of  avenues  at  an  ordinary  distance  from  each 
other,  and  extending  more  than  700  feet  in  length,  and  a  proportionate  breadth, 
would  have  required  some  hundreds  of  stones,  none  of  which  would  have  been  very 
small,  if  we  may  judge  from  those  left,  and  I  cannot  believe,  without  further 
evidence  than  is  afforded  by  the  known  destruction  of  two  stones  in  two  centuries, 
that  all  these  would  have  been  removed,  leaving  no  trace  behind  except  the  three 
survivors.  The  middle  line  of  which  I  have  spoken  would  run  from  about  20° 
east  of  South  to  20°  west  of  North  (true),  and  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  thinks  it  may 
have  indicated  the  rising  place  of  o  centauri  at  about  3,400  B.C.  This  direction  of 
the  line  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  long  line  or  lines  at  Shap,  in  Westmoreland, 
for  which  Sir  Norman  Lockyer  suggests  the  same  objective  and  date. 

The  stones  themselves  are  of  a  soft  grit,  full  of  tiny  pebbles,  and  the  rain  has 
worn  long  and  deep  channels  on  them,  narrowing  from  the  top  downwards  ;  these 
channels  have  been  mistaken  by  at  least  one  antiquary  for  artificial  "  flutings,"  but 
that  they  are  water-worn  channels  is  shown  by  their  running  straight  down  two 
slanting  sides  of  a  stone  which  leans,  and  by  their  being  very  long  on  the  uppermost 
(third)  side,  and  very  short  on  the  overhanging  (fourth)  side,  of  the  same  stone. 

These  grand  menhirs  at  Rudston  and  Boroughbridge  are  so  very  different  from 
the  insignificant  little  barrow  circles  which  have  been  so  numerous  in  Yorkshire  that 
we  are  led  to  the  belief  that  they  must  have  belonged  to  a  different  set  of  people, 
or,  if  to  the  same,  then  to  a  different  period  or  development  in  the  life  of  that 
people.  It  is  perhaps  more  likely  than  not  that  they  were  set  up  as  memorials 
of  some  event  or  other — possibly  a  battle  ;  there  was  a  battle  at  Boroughbridge 

[    165    ] 


Nos.  83-84.]  MA^.  [1914. 

in  1322,  in  which  Edward  II  defeated  the  Earls  of  Hereford  and  Lancaster,  but 
that  is  much  too  recent  to  have  been  the  cause  of  their  erection.  Still  there 
may  have  been  some  long  forgotten  prehistoric  fight  in  the  same  vicinity.  Nothing, 
however,  has  been  recorded  or  discovered  to  fix  the  age  or  object  of  these  stones, 
but,  as  they  are  all  four  more  or  less  squared  and  dressed,  they  are  probably  later 
than  most  monuments  of  their  class  ;  in  these  respects  and  in  general  appearance 
they  more  nearly  resemble  the  uprights  of  the  great  trilithons  at  Stonehenge  than 
any  other  monument  in  the  British  Isles — perhaps  in  the  world.  A.  L.  LEWIS. 


Obituary :  Bandelier.  Maclver. 

Adolph  Francis  Bandelier.     By  D.  Randall  Maclver. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Adolph  Francis  Bandelier,  which  occurred  at  Seville 
on  March  18th,  has  robbed  the  world  of  a  most  brilliant  and  versatile  historian  and 
anthropologist.  In  learning  and  critical  ability  he  was  head  and  shoulders  above 
any  man  who  has  yet  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  Colonial  Spain  or  of  the 
native  races  and  civilisation  which  it  embraced.  He  has  left  an  imperishable  stamp 
on  American  anthropology,  and  has  set  a  standard  for  scholarship  and  research 
which  should  be  an  inspiration  to  the  younger  generation  now  arising. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Bandelier  is  in  itself  a  romance  set  in  a  background  of  colonial 
pioneering  and  backwoods  exploration. 

He  was  born  in  Berne  in  1840,  the  son  of  a  Swiss  gentlemen  of  old  nobility 
who  held  high  office  in  the  little  Bernese  Republic.  In  1847  his  father,  disgusted 
with  the  overthrow  of  the  old  Conservative  party  in  his  native  State,  emigrated  to 
America  and  settled  in  the  little  town  of  Highland,  in  Illinois.  There  Adolph 
Bandelier  grew  up  in  simple  surroundings  which  might  seem  to  give  little  promise 
for  a  student.  But  with  an  indomitable  energy  and  thirst  for  learning  he  fought  his 
way,  and,  like  the  young  Schliemann,  mastered  every  obstacle  in  the  path  of  his 
scientific  education.  In  boyhood  his  favourite  study  was  natural  history,  a  little 
later  he  turned  to  mineralogy,  geology,  and  chemistry,  then  to  meteorology,  in  which 
connection  he  published,  after  eleven  years,  an  important  series  of  studies  of  the 
Aurora  Borealis. 

In  1857  and  again  in  1867,  he  visited  Europe,  where  he  was  well  received 
in  many  circles  and  formed  valuable  connections  for  his  scientific  interests. 

In  1873  Lewis  H.  Morgan,  the  famous  anthropologist,  made  the  acquaintance  of 
Mr.  Bandelier,  and  this  was  destined  to  be  the  turning  point  in  the  latter's  career. 
Morgan  aAvoke  his  interest  in  archaeology  and  ethnology,  but  the  time  had  not  yet 
come  when  Bandelier  could  take  the  field  for  practical  work,  and  for  several  years 
he  was  obliged  to  be  content  with  a  book  study  of  the  history  of  Mexico  and 
Spanish  America. 

During  this  time  he  published  his  two  important  monographs  in  the  Reports  of 
the  Peabody  Museum.  These  brought  him  into  such  prominence  that  in  1880  Morgan 
was  able  to  offer  him  the  command  of  a  scientific  exhibition  to  work  among  the 
Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico.  It  was  the  beginning  of  a  career  of  ceaseless 
exploration  and  literary  activity  which  continued  for  thirty-four  years. 

From  1880  to  1890  his  principal  work  was  published  by  the  Archaeological 
Institute  of  America,  and  a  glance  at  the  index  of  the  Institute's  reports  and  papers 
will  show  the  range  and  extent  of  his  studies  during  that  time.  He  made  journeys 
all  over  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Sonora,  at  a  time  when  travelling  meant  real 
exploration  among  the  savage  tribes. 

At  the  end  of  1890  the  Archaeological  Institute  was  obliged  to  close  its  work,  and 
Mr.  Bandelier  then  turned  his  attention  to  a  new  field.  He  had  long  been  interested 
in  South  America,  and  in  1892  Mr.  Henry  Villard  sent  him  out  to  the  west  coast  of 

[    166    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  84. 

South  America,  where  he  continued  his  researches  and  explorations,  chiefly  in  Peru 
and  Bolivia.  During  the  next  twelve  years,  in  addition  to  making  archaeological 
surveys  over  a  wide  field,  he  formed  large  ethnographical  and  archaeological  collections, 
which  are  now  in  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History  at  New  York. 

A  picture  of  Bandelier's  work  at  this  time  is  given  by  Sir  Martin  Conway  in 
his  paper  on  the  Bolivian  Andes  in  the  Royal  Geographical  Journal  for  July  1899, 
and  a  sketch  of  his  life  and  activities  was  written  by  his  intimate  friend,  Sir  M. 
V.  Ballivian  for  the  Oficina  National  de  Propaganda  Geografica  de  La  Paz  in 
the  same  year. 

In  1904  Mr.  Bandelier  returned  permanently  to  New  York,  where  he  lived  for 
the  next  eight  years,  often  in  ill-health  and  with  failing  eyesight. 

In  1912  he  had  recovered  a  considerable  measure  of  health,  and  passed  the 
winter  in  Mexico  City  collecting  material  for  a  history  of  New  Mexico.  It  was  to 
continue  this  work  that  the  Carnegie  Institution  sent  him  last  October  to  Spain, 
where  he  began  what  promised  to  be  a  long  course  of  research  in  the  Archives  of 
Seville.  That  he  should  have  been  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  this  important  under- 
taking, while  still  in  the  fulness  of  his  unsurpassed  mental  powers,  is  a  misfortune 
for  the  world.  We  can  only  hope  that  his  widow  and  devoted  collaborator,  Madame 
Baudelier,  may  be  enabled  to  complete  and  put  in  order  what  he  has  left. 

Of  his  voluminous  writings  in  various  languages  it  is  not  possible  to  give 
a  complete  bibliography,  but  the  following  is  a  list  of  his  principal  works  in 
English  : — 

Reports    of  the   Peabody   Museum,    Cambridge,   Mass.  :    1877,    On   the    Tenure 

of  Lands  and  Customs  with  regard  to  Inheritance  of  the  Ancient  Mexicans ; 

1879,     On    the     Social     Organisation    and    Mode    of    Government    of    the 

Ancient  Mexicans. 

New    York    Historical    Society  :    1885,    The   Romantic    School   in   American 

Archaeology. 
American  Antiquarian  Society  :    1880,  Notes  on  the  Bibliography  of  Yucatan 

and   Central  America;    1912,    The  Ruins  at    Tiahuanaco. 

Papers  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America  :  1881,  Historical  Introduc- 
tion to  Studies  among  the  Sedentary  Indians  of  Neio  Mexico;  1881,  1883, 
Reports  on  the  Ruins  of  the  Valley  of  Pecos ;  1884,  Report  on  an 
Archaeological  Tour  in  Mexico;  1890-92,  Final  Report  of  Investigations 
among  the  Indians  of  the  South- Western  United  States  (2  vols.) ;  1890, 
Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  South-Western  Portion  of  the  United 
States. 
American  Anthropologist:  1904-6,  Various  papers  on  Peruvian  and  Bolivian 

subjects. 

The  Delightrnakers :    New  York,   1892.     This  is  a  remarkable  anthropological 
work    on    the    Pueblo    Indians  in    the  form  of    a  novel.      A  new,  illustrated 
edition  is  in  preparation. 
The   Gilded  Man:    New  York,   1893. 
The  Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati :    New  York,  1910. 

Besides  these  should  be  mentioned  various  essays  published  by  the  Societe  de 
Geographic  de  Paris  and  the  Gesellschaft  fiir  Erdkunde  zu  Berlin.  Also — Historia 
de  la  Villa  del  Paso  del  Norte  en  Mejico,  1890 ;  Resena  de  la  Bibliografia 
Antigua  de  Mejico,  1890;  and  an  unpublished  MS.  in  French  of  1,400  folio  pages 
illustrated  by  numerous  drawings.  This  was  his  offering  to  Pope  Leo  XIII  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Jubilee,  and  has  been  deposited  in  the  Vatican  library  at  Rome. 
The  subject  is  the  history  of  the  Colonisation  and  of  the  Missions  of  New  Mexico, 
Arizona,  Soiiora,  and  Chihuahua. 

[     167     ] 


Nos.  84-86.]  MAN.  [1914. 

A  certain   amount   of  Mr.  Bandolier's   work   in   Bolivia  and   Peru   has   never  yet 
been  published. 

He    was    a    true    man    of    science,    fearless    and    sincere    in    criticism,   tireless    in 
construction,  and  singularly  unaware  withal  of  his  own  eminence. 

D.  R.  MACIVER. 


Fiji.  Hocart. 

Masks  in  Fiji— A  Correction.     By  A.  M.  Hocart.  QC 

In  a  paper  on  "Masks  in   Fiji"  (MAN,  XIV,  53,  p.  118)  I  translated  the     00 

Fijian    word    vulo    by    "  spathe,"    which    I    was    informed    was    the    right    botanical 

term.     Mr.  H.  Baker,  of  the  Botanical  Gardens,  Oxford,  has  very  obligingly  answered 

my  inquires  on  the  subject,  and  states  that  the  right  term  is  reticulum. 

A.  M.  HOCART. 

REVIEWS. 
Africa,  West.  Talbot. 

In  the  Shadow  of  the  Bush.  By  P.  Amoury  Talbot,  of  the  Nigerian  Political 
Service.  London  :  William  Heinemann.  1912.  With  Illustrations,  Figures  in 
the  Text,  and  a  Map.  Pp.  480.  Price  18s. 

Mr.  Talbot  has  given  us  a  most  interesting  account  of  the  Ekoi,  a  Southern 
Nigerian  people  of  Bantu  stock,  and,  although  he  fears  that  "a  certain  inconsequence, 
"  natural  among  the  untrained  minds  of  the  Ekoi,  will  be  found  mirrored  only  too 
"  faithfully  in  their  story,"  the  book  is  none  the  less  valuable  for  that,  and  it  is  all 
the  more  true  to  life.  The  only  fault  to  be  found  with  it  is  that  there  is  rather 
too  much  folklore. 

The  Ekoi  are  divided  into  two  unequal  parts  by  the  boundary  which  separates 
the  Kamerun  from  the  east  of  Southern  Nigeria  (the  term  is  retained  because  of  its 
convenience),  their  land  being  most  easily  reached  by  way  of  the  Kwa  River — an 
affluent  of  the  Cross — which  the  people  call  their  own  water.  It  is  a  sacred  river, 
"  and  bold  indeed  would  be  that  man  or  woman  who  should  break  an  oath  sworn 
"  on  its  name.  For  somewhere  in  its  depths  dwells  Nimm — the  terrible — who  is 
"  always  ready,  at  the  call  of  her  women  worshippers,  to  send  up  her  servants,  the 
"  beasts  that  flock  down  to  drink  and  bathe  in  her  stream,  to  destroy  the  farms 
"  of  those  who  have  offended.  Nirnm  is,  above  all,  the  object  of  the  women's 
"  devotion.  She  manifests  herself  sometimes  as  a  huge  snake,  sometimes  as  a 
"  crocodile.  Her  priestesses  have  more  power  than  those  of  any  other  cult,  and  the 
"  society  which  bears  her  name  is  strong  enough  to  hold  its  own  against  the  dreaded 
"  '  Egbo  Club '  itself.  .  .  .  Everywhere  in  Ekoi  mythology,  the  cult  of  the  snake 
"  is  found  to  be  closely  connected  with  that  of  the  crocodile.  In  many  of  the  Egbo 
"  houses  a  representation  of  the  former  is  to  be  seen  modelled  in  high  relief  on  the 
"  wall  at  the  farther  end,  while  the  crocodile  is  usually  found  carved  on  the  principal 
"  pillar.  Those  families  who  are  members  of  the  cult  of  Nimm  never  drive  a  snake 
"  from  their  houses,  but  take  powdered  chalk  and  strew  before  the  visitor,  very 
"  softly,  so  as  not  to  frighten  it  in  any  way.  .  .  .  It  is  probable  that  the 
"  original  reason  for  deifying  snake  and  cat,  i.e.,  that  these  creatures  were  the 
"  principal  scourges  of  the  plague-carrying  rat,  lies  at  the  back  of  the  powerful 
"  snake  cult,  while  traces  of  cat  worship  are  still  to  be  found.  Rats  are  a  great 
"  pest  all  over  the  land."  It  is  just  as  likely,  however,  that  the  cult  was  and 
is  phallic. 

Ekoi  society  is  honeycombed  with  secret  "clubs,"  some  of  them  centuries  old, 
of  which  that  of  the  Egbo,  i.e.,  leopard,  is  the  most  powerful.  Possibly,  since 
"  totemism  is  still  an  article  of  belief,  though  most  of  them  will  deny  the  existence 
"  of  any  such  idea,  the  leopard  society  originally  consisted  only  of  those  who 

[     168     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  86-87. 

"  belonged  to  this  totem.  On  account  of  the  superior  craft  and  power  of  the  animal 
"  it  would  naturally  draw  to  itself  the  largest  following,"  and  later  on  outsiders 
would  be  admitted.  There  are  seven  grades,  all  open  even  to  youths,  if  sufficiently 
rich,  but  the  secrets  are  not  unfolded  until  middle  age  has  been  reached.  The 
author  thinks  that  there  is  "  a  close  resemblance  between  these  secrets  and  the 
"  Eleusinian  and  ancient  Egyptian  mysteries.  Certainly  a  considerable  amount  of 
"  hypnotism,  clairvoyance,  and  spiritualism  is  taught,  and  only  too  many  proofs  have 
"  been  given  that  some  of  the  powers  of  Nature  are  known  and  utilised  by  initiates, 
"  in  a  way  forgotten  by  or  unknoAvn  to  their  white  rulers.  For  instance,  some  of  the 
*'  esoteric  members  seem  to  have  the  power  of  calling  up  shadow  forms  of  absent 
"  persons."  Unfortunately  the  only  evidence  produced  for  this  last  statement  is  the 
account  of  one  of  the  natives. 

Of  actual  deities  there  are  only  two,  the  Sky  God  and  the  Earth  God,  but  of 
the  less  powerful  Genii  of  trees,  lakes,  rocks,  and  rivers  there  are  countless  hordes. 
There  are  many  "  Jujus,"  and  to  the  efficacy  of  one  of  the  lesser  of  them  the  author 
bears  personal  testimony.  It  is  called  "  Leopard  knocks  its  foot,"  and  "  before  its 
"  arrival  leopards  had  been  a  scourge  .  .  .  One  night  ...  I  awoke  to  find 
"  a  leopard  snuffing  round  my  mosquito  net.  .  .  .  On  returning  to  Oban  after 
"  absence  on  leave,  a  remarkable  change  was  found.  Since  the  installation  of  the 
"  new  Juju  not  a  leopard  showed  itself  within  a  mile  of  the  houses."  According 
to  Mr.  Talbot,  the  explanation  is  simple,  for  "  it  is  possible  that  the  strong  smelling 
"  pitch  used  to  '  renew  the  power  '  of  the  Juju  may  offend  the  nostrils  of  the  keen- 
*'  scented  beasts  of  prey  and  cause  them  to  avoid  the  town."  This  reason,  although 
at  first  sight  inadequate,  may  be  the  correct  one,  for  all  jinn  are  offended  by  an 
evil  odour. 

The  Ekoi  believe  that  "  every  man  has  two  souls,  one  which  always  animates 
"  the  human  shape,  and  a  bush  soul,  which  at  times  is  capable  of  being  sent  forth 
"  to  enter  the  form  of  the  animal  '  possessed '."  An  incident  is  worth  noting  in  this 
connection.  A  chief,  who  used  to  project  his  soul  into  a  buffalo,  had  been  to  call 
upon  the  Commissioner  who  had  relieved  the  author,  and  had  "  returned  home  in 
"  excellent  health,  and  two  days  afterwards  was  sitting  talking  with  several  of  his 
"  people,  when  he  suddenly  struck  his  hand  against  his  body  and  cried  out,  '  They 
"  '  kill  me  at  Oban '."  An  hour  later  a  buffalo  was  found  dead  in  the  bush,  it 
having  been  wounded  two  days  previously  by  the  Commissioner,  and  the  cause  of  the 
death  of  the  chief  was  evident  to  all. 

The  religion  of  the  Ekoi  is  a  mixture  of  old  and  new,  imported  and  local, 
elements,  as  is  only  to  be  expected.  "  On  every  hand  indications  are  to  be  found, 
"  beneath  modern  corruptions  and  disfigurements,  of  a  form  of  worship  which  carries 
"  us  back  to  the  oldest  known  Minoau  civilisation,  and  links  the  belief  of  the 
"  present-day  Ekoi  with  that  of  the  ancient  Phoenician,  the  Egyptian,  the  Roman, 
"  and  the  Greek.  In  some  ways,  indeed,  the  Ekoi  form  may  be  termed  the  most 
"  ancient  of  all."  But  space  will  not  permit  us  to  follow  the  author  further  here. 

The  book  is  a  fascinating  study,  and  Mr.  Talbot  is  to  be  congratulated  upon 
the  large  amount  of  material  which  he  has  collected,  especially  since  most  of  it  was 
obtained  in  his  "  spare  time."  The  drawings  and  photographs  are  excellent. 

A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


Religion.  Upward. 

The    Divine    Mystery.       By    Allen    Upward.       Letch  worth  :     Garden    City       QTI 

Press,  1913.  Of 

The    secondary    title,   "  A    Reading  of    the  History  of    Christianity  down  to  the 

Time  of  Christ,"  explains  the    scope  of    this  work.       The    author's  wide    learning    is 

[    169    ] 


Nfo.   87.]  MAN.  [1914. 

evident  on  every  page.  He  is  fully  master  of  his  material,  and  the  result  is  one  of 
the  most  original  and  inspiring  books  which  have  appeared  of  late.  In  it  the 
broadening  trend  of  modern  thought  is  clearly  noticeable,  since  the  book  is  one  that 
could  hardly  have  been  printed  a  few  years  ago.  Even  now,  many  readers  may  be 
roused  to  deep  opposition  by  some  of  the  theories  and  facts  therein  put  forward. 

To  the  mind  of  the  present  reviewer,  the  part  most  indicative  of  the  attitude 
of  the  author  is  to  be  found  on  p.  219:  "Our  best  authorities  for  the  history  of 
"  Israel  are  the  living  Israelites  of  lands  still  in  the  Canaanite  stage.  For  this 
"  reason  I  thought  it  an  indispensable  part  of  my  preparation  for  the  present  work 
u  to  study  those  living  documents  at  first  hand.  A  brief  tenure  of  a  Government 
"  post  in  the  Niger  Valley  (1901-2),  corresponding  very  closely  with  the  one  held 
"  by  Pontius  Pilate  in  Judea,  furnished  me  with  endless  illustrations  of  the  Pagan 
"  features  in  the  Bible."  Not  only  has  he  succeeded  in  his  object,  but,  in  the 
process  of  carrying  it  out,  has  thrown  unexpected  light  on  the  source  of  many 
modern  practices. 

In  any  abstract  of  the  work  it  is  impossible  to  do  justice  either  to  its  erudition, 
originality,  or  charm.  As  an  example  of  its  style,  a  few  lines  may  perhaps  be 
quoted  from  the  introduction  (p.  xiv)  : — 

"  To  the  thoughtful  mind  all  history  is  sacred,  and  the  whole  world  is  a  holy 
land  in  which  man  walks  as  in  a  garden  planted  by  the  hand  of  his  Creator. 
Mystery  encompasses  his  steps  on  every  side  ;  a  Divine  voice  breathes  in  the 
rustling  of  the  trees  at  eventide  and  in  the  songs  of  birds  at  sunrise  ;  he  reads  the 
nightly  Scripture  of  the  stars,  and  his  heart  accompanies  the  solemn  chorus  of 
the  sea.  There  is  a  universe  within  him  as  without  ;  the  network  of  his  frame  is 
a  battle-ground  wherein  unseen  and  uncalculated  forces  meet  and  struggle  for  the 
mastery  ;  his  very  thoughts  are  not  his  own,  but  the  re-incarnations  of  ancestral  spirits, 
or  else  the  angels  of  Heavenly  and  Hellish  powers.  So,  moving  from  deep  unto 
deep,  he  plays  his  part  in  some  degree  like  a  somnambulist,  plays  in  a  miracle 
play  of  which  he  feels  himself  to  be  the  hero,  yet  cannot  altogether  seize  the  plot, 
nor  tell  what  are  the  true  surroundings  of  his  little  stage,  nor  guess  what  may 
await  him  when  he  shall  pass  behind  the  scenes." 

The  author  traces  the  evolution  of  the  "Divine  Man"  from  the  primaeval 
wizard,  "  A  being  .  .  .  wise,  if  not  all-knowing,  tapu  himself  and  able  to  make 
"  other  men  and  things  tapu,  incomprehensible — in  a  word  divine,"  through  various 
avatars,  as  Priest  and  King,  up  to  his  culmination  as  the  Sacrificial  Christ,  the 
Saviour.  Astronomy  is  laid  under  contribution  to  explain  the  connection  between 
the  various  forms  of  worship  until  the  beginning  of  the  modern  cycle  of  Zarathustian 
Puritanism  is  reached — about  700  B.C.  The  echoes  of  this  reverberated  down  the 
ages  till  the  foundation  of  Christianity,  an  event,  according  to  the  author,  considerably 
antecedent  to  the  birth  of  Christ. 

In  the  mention  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Dasius  and  the  careful  research  into 
the  custom  of  annual  regicide,  Mr.  Upward  supports  Dr.  Frazer's  theory,  obviously 
taking  little  account  of  the  late  Mr.  Andrew  Lang's  criticisms  on  this  subject. 

The  author's  claim,  that  the  chapters  dealing  with  the  evolution  of  monotheism 
may  be  found  to  bridge  a  real  gap,  is  no  idle  one.  For  many,  perhaps,  this  section 
will  be  found  the  most  valuable  in  the  book.  It  is  no  detraction  from  the  gratitude, 
which  all  students  must  feel  for  so  illuminating  a  work,  to  question  whether  quite 
sufficient  weight  has  been  allowed  to  the  views  of  Professor  Pinches  that,  to  the 
initiated  at  least,  a  kind  of  monotheism  existed  in  ancient  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

There  are  many  who  will  sympathise  with  Mr.  Upward  in  his  difficulty  as  to 
the  treatment  of  such  an  important  subject  as  the  worship  of  the  Generative  Function. 
Students  are  increasingly  turning  their  attention  in  this  direction,  however,  and  with 

[  170  ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [Nos.  87-89. 

such  able  pioneers  as  Mr.  Walter  Heape,  F.R.S.,  aud  other  distinguished  authors,  the 
disabilities  that  loom  so  large  in  the  path  of  investigators  will  surely  be  overcome 
in  time. 

As  a  keen,  though  humble,  student  of  that  wonderful  treasure  house  of  ancient 
lore,  the  united  Nigerias,  it  cau  only  be  a  matter  of  extreme  regret  to  the  reviewer 
that  the  career  of  an  official  so  erudite  and  deep-seeing  should  have  been  cut  short 
as  far  as  West  Africa  is  concerned.  P.  AMAURY  TALBOT. 


Folk-lore.  Wright. 

Rustic  Speech  and  Folk-lore.  By  Elizabeth  Mary  Wright.  Oxford.  1913. 
In  this  excellent  and  comprehensive  work  Mrs.  Wright  has  given  us 
a  storehouse  of  information  on  the  words  and  sayings  of  the  English  countryside, 
illustrating  their  bearing  upon  popular  beliefs  and  folk-lore.  She  has  a  thorough 
grasp  of  her  subject,  and  has  here  brought  together  in  one  volume,  in  a  way  never 
attempted  before,  the  dialect  words  of  the  whole  country  aud  the  phrases  in  which 
they  occur.  In  no  case  is  a  word  or  phrase  quoted  without  its  dialect  being  specified, 
and  no  better  guide  could  be  found  by  those  who  wish  to  obtain  an  acquaintance 
with  these  rich  and  racy  forms  of  speech,  luckily  not  yet  extinct,  although  often 
threatened  with  destruction.  Those  who  read  only  for  entertainment  or  are  not 
unwilling  to  mix  entertainment  with  instruction,  will  find  here  an  inexhaustible 
treasure  of  shrewdness  and  mother  wit  as  well  as  of  ancient  faiths  and  modern 
heresies.  The  firm  bond  which  unites  folk-lore  and  dialect  is  nowhere  better  illus- 
trated, and  it  is  clearly  brought  out  that  many  of  the  beliefs  bound  up  in  familiar 
expressions  must  perish  or  lose  their  vitality  with  the  medium  in  which  they  have 
found  expression. 

The  more  purely  philological  part  of  the  work  is  no  doubt  to  some  extent  a 
compilation  ;  that  is  to  say,  it  brings  together  in  convenient  form  a  mass  of  infor- 
mation now  only  to  be  found  scattered  through  innumerable  publications.  It  is 
sufficient  to  refer  to  the  chapters  on  survivals  of  archaic  words  and  forms,  on  loan 
words,  and  on  the  evidence  bearing  on  race-settlements,  especially  Scandinavian,  as 
bearing  on  the  question  of  Danish  or  Norse  settlements.  The  conclusions  derived 
from  existing  dialects  will  be  found  to  coincide  in  the  main  with  those  based  on 
place-names.  The  chapter  011  Phonology  and  Grammar  is  full  and  accurate,  and  is 
an  excellent  summary  of  the  subject,  while  that  on  Popular  Phrases  and  Sayings 
is  a  truly  wonderful  collection  of  popular  lore  and  racy  expression.  It  would  be 
impossible  to  enumerate  all  the  points  of  interest  in  this  volume,  and  it  must  suffice 
to  say  that  Mrs.  Wright  has  throughout  dealt  worthily  with  her  difficult  and 
attractive  subject.  M.  LONGWORTH  DAMES. 


PROCEEDINGS    OF  SOCIETIES. 
Anthropology.  British  Association. 

Anthropology  at  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 
Australian  Meeting,  August  1914.  Report  of  Proceedings  in  Section  H 
(Anthropology}. 

The  Anthropological  Section  met  under  the  Presidency  of  Sir  Everard  im  Tliurn, 
C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  who  in  his  presidential  address  took  as  his  subject,  "A  Study  of 
Primitive  Character."  The  address  is  published  in  full  in  Nature^  Vol.  XCIV,  p.  68. 

GENERAL  ANTHROPOLOGY. 

Committee  on  the  Teaching  of  Anthropology. — A  report  was  handed  in,  including 
an  account  of  the  conference  held  in  the  hall  of  the  Worshipful  Company  of  Drapers 


No.  89.]  MAN.  [1914. 

as  reported  in  MAX,  1914,  35.     It  ^as  uot  7et  been  found  possible  to  place  the  findings 
of  the  conference  before  the  Prime  Minister. 

PHYSICAL   ANTHROPOLOGY. 

PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH. —  The  Ancient  Inhabitants  of  Egypt  and  the 
Sudan. — Dealt  with  new  material  concerning  two  groups  of  the  earliest  people,  the 
most  northern  and  most  southern,  yet  discovered  : — 

(a)  A  series  of  protodynastic  skeletons  from  various  sources  near  Cairo. 
(5)  A  series  discovered  by  Dr.  Reisner  near  Merowe. 

(a)  The  evidence  raises  the  possibility  that  even  from  a  more  remote  period  the 
people  of  the  Delta  may  have  been  mingling  with  a  foreign  people  not  belonging  to 
the  Brown  Race. 

(6)  Belongs  to  the  Hyksos  Period,  when  large  numbers  of  Egyptians  emigrated 
into  the  Sudan.  The  skeletons  from  the  better  tombs  closely  resemble  typical 
Egyptians  of  the  upper  class,  such  as  commonly  occur  in  Upper  Egypt  from  about 
the  time  of  the  Vlth  Dynasty  on.  But  many  of  the  others  conform  to  the  Proto- 
Egyptian  and  Middle  Nubian  (C  Group)  types.  The  majority  bear  indubitable  evidence 
of  some  negro  admixture,  though  to  a  slight  degree. 

PROFESSOR  J.  SYMIISTGTON. — On  the  Relations  of  the  Inner  Surface  of  the 
Cranial  Walls  to  the  Brain,  icith  special  reference  to  the  Reconstruction  of  the 
Brain  from  Cranial  Casts. — The  result  of  a  series  of  observations  on  the  relations 
of  the  brain  and  skull,  to  ascertain  the  extent  to  which  casts  of  the  cranial  cavity 
enable  us  to  estimate  the  form  of  the  brain,  and  especially  the  position  of  the  cerebral 
fissures  and  the  degree  of  development  of  the  cerebral  convolutions.  Methods  of 
making  casts  of  various  portions  of  the  cavity  were  described,  with  due  allowance  for 
the  membranes.  Results  showed  that  only  the  general  form  and  size  of  the  brain  and 
the  position  of  but  few  of  its  fissures  and  convolutions  could  be  ascertained  from  the 
casts,  and  that  the  simplicity  or  complexity  of  the  cerebral  convolutions  could  not  be 
inferred.  These  observations  tend  to  throw  grave  doubts  on  the  trustworthiness  of 
certain  statements  with  reference  to  the  peculiarities  of  the  Piltdown  brain  based 
upon  casts  of  that  cranium. 

Committee  to  Investigate  the  Physical  Characters  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians. — 
A  detailed  report  was  issued  dealing  with  two  distinct  series  of  anthropological 
material  : — (a)  A  series  from  Saqqara  ;  (£»)  a  series  from  the  southern  part  of  the 
Kerma  basin  in  the  Sudan. 

ETHNOGRAPHY  AND  ETHNOLOGY. 

DR.  W.  H.  R.  RIVERS. — Is  Australian  Culture  Simple  or  Complex? — This 
question  is  of  great  theoretical  importance.  If  this  culture  does  not  represent  a 
stage  in,  or  an  offshoot  from,  a  direct  line  of  social  development,  but  is  the  result 
of  a  fusion  of  a  number  of  elements  which  reached  Australia  at  long  intervals,  the 
first  step  towards  any  sound  knowledge  must  be  the  analysis  of  this  culture.  If 
certain  features  of  Australian  culture  are  the  result  of  influences  from  without,  the 
foundations  on  which  many  recent  speculations  are  based  are  swept  away.  It  is  only 
by  comparison  with  neighbouring  and  allied  cultures  that  the  problem  can  be  solved. 
The  first  question,  therefore,  is  whether  a  culture  allied  to  that  of  Australia  exists  in 
the  neighbourhood,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  Melanesia  possesses  such  a  culture. 
Further,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  cultures  which  have  reached  Melanesia  from 
without  have  come  from  the  west,  the  centre  of  dispersion  having  been  the  Malay 
Archipelago,  and  it  is  evident  that  the  same  influences  have  reached  Polynesia  and 
Madagascar.  Evidence  was  cited  to  show  how  it  is  impossible  to  presume  that 

I     172     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  89. 

Australia  should  have  remained  exempt  from  these  influences.  In  this  light  the 
history  and  nature  of  Australian  culture  become  far  easier  to  understand.  One 
difficulty  which  confronts  this  view  is  the  apparently  primitive  character  of  the  sea- 
faring vessels  of  the  Australians,  but  there  is  definite  evidence  in  Melanesia  and 
Polynesia  for  the  degeneration,  and  even  loss,  of  so  useful  an  object  as  the  canoe. 
The  complexity  of  Australian  culture  will  only  be  established  when  the  facts  of 
Melanesian,  Papuan,  and  Australian  culture  have  been  fitted  into  a  scheme.  In 
conclusion  one  cultural  feature — burial  customs — was  discussed  as  an  illustration  of 
the  kind  of  process  by  which  this  result  might  be  attained. 

MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. — Bori  Exorcism,  Fortune-telling,  and  Invocation. 
— A  woman  in  Tunis  had  been  ill  for  seven  months,  her  body  so  lax  that  she  could 
do  nothing.  After  four  and  a  half  months  she  had  given  a  franc  to  be  wrapped  in 
a  handkerchief  and  hung  in  the  Bori  Temple  as  an  offering  to  Kuri.  She  got  a  little 
better,  and  at  the  end  of  the  seventh  month  gave  a  dance.  Her  illness  was  transferred 
to  two  fowls,  which  were  then  killed,  and  various  Bori  came  and  entered  the  dancers. 
The  patient  was  so  much  benefited  that  she  was  able  to  dance  herself  by  midnight, 
and  was  walking  about  next  day.  The  ceremony  was  described  in  detail  and  various 
subsidiary  points  discussed. 

MAJOR  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARXE. — Some  Hausa  "  Don'ts." — A  collection  of  popular 
tabus  prevalent  among  the  Hausa. 

PROFESSOR  G.  ELLIOT  SMITH.  —  Early  Racial  Migrations  and  the  Spread  of 
Certain  Customs. — After  dealing  with  the  evidence  from  the  resemblances  in  the 
physical  characters  of  certain  widely  separated  peoples,  suggesting  far-reaching 
migrations,  the  distribution  of  certain  peculiarly  distinctive  practices,  such  as  mum- 
mification and  the  building  of  megalithic  monuments,  was  applied  to  confirm  the 
reality  of  such  wanderings.  Attention  was  directed  mainly  to  the  question  of 
the  spread  of  cultures  from  the  areas  of  ancient  centres  of  civilizations  along  the 
Southern  Asiatic  coast,  and  thence  out  into  the  Pacific.  Practices  such  as  mummi- 
fication and  megalith- building  present  so  many  and  distinctive  features  that  no 
hypothesis  of  independent  evolution  can  seriously  be  entertained  in  explanation  of 
their  geographical  distribution.  They  must  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  the  diffusion 
of  information,  and  the  migrations  of  bearers  of  it  from  somewhere  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  step  by  step  out  into  Polynesia,  and 
even  perhaps  beyond  the  Pacific  to  the  American  littoral. 

A.  R.  BROWX. —  Varieties  of  Totemism  in  Australia. — For  the  purposes  of  this 
Paper  totemism  is  defined  as  a  special  magico-religious  relation  between  an  individual 
or  a  social  group,  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  class  of  natural  objects,  generally  a 
species  of  animal  or  plant,  on  the  other. 

Considering  first  of  all  the  nature  of  the  totemic  group  we  can  distinguish  the 
following  different  kinds  of  totemism  in  Australia  : — 

(1)  Clan    Totemism    with    Female    Descent. — The    totemic    group  is    a    body  of 
relatives  who  form  a  clan.      Every  child    belongs  to  the  same  totemic  group    as    his 
mother.      This    form    of    totemism    is    found  in  many  tribes    in    the    eastern    part   of 
Australia,  such  as  the  Kamilaroi. 

(2)  Clan    Totemism    with    Male    Descent. — The    totemic    group    is    a    body    of 
relatives.     A  child  belongs  to  the  same  group  as  his  father.     This  form  of  totemism 
seems  to  exist  in  widely   scattered  regions  of  Australia  ;  for  example,  in  the  Kariera 
tribe  of  Western  Australia,  in  some  of  the    tribes    of  the  Northern  Territory,  in  the 
Narinyeri  tribe  of  South  Australia,  and    perhaps  in  some  tribes  of  Victoria    and    the 
southern  part  of  New  South  Wales. 

[    173    ] 


No.  89.]  MAN.  [1914. 

(3)  Local   Group   Totemism. — The  totemic  group  is  a  body  of  persons  living  in 
the  same  place  and  collectively  owning  and  occupying  a  definite  portion  of  the  tribal 
territory.     The  group  is  not  a  clan  and  is  not  exogamous.      A  child  belongs  to    the 
same  local  and  totemic  group  as  his  father.     This  form  of  totemism  is  found  in  the 
Burduna  tribe  of  Western  Australia,  and  in  a  number  of  neighbouring  tribes. 

(4)  Cult  Society   Totemism. — The    totemic    group  is  a  body  of  persons  who   are 
all    qualified    to    take    part    in    a    certain    cult.      The    best-known   example   of   such 
totemism  is  that  found  in  the  Aranda  tribe  of  Central  Australia. 

(5)  Totemism  of  the  Dual  Division. — The   tribe    is    divided    into  two    parts    or 
moieties,    and    each    part    is    associated    with    some    species    of    natural   object,    as 
eaglehawk  and  crow  in  some  tribes. 

(6)  Totemism    of  Relationship    Divisions. — The    totemic    groups    are    the   four 
sections  or  the  eight  sub-sections    into  which  the  tribe  is  divided    by  the    system    of 
relationship.       One  variety  of  this    form  of  totemism    is    found  in  the  Pita -pita    and 
other    tribes    of    Western    Queensland.      Another  variety  is    found    in    the    Mungarai 
and  Punaba  and  other  tribes    of    the  Northern  Territory  and  Western  Australia.     A 
third  variety  is    found    in    the    tribes    at    the    head  of  the  Gascoyne    and  Ashburton 
Rivers  in  Western  Australia. 

(7)  Sex   Totemism. — The    tribe    is    divided    into    two    parts,  males    and  females, 
all  the  males  having  a  special  relation  to  one  species  of  bird  or  plant,  while  all  the 
females  have  a  similar  relation  to  a  different  species. 

(8)  Personal    Totemism. — The    individual    has    a    special    and    purely    personal 
relation  to  some  one    or   more    species  of  natural  objects.      In  the  best-known  form, 
that  of  the  Yualai  tribe    of  New  South  Wales,  only  medicine-men    and  women  with 
special  magical  powers  have  personal  totems. 

Considering  now  the  nature  of  the  relation  between  the  group  or  the  person 
and  its  or  his  totem,  we  may  distinguish  three  main  kinds  of  totemism  according 
as  we  find  (1)  a  definite  positive  ritual  associated  with  the  totem,  (2)  a  negative 
ritual,  or  (3)  no  organised  ritual  at  all. 

These  and  their  varieties  were  discussed  at  length. 

B.  MALTNOWSKI. — A  Fundamental  Problem  of  Religious  Sociology. — Is  there 
a  sharp  cleavage  between  religious  and  profane  matters  among  primitive  peoples  ? 
Or,  in  other  words,  is  there  a  pronounced  dualism  in  the  social  and  mental  life  of 
the  savage,  or,  on  the  contrary,  do  the  religious  and  non-religious  activities  and 
ideas  pass  and  shade  into  each  other  in  a  continuous  manner  ? 

Durkheim  postulates  the  existence  of  a  sharp  cleavage  between  the  two  domains  of 
the  sacred  and  profane,  and  his  entire  theoretical  construction  stands  or  falls  with  this 
assumption.  Marett  is  of  opinion  that,  generally  speaking,  "  The  savage  is  very  far 
"  from  having  any  fairly  definite  system  of  ideas  of  a  magico-religious  kind,  with 
a  somewhat  specialised  department  of  conduct  corresponding  thereto."  These 
examples  show  that  the  question,  fundamental  as  it  is,  is  still  unsettled  and  con- 
troversial. What  answer  does  it  receive  from  the  ethnographical  evidence  ?  Spencer 
and  Gillen  answer  the  question  in  the  affirmative  ;  yet  Seligmann's  monograph  on 
the  Veddas  gives  the  impression  that  among  this  people  there  does  not  exist 
anything  like  radical  bipartition  of  things  and  ideas  into  religious  and  profane. 
Probably  the  twofold  division  is  not  a  fundamental  feature  of  religion,  suitable  to 
be  considered  as  its  very  distinctive  characteristic.  It  is  an  accidental  feature, 
dependent  chiefly  upon  the  social  part  played  by  religion,  and  connected  with, 
possibly,  some  other  factors,  to  determine  the  influence  of  which  it  is,  however 
necessary  to  have  more  ample  evidence,  gathered  with  the  problem  in  view. 

[     174     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  89. 

A.  S.  KEXYOX  and  D.  J.  MAHOXEY. —  The  Stone  Implements  of  the  Australian 
Aborigines. — (1)  Distribution :  Implements  are  found  all  over  the  land  surface  ; 
mainly  at  "  camps,"  but  fortuitously  more  or  less  everywhere.  Camps  may  be 
permanent,  near  unfailing  water  and  reliable  food-supply  ;  or  of  a  temporary  nature. 
These  differences  are  reflected  in  the  implements  found  in  them. 

(2)  Period :  The  whole   of    the  implements  under  "discussion  are    of   recent  age, 
and  were  fashioned  by  the  race  still  existing. 

(3)  Material :  The  material  used  varies  with  requirements  and  accessibility,  but 
for    cutting    implements    it  may  be  divided  into  two  classes,  brittle  and    hard  stone, 
such    as    flints,     quartzites,     cherts,    etc.,    and     the     tougher     but  softer    diabasic, 
metamorphic  and  like  rocks. 

(4)  Type :   There    is    no    doubt    that    the    class    of    stone    available    governs    the 
degree    of    finish    and    method    of    manipulation,    with    use    and    opportunity    playing 
a  secondary  part.     The  various  types  were  described  in  detail. 

(5)  Classification :  The    first   requirement   is    a    system    capable    of   including  all 
forms,  from  the  most  primitive  eolithic  to  a  well-differentiated  and  -fashioned  neolithic 
implement.      No  existing  European  or  American  system    is    applicable,  as    all    postu- 
late a  relationship  between  the  workmanship  and  the  cultural  stage  of  the  artificer  ; 
this  is  not  justified  by  Australian  evidence.       Consequently  the  classification  adopted 
is  that  of  Kenyon  and  Stirling  (R.   Soc.    Victoria,  XITL,  n.s.   1901). 

Committee  for  the  Production  of  Certified  Copies  of  Hausa  MSS. — The  report 
included  a  list  of  the  institutions  among  which  copies  had  been  distributed. 

ARCHEOLOGY. 

R.  R.  MARETT. — Recent  Excavation  of  a  Palceolithic  Cave  in  Jersey. — Previous 
excavations  had  cleared  the  Mousterian  floor  along  the  west  side  of  the  cave  ;  it  was 
now  resolved  to  continue  the  clearing  across  the  mouth  to  the  east  side.  Among 
the  bones  a  preliminary  survey  revealed  the  presence  of  mammoth,  woolly  rhinoceros, 
Irish  elk,  reindeer,  red  deer,  roe  deer,  wild  ox,  wild  horse,  wild  goat,  cave  hyena, 
fox,  arctic  lemming,  and  a  species  of  grouse,  a  thoroughly  typical  pleistocene  fauna 
of  the  cold  or  tundra  type.  More  than  3  cwt.  of  implements  was  discovered.  As 
far  as  can  be  made  out  at  present  the  Mousterian  fades  prevails  throughout,  though 
it  remains  to  be  seen  whether  it  will  be  possible  to  differentiate  in  regard  to  style  of 
workmanship  the  products  of  the  various  levels  of  the  floor.  Among  the  smaller 
implements  a  proportion  appeared  to  be  notched  towards  the  base,  as  if  they  had 
once  been  provided  with  a  handle  or  shaft.  There  was  a  great  variety  of  hammer- 
stones,  mostly  of  granite,  and  of  split  pebbles,  mostly  of  diabase,  some  of  which  had 
been  used  as  polishers.  The  occurrence  of  double  patination  upon  certain  imple- 
ments shows  that  the  occupation  must  have  extended  over  an  immense  period  of 
time. 

ALEXAXDER  LOWE. —  The  Short  Cists  of  the  North-east  of  Scotland. — These 
are  single  interments  found  mostly  without  any  overground  structure  to  indicate 
their  site.  The  cists  are  built  of  irregular  flat  stones  set  on  edge  and  roofed  by  one 
large  flat  covering  stone.  There  is  no  evidence  of  orientation.  In  those  examined 
the  burial  was  by  inhumation.  There  is  evidence  to  show  that,  while  inhumation 
was  the  earlier  practice,  inhumation  and  incineration  were  partly  contemporaneous. 
In  one  cist,  calcined  human  bones  were  found  along  with  a  burial  by  inhumation. 

There  were  associated  with  the  interments  clay  urns,  flint  scrapers,  and  arrow 
heads,  but  no  trace  of  metal.  The  urns  were  all  of  the  "beaker"  type  except 

[  175  ] 


No.  89.]  MAN.  [1914. 

in  one  instance,  where  it  was  of  the  "food-vessel"  type.  The  series  of  skeletal 
remains  gives  evidence  of  a  people  somewhat  under  medium  stature,  well-built, 
and  athletic,  with  very  broad  skulls,  low,  straight  faces,  and  broadish  noses.  As 
to  the  affinities  of  these  short  cist  builders,  the  characters  of  their  skeletons  are  very 
similar  to  those  of  the  broad-headed  Alpine  race  which  occupied  Europe  about  the 
end  of  the  Stone  Age,  and  which  is  supposed  to  be  descended  from  the  Palaeolithic 
broad-headed  Grenille  race.  The  ceramic  finds  in  the  interments  support  this  view. 

THOMAS  ASHBY. —  The  Roman  Advance  into  South  Italy. — One  of  the  greatest 
factors  in  the  Roman  conquest  of  Italy  and  of  the  Roman  world  was  the  excellence 
of  the  system  of  military  roads  which  she  constructed.  The  earliest  beginnings  of 
this  system  may  be  traced  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Rome  itself,  from 
which  roads  radiated  in  all  directions.  As  the  Roman  power  increased,  the  military 
highways  were  pushed  forward,  each  important  advance  into  hostile  country  being 
secured  by  the  plantation  of  a  Roman  or  Latin  colony  (t.e.,  the  construction  of  a 
fortress,  peopled  by  soldiers)  and  united  by  a  road  to  the  base.  The  study  of  the 
Roman  road  system  is  thus  very  important  from  an  historical  and  a  military  point 
of  view.  An  account  was  given  in  1913  at  the  Birmingham  meeting  of  researches 
along  the  Via  Appia  and  the  Via  Traiana,  and  in  continuance  of  it  the  remainder 
of  the  road  system  of  South  Italy  is  now  described,  as  the  result  of  actual  explora- 
tion on  the  spot,  the  line  of  the  ancient  roads  being  traced  and  followed  as  far  as 
possible — an  enterprise  not  always  by  any  means  easy. 

Committee  on  the  Artificial  Islands  in  the  Lochs  of  the  Highlands  of  Scotland. — 
The  Committee  handed  in  its  fourth  report. 

Committee  on  the  Lake  Villages  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Glastonbury. — The 
Committee  presented  a  report  including  a  tabulated  list  of  finds  resulting  from 
excavation. 

Committee  for  the  Exploration  of  the  Palaeolithic  Site  known  as  La  Cotte  de 
St.  Brelade,  Jersey. — The  Committee  presented  a  report  in  detail  of  excavations  and 
their  results. 

Committee  on  the  Prehistoric  Civilisation  of  the  Western  Mediterranean. — The 
Committee  handed  in  a  report  summarising  the  progress  made. 

MISCELLANEOUS. 

THOMAS  ASHBY. — A  Map  of  the  Environs  of  Rome  of  1547. — The  Vatican 
Library  has,  by  a  recent  gift  of  His  Holiness  the  Pope,  come  into  possession  of  an 
important  collection  of  maps  and  plans.  This  includes  an  engraved  map  of  the 
environs  of  Rome  for  a  distance  of  about  twenty  miles  in  each  direction,  on  the  scale 
of  about  2  inches  to  the  mile.  It  bears  the  date  1547,  and  is  unsigned  ;  but  Mr. 
Horatio  F.  Browne  has  discovered  the  Venetian  privilege  for  it,  from  which  it 
appears  that  its  author  was  a  Florentine,  Eufrosino  della  Volpaia.  It  is  rather  a 
bird's-eye  view  than  a  map,  the  projection  not  being  accurate,  but  the  details  (roads, 
farms,  streams,  woods,  cultivation,  &c.)  are  very  well  shown  ;  and  it  is  the  largest 
map  of  this  district  known  until  comparatively  modern  times.  Though  it  is  engraved 
on  six  copper  plates,  and  served  as  the  original  of  Ortelius'  map,  it  has  remained 
unknown  until  now,  and  the  Vatican  copy  is  unique.  Dr.  Ashby  has  written  the 
text  to  the  publication  in  facsimile  made  by  the  Vatican  Library  in  a  series  which 
it  is  now  issuing  ("Le  Piante  Maggiori  di  Roma  del  secoli  16°  e  17°"). 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  M. 


MAN,  1914. 


FIG.  i. 


FIG.  3. 


IMG.  4. 


FIG.  5.  FIG.  6. 

THE     STRIATION     OF     FLINT    SURFACES. 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  90, 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Archaeology.  With  Plate  M.  Moir. 

The  Striation  of  Flint  Surfaces.  By  J.  Reid  Moir,  F.G.S.  Qfl 

A  great  deal  of  prominence  has  been  lately  given  to  scratches  upon  the  Oil 
surface  of  broken  flints  by  Dr.  W.  Allen  Sturge,  who,  as  is  known,  has  in  a 
most  able  manner  called  attention  to  the  occurrence  of  these  markings  upon  flint 
implements  found  in  N.W.  Suffolk,  and  presumably  of  the  Neolithic  period.* 
Dr.  Sturge,  having  very  carefully  examined  these  striations,  believes  that  they  can 
only  be  accounted  for  by  supposing  at  least  six  minor  glaciations  to  have  occurred 
during  Neolithic  times,  and  that  consequently  the  advent  of  Neolithic  Man  must 
be  looked  for  about  200,000  years  ago. 

In  this  paper  I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  the  difficult  question  as  to  whether 
scratches  upon  flints  necessarily  indicate  a  period  of  glaciation. 

But  having  examined  a  large  series  of  striated  stones,  and  conducted  various 
experiments  in  which  the  hardness  of  flint  and  other  matters  were  investigated,  I  am 
anxious  to 'put  forward  certain  facts  which  have  been  ascertained,  and  which  appear 
to  me  to  have  rather  an  important  bearing  upon  the  nature  of  the  scratches  which 
are  developed  upon  the  surfaces  of  flints. 

I  will  first  deal  with  the  hardness  of  flint.  It  has  been  laid  down  as  an  axiom 
that  flint  is  so  hard  that  only  something  as  hard  or  harder  passing  over  it  under 
great  pressure  can  imprint  a  scratch  upon  its  surface. 

This  is  true,  but  only  true  when  applied  to  a  freshly-broken,  unchanged  sound 
flint. 

When,  however,  a  stone  has  been  exposed  to  atmospheric  conditions  upon  a 
land  surface,  it  undergoes  a  process  of  "  patination "  or  softening,  and  therefore  is 
no  longer  in  that  highly  resistant  condition  which  is  present  in  an  unpatinated 
sound  flint. 

I  have  tested  this  in  the  following  manner.  Having  broken  a  nodule  of  flint 
which  showed  a  black  unchanged  interior,  I  first  of  all  attempted  to  scratch  it  by 
drawing  the  sharp  point  of  another  piece  of  flint  across  its  surface,  but  found  that 
with  the  exertion  of  all  my  strength  I  was  hardly  able  to  mark  it  in  any  way.  I 
then  put  some  emery  powder,  mixed  with  oil,  upon  the  surface  of  the  stone  and 
tried  to  scratch  it  by  rubbing  with  all  my  force  with  another  flint  having  a  flat 
surface,  but  after  two  hours'  work  found  I  had  only  managed  to  produce  a  few 
very  minute  and  negligible  striae. 

I  then  turned  my  attention  to  flints  from  the  surface  of  the  fields,  which 
exhibit  various  degrees  of  "  patination,"  some  being  bluish  black,  others  a  light 
blue,  and  some  a  dense  white,  and  found  that  with  a  sharp-pointed  flint,  and  by 
using  all  my  strength,  I  could  just  mark  the  bluish  black  specimens,  while  with 
the  same  amount  of  pressure  it  was  possible  to  make  a  very  obvious  scratch  upon 
the  light  blue  examples. 

The  dense  white  flints  were  easily  scratched,  and  I  found  that  with  much  less 
pressure  I  could  cut  their  surfaces  deeply. 

To  my  surprise  I  also  found  that  with  a  hardened  steel  point  I  was  able  to 
produce  scratches  upon  these  various  specimens. 

These  experiments  showed  me  that  while  freshly-broken  unchanged  flint  is 
extremely  hard  and  difficult  to  scratch,  yet  this  same  material  when  exposed  for  a 
more  or  less  lengthened  period  upon  a  land  surface  undergoes  a  process  of  softening, 
and  is  in  consequence  much  more  easily  scratched. 

*  "  The  Chronology  of  the  Stone  Age,"  Proc.  East  Anglian  Prehlst.  Soc.,  W.  A.  Sturge,  Vol.  I, 
Part  1. 

[     177     J 


No.  90.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Having  recognised  these  facts,  and  that  the  depth  and  nature  of  a  scratch  must 
largely  depend  upon  the  condition  of  hardness  of  the  surface  to  be  scratched,  I 
concluded  that  a  certain  type  of  striation  would  be  present  upon  a  certain  type  of 
patinated  surface,  and  this  I  found  to  be  the  case. 

Dr.  Sturge  in  dealing  with  this  question  of  striated  flints  emphasizes  this 
association  of  scratches  and  patina,  and  concludes  that  each  different  type  of 
striation  represents  a  distinct  and  separate  glaciation  ("  The  Chronology  of  the  Stone 
Age,"  East  Anglian  Prehistoric  Soc.,  Vol.  I,  Part  1). 

He  also  calls  attention  to  the  reworked  stones  in  his  collection,  that  is,  those 
which  have  been  flaked  by  one  man  and  then  left  for  a  sufficiently  long  period  on 
a  land  surface  to  be  patinated,  and  afterwards  were  picked  up  by  a  much  later  man, 
whose  work  is  naturally  not  so  patinated  as  the  original  flaking. 

Dr.  Sturge  shows  how  the  striations  on  the  older  flaking  differ  from  those 
imprinted  upon  the  newer,  and  argues  that  two  ice  periods  must  be  postulated  to 
account  for  the  two  types  of  scratches. 

I,  on  the  contrary,  would  say  that  the  difference  in  the  scratches  upon  the 
older  and  newer  flaking  is  due  to  the  older  patina  being  more  deeply  cut  than  the 
newer  and  harder  surfaces. 

But  apart  from  this  question  of  the  softening  of  flint,  owing  to  the  "  weather- 
ing "  while  exposed  to  atmospheric  conditions,  there  is  another  very  important  factor 
governing  the  nature  of  scratches  upon  a  surface,  and  that  is  the  variable  hardness 
over  small  areas  of  that  surface. 

An  examination  of  a  series  of  patinated  flints  from  almost  any  horizon  will  show 
that  many  of  them  exhibit  this  unequal  hardness,  and  it  is  often  possible  to  see  a  large 
facet  caused  by  a  single  blow,  which  has  two  or  three  small  hard  portions  which  have 
withstood  the  patinating  process. 

I  would  liken  these  portions  to  the  cores  of  hard  material  which  occur  in  wood, 
and  in  many  cases  they  somewhat  resemble  them  in  appearance. 

But  there  are  other  flints  exhibiting  unequal  patination  over  one  facet,  and 
therefore,  I  hold,  an  unequal  hardness  of  the  surface.  These  flints,  however,  do  not 
show  any  marked  difference  of  texture  in  the  patinated  and  uupatinated  portions. 

I  have  tested  this  variable  hardness  of  flint  by  removing  a  flake  from  a  stone, 
and  having  noted  that  the  newly-broken  surface  of  the  flake  exhibits  to  the  naked 
eye  a  perfectly  homogeneous  texture,  have  subjected  it  to  various  solvents  which 
have  the  effect  of  simulating  patination.* 

In  some  cases  these  solvents  will  reveal  hard  portions  in  the  flint,  which  remain 
unaffected  while  the  surrounding  areas  are  altered. 

Now  suppose  such  a  surface  to  be  subjected  to  the  pressure  of  a  moving  point, 
and  it  will  be  seen  that  if  this  point  is  moving  from  one  side  of  the  flake  to  the 
other  it  will  come  into  contact  with  the  softer  patinated  surface  and  produce  a 
certain  kind  of  scratch  and  of  a  certain  depth. 

Then  if  the  track  of  the  moving  point  passes  over  one  of  these  harder  portions 
the  scratch  must  necessarily  alter  in  appearance,  and  may  disappear  altogether. 

After  the  resistant  area  is  passed  the  scratch  will  again  develop  in  size  and  depth,, 
according  to  the  hardness  of  the  surface  then  met  with. 

I  have  found  specimens  which  entirely  bear  out  the  truth  of  this  hypothesis. 

Flint  is  a  most  peculiar  substance  and  one  of  which  we  know  very  little  at 
present,  and  I  am  quite  unable  to  explain  why  its  mass  should  vary  so  much  in 
hardness,  but  that  it  does  so  is  nevertheless  certain. 

Thus  a  pressure   and  "  scratching  agent "    which    would   produce    a  well-marked 

*  This  effect  can  be  obtained  by  the  use  of  diluted  hydrofluoric  acid,  and  also  by  various  alkalis 
when  heated,  such  as  carbonate  of  soda,  &c. 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  90. 

striation  upon  one  flint  might  hardly  affect  another  stone  of  different  hardness  lying  in 
close  proximity,  and  I  think  that  perhaps  Dr.  Sturge  is  hardly  justified  in  concluding 
that  the  different  scratches  on  his  flints  have  been  produced  by  dissimilar  scratching 
materials. 

In  fact  I  do  not  consider  it  is  at  all  necessary  to  imagine  that  these  surface  flints 
have  been  exposed  to  six  or  more  different  scratching  agents  operating  at  different 
and  distinct  periods. 

Also,  even  supposing  moving  ice  with  stones  in  its  grip  to  have  been  the  cause 
of  the  striatious  upon  these  flints,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  conditions  of  a  land 
surface  are  such  as  to  make  it  highly  probable  that  all  sorts  of  striations  would  be 
developed  upon  the  flints  lying  on  that  land  surface. 

In  connection  with  the  question  of  the  different  sorts  of  scratches  which  appear 
upon  flint  surfaces,  I  may  mention  that  a  piece  of  ordinary  bottle  glass  which  I 
picked  up  from  the  surface  of  a  ploughed  field  shows  a  great  variety  of  scratches 
upon  its  surface. 

There  are  little  groups  of  parallel  scratches,  curved  and  straight  lines  also  appear, 
and  "  chattering  "  scratches  are  well  developed. 

Thus  while  I  do  not  wish  to  suggest  that  flint  is  as  easily  scratched  as  glass,  yet 
we  have  unassailable  evidence  that  various  kinds  of  scratches  can  be  imposed  upon  a 
piece  of  glass  while  lying  upon  the  present  land  surface,  and  further  we  know  that 
moving  ice  can  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  formation  of  such  scratches. 

The  character  and  depth  of  any  striations  must  in  a  great  measure  depend  upon 
the  hardness  of  the  surface  to  be  scratched,  and  broadly  speaking,  the  hardest  flints 
will  show  the  shallowest  scratches,  and  the  less  hard,  deeper  ones,  and  so  OD. 

I  now  come  to  the  second  part  of  my  paper,  which  deals  with  the  "  weathering 
out "  of  scratches  upon  flints. 

When  examining  heavily  striated  stones  such  as  occur  at  the  base  of  the  Red  Crag 
and  at  other  horizons,  I  had  always  had  a  difficulty  in  understanding  how  the  stones 
stood,  without  breaking,  the  pressure  to  which  they  must  have  been  subjected  when 
such  striations  were  being  imposed. 

This  difficulty  was  increased  when  I  found  that  thin  flakes  from  the  present  sur- 
face exhibited  well-marked  striae,  and  as  experiments  had  shown  me  that  even  large 
flints  will  break  up  under  no  very  great  pressure,  I  began  to  wonder  whether  it  was 
possible  that  these  scratches  had  altered  since  the  flints  were  first  subjected  to  the 
scratching  process. 

It  occurred  to  me  that  if  a  point  passed  over  a  flint  under  pressure  the  area  upon 
which  the  point  impinged  would  be  shattered,  and  that  small  plates  or  splinters  of 
flint  would  be  formed  along  the  line  of  movement. 

I  also  concluded  that,  as  with  the  thin  plates  which  are  produced  on  a  flint 
when  flaking,  and  which  are  not  found  upon  implements  which  have  been  exposed 
to  atmospheric  conditions,  these  fragments  of  flint  would  in  time,  by  thermal  effects, 
"  weather  out "  and  leave  a  clean-cut  groove  behind. 

This  was  my  theory,  and  I  proceeded  to  examine  a  series  of  scratched  flints  in 
my  collection  to  see  if  I  could  find  any  specimens  to  support  my  view. 

This  examination  showed  me  that  I  had  various  specimens  exhibiting  scratches 
in  different  stages  of  "  weathering." 

Thus  one  black  glossy  flint  given  me  by  Mr.  E.  St.  H.  Lingwood,  of  Westleton, 
Suffolk,  and  found  by  him  on  a  ploughed  field  at  that  place,  showed  a  "  shattered  " 
scratch  extending  for  about  1^  inches  across  its  surface. 

To  prove  that  such  a  scratch  could  easily  be  deepened,  I  attacked  part  of  it 
with  a  steel  probe,  and  found  that  I  could  easily  remove  the  thin  plates  of  flint 
which  had  been  produced  when  the  initial  shattering  took  place. 

[     173    ] 


90.]  MAN.  [1914. 

I  then  took  a  pointed  flint  flake  and  cleared  away  the  remaining  splinters  of 
flint  in  the  groove  I  had  made,  and  this  specimen  therefore  now  exhibits  a  scratch 
.showing  a  shattered  line  over  half  its  length,  and  the  other  half  a  deepish  groove. 

This  question  of  the  weathering  out  of  scratches  appears  to  me  to  be  of  some 
importance,  because  what  we  have  regarded  as  deep  strife  caused  by  immense  pressure 
are  in  all  probability  simply  weathered-out  shattered  scratches,  the  initial  stage  of 
which  would  not  require  any  very  great  pressure  to  produce. 

I  hold  that  every  scratch  imprinted  upon  a  flint  must  have  a  shattered  portion 
on  the  sides  and  floor  of  the  scratch,  and,  further,  that  this  shattered  portion  must, 
if  exposed  to  thermal  changes  on  a  land  surface,  "  weather  out,"  and  the  scratch,  in 
consequence,  alter  in  depth  and  appearance  until  all  the  thin,  shattered  fragments 
are  gone. 

If  a  flint  gets  striated  and  then  becomes  covered  by  some  impervious  material 
such  as  clay,  it  will  be  protected  from  thermal  changes,  and  no  weathering  out  of 
the  scratches  takes  place. 

This  seems  to  me  to  offer  an  explanation  for  the  smallness  of  the  stria?  on  the 
flints  from  the  Chalky  Boulder  Clay  as  compared  with  those  developed  on  stones  from 
below  the  Red  Crag. 

The  latter  were  scratched  and  then  exposed  on  the  pre-Crag  land  surface,  and 
•consequently  got  weathered  out,  while  those  in  the  Boulder  Clay  have  been  protected 
by  the  nature  of  the  material  in  which  they  lie,  and  many  of  them  exhibit  typical 
11  n weathered-out  scratches. 

Now  it  seems  to  me  impossible  to  believe  that  any  scratched  flint  could  be 
'subjected  to  thermal  changes  for  more  than  500  years  without  going  through  the 
^process  of  weathering-out  such  as  I  have  described.  (As  a  matter  of  fact  I  think 
it  would  be  a  much  shorter  period,  but  I  am  anxious  to  be  as  liberal  as  possible  in 
my  estimate  of  the  amount  of  time  required.) 

Therefore,  when  we  find  surface  flints  Avhich  exhibit  these  uuweathered-out 
•scratches,  Ave  may  well  ask  ourselves  when  the  markings  were  imposed  upon  them. 

If,  as  I  think  seems  reasonable,  the  thin  plates  of  shattered  flint  would  Aveatber 
out  in  500  years,  then  these  particular  stones,  at  any  rate,  must  have  been  scratched 
since  the  fifteenth  century,  and  as  we  know  that  this  country  has  not  been  glaciated 
since  that  date,  ice-action  is  accordingly  put  out  of  the  question. 

As  I  stated  earlier  in  this  paper,  I  do  not  wish  at  this  stage  of  my  researches 
to  put  forAvard  any  definite  views  as  to  the  means  by  which  these  various  stones 
have  been  striated,  but  Avith  these  facts  before  us,  and  bearing  in  mind  that  steel  Avill 
scratch  flints,  I  consider  it  needful  to  go  forAvard  very  carefully  in  this  matter,  and 
to  realise  that  Ayhile  moving  ice,  with  stones  in  its  grip,  has  no  doubt  scratched  some 
flints  found  in  some  deposits,  yet  certain  others  found  upon  the  surface  of  the 
ground  must  owe  their  striae  to  some  ordinary  every-day  occurrence  —  possibly 
-connected  with  agricultural  operations.  J.  REID  MOIR. 

EXPLANATION    OF    PLATE. 

MICRO-PHOTOGRAPHS  (BY  G.  G.  DAVEY,  IPSAVICH)  OF  SPECIMENS  MENTIONED 

IN  THIS  PAPER. 

No.  1. — Surface  of  hard,  slightly  patinated  flint  scratched  by  steel.  Notice  the 
thin  plates  of  flint,  which  weather  out  by  thermal  action,  formed  by  the  pressure  of 
the  moving  point. 

No.  2. — Surface  of  flint  patinated  more  deeply  than  No.  1  scratched  by  steel. 
Notice  the  thin  plates  of  flint  along  the  lines  where  the  pressure  has  acted. 

No.  3. — Surface  of  flint  patinated  white  and  scratched  by  steel.  Notice  how 
•deeply  the  steel  has  penetrated  into  this  comparatively  soft  surface. 

[     180     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  90-9L 

No.  4. — Surface  of  fliut  found  on  the  surface  of  the  ground  at  Westleton,. 
Suffolk.  Notice  the  thin  plates  of  flint,  as  in  No.  2,  formed  by  the  pressure  of  the 
moving  point  which  at  one  time  passed  over  it. 

No.  5. — Surface  of  flint  found  on  the  surface  of  the  ground,  and  showing 
typical  "  weathered-out "  scratches.  Notice  the  absence  of  any  of  the  thin  plates  of 
flint  as  shown  in  Nos.  1,  2,  and  4. 

No.  6. — Surface  of  a  piece  of  bottle  glass  found  upon  the  surface  of  the 
ground  at  Ipswich.  Notice  the  variety  of  scratches  which  have  been  imposed  upon 
this  specimen. 


Physical  Anthropology.  Read. 

On    the    Differentiation    of    Man    from     the     Anthropoids.*      /;//     Q4 

Professor   Carveth  Read,  M.A.  01 

Section  1. — The  hypothesis  put  forward  in  the  following  paper  has  already  been 
mentioned  from  time  to  time  by  one  author  and  another,  and  by  myself  in  The 
Metaphysics  of  Nature,  c.  xv,  s.  3,  and  in  Natural  and  Social  Morals,  c.  vii,  s.  2  ; 
but  has  never,  I  believe,  been  applied  to  the  elucidation  of  all  the  chief  features 
that  distinguish  man  from  his  nearest  zoological  relatives.  It  seems  worth  while 
to  attempt  this  task,  and,  as  many  of  the  considerations  to  be  offered  are  self-evident,, 
a  very  brief  statement  may  suffice. 

The  differences  between  man  and  his  nearest  relatives  are  innumerable  ;  but 
taking  the  chief  of  them,  and  assuming  that  the  minor  details  are  correlated  with 
these,  it  is  the  hypothesis  of  the  present  paper  that  all  of  them,  with  one  exception, 
may  be  traced  to  the  influence  of  one  variation  operating  amidst  the  original  anthro- 
poid conditions.  That  variation  was  the  adoption  of  a  flesh  diet,  and  the  habits  of 
a  hunter  in  order  to  obtain  it.  We  need  not  suppose  that  the  whole  species  varied 
in  this  way.  It  is  enough  that  a  few,  or  even  one,  should  have  done  so,  and  that 
the  variation  was  advantageous  and  was  inherited. 

That  such  a  variation  occurred  at  some  time  is  plain,  since  man  is  everywhere 
more  or  less  carnivorous  ;  the  earliest  known  men  were  hunters  ;  the  oldest  known 
artefacts  are  weapons.  And  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  change  began  at  the 
anthropoid  level,  because,  although  the  extant  anthropoids  are  mainly  frugivorous, 
yet  they  occasionally  eat  birds'  eggs  and  young  birds,  and  the  gibbon  has  been  said 
to  eat  small  mammals.  Other  Primates  (macaques  and  baboons)  sometimes  eat 
insects,  arachnids,  crabs,  worms,  frogs,  and  lizards. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  need  not  suppose  that  our  ancestors  became  exclusively 
carniverous.  A  mixed  diet  is  the  rule  even  amongst  hunting  tribes,  and  the  women 
everywhere  collect  and  consume  fruits  and  roots.  But,  if  at  first  nearly  omnivorous,. 
our  ancestor — it  is  assumed — soon  preferred  to  attack  mammals,  and  advanced  at  a 
remote  date  to  the  killing  of  the  biggest  game  found  in  his  habitat.  Everywhere 
savage  hunters  do  so  now  ;  the  little  Semang  kills  the  tiger,  rhinoceros,  elephant, 
and  buffalo ;  and,  many  thousands  of  years  ago,  men  slew  the  reindeer  and  the 
mammoth,  and,  under  more  genial  skies,  the  horse  and  the  bison. 

Such  a  variation  from  a  fruit-eating  to  a  hunting  life  must  have  been  very 
useful  by  opening  new  supplies  of  food.  The  new  pursuit  would  engross  most  of 
the  animal's  attention  and  co-ordinate  all  his  faculties,  and  to  support  and  reinforce 
it,  his  structure  may  reasonably  be  supposed  to  have  undergone  extensive  modification 
by  natural  selection,  because  those  individuals  that  were  at  any  point  best  adapted 
to  the  new  life  had  an  advantage,  which  was  inherited  and  gradually  intensified. 

*  This  paper  was  read    at   the  meeting  of   the  British  Association   in    Birmingham,  September 
1913,  in  Section  H. 


No,  91.]  MAN.  11914. 

Section  2. — Dividing  the  characters  that  distinguish  man  from  the  anthropoids 
into  (A)  those  of  habit  and  function,  and  (B)  those  of  structure,  it  will  be  convenient 
to  begin  with  the  former  (A) : — 

(1)  The   carnivorous  habit  explains    the    adaptation  of   our   species  to  a  ground- 
life  and  to  a  world-wide  diffusion.     For  this  can  have  happened  only  to  an  ape  that 
found  its  Pood  chiefly  on  the  ground,  and  was  no  longer  dependent  on  the  fruits  and 
highly  nutritious  vegetable    products    of    the    tropical    forests.       And    this    would    be 
possible   only   to    one  that    had    either    become    carnivorous  or    else    had    taken    to    a 
coarser  diet    of  roots  and    herbage,  such  as  suffices    the  ungulates.     That  our  species 
ever  adopted  the  latter  alternative  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence.      Had  it  done 
so    our  alimentary  canal  would    probably  have    lengthened.       And    such   a  change  of 
habit  would  throw  no  light  upon  anything  else  in  our  history. 

(2)  That    the    earliest    known    men    were    hunters,  and    that    the    oldest    known 
artefacts    are    weapons,    agrees    with   our    hypothesis.     Any    other    hypothesis    must 
explain  how  they  came  to  be  so. 

(3)  Man  alone  of   the  higher  Primates  is  social  and  co-operative.     The  gibbon, 
indeed,  may  be  called  social,  but    hardly  co-operative.     Baboons  seem  to  go  furthest 
in  co-operation.     The  most  backward  men  are  most  co-operative  in  hunting,  war,  and 
tribal  ceremonies. 

That  the  large  anthropoids  are  not  gregarious  and  co-operative  follows  from  the 
want  of  any  object  for  co-operation.  Man  found  this  object  in  the  chase.  Spencer, 
indeed,  says  that  a  large  carnivore  capable  of  killing  its  own  prey  profits  by  being 
solitary.  When  man,  however,  first  pursued  game,  especially  big  game  (not  being 
by  ancient  adaptation,  (in  instinct  and  structure,  a  carnivore),  he  may  have  been, 
and  probably  was,  incapable  of  killing  his  prey  single-handed  ;  and,  if  so,  he  would 
profit  by  being  both  social  and  co-operative  in  hunting,  like  the  wolves  and  dogs,  a 
sort  of  wolf-ape.  The  pack  was  a  means  of  increasing  the  supply  of  food  ;  and 
gregariousness  increased  by  selection.  Hence  in  character  man  is  more  like  the  dog 
than  he  is  like  any  other  animal. 

It  cannot,  indeed,  be  supposed  that  man  began  by  attacking  big  game  without 
weapons  ;  and  it  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  he  first  invented  weapons,  and 
then  attacked  his  prey.  That  is  psychologically  impossible.  But  if  he  began  with 
small  game,  learned  slowly  to  make  feeble  weapons  and  snares  for  dealing  with 
them,  and  later  attacked  larger  game  and  improved  his  weapons,  co-operation  must 
have  been  useful  at  every  step. 

(4)  Man    has    lost   the    restraint    of    seasonal    marriage    (common    to    the    gorilla 
and    orang  with    other    animals,  as    determined    by  food  supply,  and  other  conditions 
of  infantile  welfare)  ;    though  according  to  Westermarck,  traces  of  it  survive  in  a  few 
tribes.     That  our  domestic   carnivores  have   also    lost  this    restraint,  points,  probably, 
to    some    condition    of    a    steadier    food-supply  as    determining,  or   permitting,  such   a 
change  in  ourselves. 

The  growth  of  prudence,  however,  and  a  habit  of  laying  up  stores,  does  not 
explain  the  steadier  supply  of  food,  because  many  savages  have  no  prudence  and  no 
stores.  Prudence  is  a  separate  instinct,  not  a  function  of  intelligence. 

On  the  whole,  the  change  may  be  attributed  (a)  to  an  omnivorous  habit  being 
more  steadily  supplied  than  one  exclusively  herbivorous  or  carnivorous  ;  (6)  to  our 
ancestors  having  wandered,  in  pursuit  of  game,  from  country  to  country,  in  which 
the  seasons  varied  ;  so  that  the  original  correspondence  of  birth-time  and  abundant 
food  (with  other  conditions  of  welfare)  was  thrown  out.  But  there  may  also  have 
been  causes  that  kept  down  the  normal  numbers  of  the  pack,  so  as  to  be  equivalent 
to  an  increased  supply  of  food,  in  scarce  seasons.  The  hunter's  great  change  of  life, 
whilst  securing  a  fuller  normal  supply  of  food  involved  many  destructive  incidents. 

[  182  ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  91, 

And  this  (by  the  way)  would  be  favourable  to  rapid  selection  and  adaptation  ; 
although,  if  the  destruction  had  been  great  enough  to  counter-balance  the  advantage 
of  animal  food,  it  must  have  frustrated  the  whole  experiment. 

(5)  Articulate  speech  may  confidently  be  traced  to  social  co-operation  ;  since,  had 
family  life  been  sufficient  for  its  development,  the  chimpanzee  and  gorilla  should  have 
talked  ;    or  if   social    life    merely,    the    gibbon  ;    for   he,  the    most    social,  is  also  the 
most  vocal  of    the    anthropoids.     But  co-operation  in  what  ?     Industry    is    later  than 
hunting ;    and,   apparently,  even   the    industry    of   making    primitive  weapons    is    not 
at    first    co-operative.      In  hunting,    then  ?     In    hunting,   and    in    planning    the    hunt, 
articulate   speech   is    plainly  useful  ;    and   it   is   better    than   gesture   (which    probably 
preceded  it),  because  it  can   go   on   whilst   the   hands   and    whole  body  are   otherwise 
employed,  and  when  comrades   cannot    see    one    another.       It   is   only,  of  course,  the 
beginnings    of    articulate    speech    that    may    be    traced    to    co-operative    hunting,    not 
the    subsequent    development  ;      but    the    beginning    is    the    chief    difficulty.      The 
situation  was  particularly  favourable  to    the  beginning    of    language    by  onomatopaea, 
imitating  the  noises  of  animals  and  of  the  weapons  and  actions  employed  in  pursuing 
and  slaying  them. 

(6)  Wrought  weapons  and  snares  are  obviously  the  products  of  a  hunter.     War, 
indeed,  calls  for  weapons  ;    but    is    it    not  reasonable  to  suppose  that   the    first    wars 
were  waged  for  the  possession    of  hunting    grounds  ?      Wrought  weapons    imply  the 
use  of  tools,  and  the  development  of  the  constructive  instinct. 

(7)  The    production  of  fire  by  the  flaking  of  flints  or  by  the  rubbing   of    sticks 
together    may    easily    have    been    discovered    in    the    making    of    weapons.       Sparks 
produced  in  the  flaking  of  flints,  where  there  were  chips  and  dust  from    the  making 
of    spears,  or    merely  dry  leaves    about,  are    very  likely  to  have    lit  fires   again    and 
again  ;  or  in  the  polishing  of  a  spear  or  arrow  with  another  piece  of  wood  fire  may 
often  have  been  produced  by  friction.      And  such  things  must  have  happened   many 
times    before    man    could    learn    (a)  the    connection    of   events,  (6)  the   uses   of   fire, 
(c)  purposely  to  produce  it,  (<f)  how  to  control  it.     The  second  and  fourth  of  these 
acquisitions    are    much    more    difficult    than    the    mere    making    of    fire,    and    are    all 
important.      But  a  million  years  is  a  moderate  estimate  of  the  time  at    his    disposal 
for  the  task  of  learning  them. 

Either  by  chipping  flints  or  by  polishing  spears  it  is  far  easier,  and  a  more 
probable  way,  to  acquire  the  art  of  making  fire  than  by  observing  the  friction  of 
dried  boughs  that  sometimes  catch  fire,  because  these  processes  include  the  very 
actions  which  the  art  employs.  Volcanoes  have  been  pointed  to  as  a  possible  source 
of  fire,  and  in  the  myth  Demeter  is  said  to  have  lit  torches  at  the  crater  of  Etna, 
but  such  a  method  is  fit  for  a  goddess.  Fire  at  first  must  have  excited  terror. 
Until  uses  were  known  for  fire  and  how  to  control  it,  no  one  could  have  begun  by 
getting  it  from  a  volcano  (supposing  it  possible),  nor  by  imitating  the  friction  of 
boughs.  It  seems  necessary  to  suppose  a  series  of  accidents  at  each  step,  in  order 
to  show  the  effects  of  fire  in  hardening  wood,  cooking  game,  and  so  forth. 

(8)  As  to  the  intelligence  and  extensive  knowledge  (compared  with  anthropoids) 
which  distinguish  Man  in  his  lowest  known    condition,  it  is  not  enough  to  say  that 
it  needs  more  intelligence  to  catch  a  rabbit  than    to    pluck  a  banana,  for  a  dog    can 
catch  a  rabbit,  though  less  intelligent  than  a  gorilla. 

Man  started  from  the  high  anthropoid  level.  His  olfactory  sense  had  decayed  ; 
he  could  not  track  like  a  dog,  and  had  never  been  adapted  to  hunting  ;  but 
depending  upon  sight  and  hearing,  he  had  to  learn  by  observation  all,  and  more 
than  all,  that  the  carnivore  knows  instinctively,  or  by  following  its  mother,  and  this 
he  added  to  the  (no  doubt)  considerable  knowledge  of  country  that  the  anthropoid 
possesses. 

[    183    ] 


No.   91.]  MAN.  [1914. 

He  must  have  learned  to  discriminate  all  sorts  of  animals  ;  their  reactions  <o 
himself,  manner  of  flight,  attack,  or  defence  ;  the  spoor  of  each  and  its  noises  ;  its 
habits  and  haunts,  where  it  reposed  or  went  to  drink,  where  to  set  snares  or  lie  in 
wait  for  it.  He  must  have  adapted  his  weapons  to  his  prey,  must  have  learnt  the 
best  wood  or  stone  for  making  weapons,  the  best  materials  for  snares,  and  where  to 
find  them.  He  must  have  fixed  in  his  mind  this  series — game,  Aveapons,  the  making 
of  them,  materials,  where  found  ;  and  must  have  learned  to  attend  to  the  items  of 
the  series  in  the  necessary  order  without  impatience  or  confusion,  a  task  far  beyond 
the  power  of  any  other  animal. 

Add  to  this  the  hunter's  knowledge  of  locality  always  extending,  with  the 
beginnings  of  articulate  speech,  and  the  superiority  of  the  lowest  savage  over  an 
anthropoid  in  knowledge  and  intelligence  is  sufficiently  explained. 

Section  3. — Turning  to  structural  differences  (B)  : — 

(1)  The  changes  involved  in  the  erect  gait  (imperfectly  attained  by  the  gibbon), 
as  the  normal  mode  of  progression — namely,  the  modification  of  the  vertebral  column, 
the    balancing   of    the    head    upon    a    relatively  slender  neck,  changes  in  the    joints, 
bones,  and  muscles  of  the  legs,  the  lengthening  of  the  legs  and  the  specialisation  of 
the  foot,  in  which  the  heel  is  developed  more  than  in  the  gorilla  and  the  great   toe 
lies    parallel    with    the    other    toes — all    changes  in    these  directions   will   have   been 
preserved  and  accumulated  by  natural  selection,  if  the  most  successful  hunters    were 
those  who  followed  their  prey  on  the  ground  and,  at  last,  afoot. 

We  may  suppose  that  at  first  prey  was  sometimes  attacked  by  leaping  upon  it 
from  the  branch  of  a  tree,  as  leopards  sometimes  do ;  but  the  less  our  ancestor 
trusted  to  trees,  the  better  for  him  in  his  new  career. 

(2)  The  specialization  of  the    legs    and  feet,  as  it  proceeded,  made  possible   the 
specialization  of  the  hands  (Darwin  :  Descent  of  Man,  c.  2).      The   development   of 
the  hands  may  be  referred  to  the  using  and    making  of  weapons.      Those    who    had 
the  best   hands  were  selected,  because  they  made  the  best  weapons   and   used   them 
best. 

(3)  The  reduction  of  the  arms  in  length  and  massiveness  may  be  explained  by — 

(a)  Physiological  compensation  for  the  growth  of  the  legs  ; 
(6)  Mechanical  compensation  by  the  use  of  weapons  ; 
(c)  Lessening   of   the   weight    of    the    body,   and    the    improving    of    the 
balance  and  agility  of  a  runner. 

(4)  The  shortening  of  the  muzzle  and  the    reduction  of  the   massiveness    of   the 
jaws  and  teeth  also  followed  upon  the  use  of  weapons.     {Descent  of  Man,  c.  2.) 

(5)  The  skull  became  less  thick  and  rough,  because — 

(a)  As   the    hands,  using  weapons,  superseded  the  teeth  in  fighting,  jaws 
and   neck   grew   less    massive   and    no    longer    needed    such    solid 
attachments  {Descent  of  Man,  c.  2)  ;  and 
(6)  Because    the   head  was    less    liable  to  injury  when  no  longer  used  as 

the  chief  organ  in  combat. 

At  the  same  time  the  skull  increased  in  capacity,  to  make  room  for  the  brains 
of  an  animal  that  acquired  much  knowledge  (parietal  association  area),  and  lived  by 
the  application  of  its  knowledge  to  the  co-ordination  of  its  very  complex  activities 
(anterior  association  area),  including  language  (Broca's  convolution). 

The  development  of  the  brain  was  elucidated  by  Professor  Elliot  Smith  in  his 
deeply-instructive  address  to  this  Section  last  year.  It  is  the  indispensable  condition 
of  human  progress,  and  is,  indeed,  the  fact  itself  (physically  considered)  rather  than 
the  cause  of  it. 

(6)  As    to    the   alimentary  canal,  anthropologists  whom   I    have    consulted   agree 
that,  in  consequence   of   the   adoption  by   man  of   a  flesh  diet,  we   should  expect  it 

[     184     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  91. 

to  be  shorter  in  man  than  in  the  anthropoids,  but  there  is  not  much  evidence 
adducible.  Topinard,  giving  a  proportionate  estimate,  says  that  in  man  it  is  about 
six  times  the  length  of  the  body,  in  the  gibbon  about  eight  times.  Dr.  A.  Keith, 
in  a  private  communication  with  which  he  has  kindly  favoured  me,  says  that  "  the 
"  adult  chimpanzee's  intestine  is  slightly  longer  than  adult  man's,"  but  that  the 
measurements  are,  for  certain  reasons,  unsatisfactory.  Moreover,  there  have  not 
been  enough  measurements  of  adult  chimpanzees. 

We  must  remember,  too,  that  probably  man  has  been  at  no  time  exclusively 
carnivorous,  and  that  in  many  countries,  since  the  introduction  of  agriculture 
(comparatively  recent)  he  has  returned  to  vegetarianism. 

(7)  There  is  one  characteristic  difference  of  man  from  the  anthropoids   of  which 
the    carnivorous    habit    of    man    affords    no    satisfactory    explanation — his    relatively 
naked    skin.       It    might   be    suggested    that,  on  leaving  the  tropical  forest  and  pene- 
trating  into    colder    regions,  he    began    to    cover    himself  with  the  skins  of  his  prey, 
and  lost  his   own  fur,  and    that    those    of    the    species  who  subsequently  returned    to 
the    tropics    discarded    their    clothes,    and    underwent   a   further   adaptation   in    colour 
to  the   conditions   of    heat    and   moisture.      But  these  are  suppositions,  and  objections 
to    them    are    obvious.      Darwin's    hypothesis    of    sexual    selection,  as  explaining   this 
matter,  still  seems  to  be  the  best  we  have. 

(8)  The    extraordinary   variability   of    man    in    stature,  shape    of    skull,  size    and 
power  of  brain,  colour,  &c.,  both  in  races  and  in  individuals,  may  be  referred — 

(a)  To    his    having    been    adapted    to   various    conditions   whilst    wandering    over 

the  world  in  quest  of  game.     Hence  the  differentiation  of  races. 
(6)  To  his  having  been  nowhere  determinately  adapted  (as  we  see  most  species 
of   animals),  because    of    his   frequent    resumption    of  wandering,   and    the 
recency    of    his    whole    specialisation.       Hence    the    differences    amongst 
individuals, 
(c)   To    the    intermarriage    of    races  ;     whence    the    difficulty    of     satisfactorily 

classifying  them  at  the  present  day. 

(eQ  As  to  the  brain  especially — to  the  advantage  of  variability  to  every  pack  or 
tribe,  in  providing  leaders,  first  in  the  chase  and  later  in  war.  A  good 
democrat  may  think  it  would  have  been  a  better  plan  to  make  all  men 
equal  from  the  first.  But  the  pack  could  not  have  held  together  in  the 
early  days  of  gregariousness  if  all  had  been  equal,  and  each  had 
exercised  the  right  of  private  judgment.  So  one  led  and  the  rest 
followed,  as  they  still  do. 

Section  4. — Beyond  these  considerations  lie  many  others  concerning  the  moral 
and  political  development  of  human  societies.  Cannibalism,  for  example,  supposing 
it  to  have  been  once  a  general  practice,  prior  to  its  special  manifestations  under 
magical  and  religious  ideas,  may  have  been  merely  an  extension  of  the  practice  of 
eating  game  to  include  the  slain  members  of  hostile  hordes  ;  for  as  primitive  man 
no  doubt  regarded  other  animals  as  upon  the  same  level  with  himself,  so  he  will 
have  regarded  human  enemies  as  on  the  same  footing  with  the  animals.  That  true 
carnivores  are  not  generally  cannibals  may  be  put  down  to  their  more  ancient  and 
complete  adaptation  to  a  predatory  life.  For  them  cannibalism  would  be  too  destruc- 
tive, and  for  us  it  belongs  to  the  experimental  stage  of  development,  but  we  are 
still  too  capable  of  cruelty.  Again,  early  Art,  Magic,  and  Religion  owe  much  to 
the  savage's  intense  interest  in  animals.  Many  of  our  games,  our  sports,  and  even 
serious  pursuits,  as  of  money,  and  even  of  scientific  truth,  and  the  plots  of  fiction, 
are  full  of  the  interest  of  the  chase.  But  to  treat  of  these  matters  and  other  con- 
sequences in  politics  and  morals  it  would  be  necessary  to  introduce  many  premises 
besides  the  two  relied  on  in  this  paper,  that  we  are  descended  from  an  anthropoid, 

[     185    ] 


Nos,  91-92.]  MA.N.  [1914. 

and  that  we  are  beasts  of  prey.  Every  advance  in  culture  makes  society  more 
complex,  and  obscures  the  influence  of  any  one  cause. 

Let  me  draw  attention  once  more  to  the  simplicity  of  the  hypothesis.  It  is 
admitted  that  man's  ancestor  was  a  large  anthropoid — possibly  more  gregarious  than 
other  large  anthropoids,  possibly  more  apt  to  live  upon  the  ground,  but  neither  of 
these  suppositions  is  required.  He  was  adapted  to  his  life  as  the  gorilla  and  chim- 
panzee are  to  theirs,  in  which  they  have  probably  gone  on  with  little  change  for 
ages.  But  with  him  a  disturbing  impulse  arose  (which,  knowing  no  better,  we  call 
an  accidental  variation),*  namely,  a  special  appetite  for  animal  food.  Not  the  whole 
species  need  have  felt  this  impulse  ;  it  is  enough  that  a  few  should  have  done  so, 
or  even  one.  If  advantageous  and  inheritable,  it  would  spread  through  his  descen- 
dants. There  was  an  advantage  (1)  in  extending  the  supply  of  food,  (2)  in  enabling 
them  to  leave  the  tropical  forest,  and  (3)  to  escape  the  competition  of  other 
Primates.  On  the  other  hand,  it  brought  them  into  competition  with  the  true 
camivora.  Against  them,  as  well  as  against  game,  they  had  hands  and  intelligence 
capable  of  making  and  using  weapons  ;  and  the  necessity  of  contending  with  the  car- 
nivores must  have  given  advantage  to  structures,  activities,  and  types  of  character 
that  were  also  useful  in  dealing  with  the  biggest  game.  Struggle  intensified  the 
process  of  selection.  They  combined  and  co-operated,  and  learnt  to  direct  co-opera- 
tion by  some  rudimentary  speech. 

Here  nothing  is  assumed,  except  the  special  appetite  for  flesh  ;  other  anthro- 
poids go  a  good  deal  upon  the  ground  ;  they  have  hands  and  feet ;  they  sometimes 
take  animal  food  ;  they,  or  other  Primates,  sometimes  use  unwrought  weapons  ;  most 
Primates  are  more  or  less  gregarious,  and  (especially  baboons)  are  co-operative  at 
least  in  defence  ;  and  since  wolves  co-operate  in  hunting  this  cannot  be  impossible 
for  anthropoids  ;  the  Primates,  and  many  other  animals,  use  gestures  and  inarticulate 
vocal  signs.  Few  hypotheses  ask  us  to  grant  less  than  this  one. 

Finally,  if  this  hypothesis  is  not  true,  man  is  an  exception  to  the  rule  of 
animal  life,  that  the  structure  of  every  organism  is  made  up  of  apparatus  subserving 
its  peculiar  conditions  of  nutrition  and  reproduction.  The  latter  need  not  be  con- 
sidered here,  as  the  reproductive  apparatus  is  the  same  in  the  anthropoids  and 
ourselves.  With  many  species,  indeed,  to  avoid  being  eaten,  and  to  mate,  are  the 
reasons  for  some  secondary  characters,  such  as  protective  armour  or  colouration, 
fleetuess  with  its  correlative  structures,  nuptial  plumage,  &c.  But  to  avoid  being 
eaten,  or  to  mate,  it  is  first  of  all  necessary  to  live  and  eat,  and  accordingly  for  each 
sort  of  animal,  its  structure  and  activities  (except  in  relation  to  offspring),  starting 
from  the  organisation  of  some  earlier  stock,  are  determined  in  almost  every  modifi- 
cation by  the  kind  of  food  it  gets  and  the  conditions  of  getting  it ;  in  our  case  a 
flesh  diet,  obtained  by  hunting  game  afoot.  CARVETH  READ. 


REVIEWS. 
Religion.  Frazer. 

Adonis,  AtttSi  Osiris:  Studies  in  the  History  of  Oriental  Religion.  By  QO 
J.  G-.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.  3rd  edition,  revised  and  enlarged,  Ufc 
2  vols.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  1914. 

The    third    edition    of    these    volumes,    which    form    Part    IV.    of    The    Golden 

*  Mr.  G.  A.  Garfitt  has  suggested  to  me  that  a  cause  of  the  variation  may  perhaps  be  found,  if  we 
suppose  that  our  anthropoid  ancestor  lived  on  the  northern  limits  of  the  tropical  forest,  and  that  he 
took  to  animal  food  when  a  fall  of  temperature  began  to  affect  his  habitat  and  decreased  the  supply  of 
suitable  vegetable  food.  The  more  southerly  anthropoids  did  not  suffer  from  this  change,  and  so 
remained  as  we  see  them.  It  is  known  that  a  large  anthropoid  (Dryopithecus")  inhabited  Central  Europe 
in  the  Miocene  ;  there  may  have  been  others,  and  during  that  period  the  climate  changed  from 
sub-tropical  to  temperate,  with  corresponding  alterations  of  fauna  and  flora. 

[     186    ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  92. 

Bough,  has  been  published  since  that  of  the  final  part.  The  revisions  and 
enlargements  have  approximately  doubled  its  original  size.  But  they  have  not 
materially  altered  the  author's  views  of  any  of  the  great  personages  of  Oriental 
mythology  with  whom  he  is  here  concerned. 

The  minute  and  careful  examination  that  the  rites  and  mythology  of  these 
three  divinities,  and  the  local  environment  and  the  history  (as  far  as  we  know  it) 
of  the  peoples  who  worshipped  them,  receive  at  the  hands  of  the  author,  combine 
to  make  this  one  of  the  most  interesting  divisions  of  his  monumental  work.  He 
has  lavished,  moreover,  all  his  eloquence  and  -learning  in  describing  the  scenes  of 
their  tragic  stories.  On  the  whole  his  view  of  their  origin  must  commend  itself  to 
the  dispassionate  reader.  All  three  of  them  seem  to  have  been  personifications  of 
the  annual  decay  and  revival  of  vegetable  life  with  the  winter  and  spring,  and 
specifically  of  the  processes  of  agriculture.  The  analogies  between  vegetable  and 
animal  life,  so  widely  if  not  universally  drawn  by  mankind,  would  naturally  extend 
the  significance  of  the  god  and  his  festival  to  the  latter.  In  Egypt,  in  particular, 
we  know  that  the  resurrection  of  Osiris  was  regarded  as  a  pledge  of  the  life  after 
death  of  his  worshippers.  Professor  Frazer  conjectures  with  much  probability  that 
the  great  festival  at  Sais  was  in  honour  of  the  dead  at  large — was,  in  fact,  a 
festival  of  All  Souls,  "  when  the  ghosts  of  the  dead  swarmed  in  the  streets  and 
"  revisited  their  old  homes,  which  were  lit  up  to  welcome  them  back  again." 

But  with  regard  to  Osiris,  in  the  new  edition  he  goes  a  step  further,  and 
argues  that'Osiris  may  have  been  once  a  real  living  man  who  had  been  apotheosized, 
though  he  forbears  to  give  a  decided  opinion.  It  is  a  point  on  which  a  wholesome 
scepticism  may  be  indulged.  The  worship  of  the  dead  is  very  widespread.  But 
wherever  we  have  been  able  to  verify  its  objects,  it  is  the  recently  dead  alone  who 
are  really  worshipped  ;  the  older  dead  sink  gradually  out  of  memory,  and  their  places 
are  taken  by  those  whose  living  power  has  impressed  the  witnesses  of  their  deeds. 
I  have  argued  elsewhere  that  the  evidence  that  Kibuka,  the  war  god  of  the 
Baganda,  was  a  man,  is  far  from  satisfactory,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  personal 
relics  said  to  be  his  are  preserved  and  now  in  the  Ethnological  Museum  at 
Cambridge.  I  see  no  reason  for  withdrawing  that  opinion,  nor  for  holding  that 
Nyakang,  the  legendary  founder  of  the  dynasty  of  Shilluk  kings,  ever  lived  in 
human  form.  If  Osiris  was  a  man,  why  not  also  Attis  and  Adonis  ?  If  the 
ceremonies  of  Attis  and  Adonis  have  been  developed  out  of  a  vaguer  periodic  ritual, 
if  their  mythical  forms  have  been  gradually  condensed  from  a  pre-existing  nebulous 
rite,  according  to  the  rule  of  which  Professor  Frazer  himself  has  been  so  dis- 
tinguished and  successful  an  exponent,  or  if,  as  he  here  suggests,  their  pathetic 
figures  have  sprung  from  the  meditations  of  Oriental  sages,  why  not  that  of  Osiris 
also  ?  In  his  case  the  practices  with  reference  to  sprouting  grain  beyond  all 
reasonable  doubt  identify  him  with  the  corn.  That  the  tomb  of  the  early  King 
Khent  at  Abydos  was  held  in  "  later  ages  "  to  be  Khent  of  Osiris  is  by  itself  of 
very  small  weight.  What  we  must  know  to  make  it  of  value  is  why  it  was  s-o 
held.  The  "  later  ages  "  which  identified  the  tomb  as  that  of  Osiris  may  have  had 
no  reason  that  sound  criticism  would  hold  valid.  They  may  even  have  known 
nothing  more  of  King  Khent  than  we  do.  They  may  simply  have  affixed  the  name 
of  Osiris  to  the  tomb  as  being  the  oldest  royal  tomb  they  could  find.  The  mere 
fact  of  their  euhemerism  is  in  any  case  no  justification  for  ours. 

The  exposition  of  Osiris  has  been  much  elaborated  in  the  new  edition,  and 
occupies,  Avith  incidental  discourses  and  other  matters,  the  whole  of  the  second 
volume.  Such  digressions,  always  a  featuie  of  The  Golden  Bough,  demand  u 
leisurely  reading  of  the  other  work  ;  but  they  are  greatly  to  the  profit  of  the  attentive 
reader,  by  bringing  varied  facts  together  for  comparison,  even  though  apparently 

[  187  ] 


No.  92,]  MAN.  [1914. 

remote  from  the  main  subject.  That  the  student  who  accepts  Dr.  Frazer's  general 
position  will  invariably  find  himself  in  agreement  with  him  on  the  issues  raised,, 
or  that  he  will  be  left  without  queries  now  and  again,  is,  of  course,  not  to  be 
expected.  Science  is  progressive,  and  it  progresses  by  both  research  and  discussion. 

One  of  these  digressions  is  the  interesting  chapter  on  "  Volcanic  Religions." 
Though  it  leads  to  a  negative  conclusion,  in  so  far  as  regards  a  connection  between 
the  Asiatic  custom  of  burning  kings  or  gods  and  the  volcanic  phenomena  of  the 
region,  it  can  by  no  means  be  considered  useless.  And  we  heartily  agree  that  "  the 
"  whole  subject  of  the  influence  which  physical  environment  has  exercised  on  the 
"  history  of  religion  deserves  to  be  studied  with  more  attention  than  it  has  yet 
"  received."  But  it  must  be  considered  together  with,  and  not  apart  from,  the  entire 
culture  of  which  religion  is  only  one  aspect. 

Another  such  digression  is  on  the  influence  of  the  system  of  mother-kin  on 
religion.  While  a  trace  of  the  mistaken  theories  of  Bachofen  (who  rendered  great 
service  in  first  calling  attention  to  the  question  of  the  position  of  women  in  early 
culture)  lingers  in  the  common  but  careless  use  of  the  word  matriarchy  to  describe 
the  system  of  descent  through  women  only,  it  was  well  for  Dr.  Frazer  to  lend  the 
weight  of  his  authority  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  mother-kin  by  no  means  implies 
mother-rule.  I  am  doubtful,  however,  of  the  general  proposition  that  "  men  make 
"  gods  and  women  worship  them."  Emotion  took  fully  as  large  a  part  in  the 
creation  of  gods  as  reason,  and  women  share  emotion  on  at  least  equal  terms  with  men. 
The  influence  of  women  in  elevating  the  Virgin  Mary  to  the  position  she  holds  in  the 
religion  of  half  Christendom  can  hardly  be  questioned.  Whether  mother-kin  be  favour- 
able to  the  growth  of  mother-goddesses  or  not  is  "  a  pretty  quarrel  as  it  stands  " 
between  Dr.  Frazer  and  Dr.  Farnell,  which  it  would  be  desirable  to  see  fought  out. 
It  is  true  at  any  rate  "  that  in  primitive  communities  the  social  relations  of  the  gods 
"  commonly  reflect  the  social  relations  of  their  worshippers."  Dr.  Frazer  illustrates 
the  statement  by  saying,  "  Thus  the  union  of  Osiris  with  his  sister  Isis  was  not  a 
"  freak  of  the  story-teller's  fancy  ;  it  reflected  a  social  custom  which  was  itself 
*'  based  on  practical  considerations  of  the  most  solid  kind,"  namely,  "  a  wish  to  keep 
"  the  property  in  the  family."  Before  we  conclude  that  this  was  the  real  reason  for 
such  unions  we  must  know  how  far  down  in  Egyptian  society  the  custom  penetrated. 
We  are  told  it  would  "  be  a  mistake  to  treat  these  marriages  as  a  relic  of  savagery." 
Does  not  the  story  of  the  marriage  of  Isis  with  Osiris  go  back  to  primitive  times  ? 
If  so,  can  the  practice  of  sister-marriage  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  family  pro- 
perty in  the  hands  of  the  brothers  be  traced  to  the  same  early  period  ?  Mother-right 
(or  mother-kin,  as  it  is  here  called)  knew  other  and  quite  as  effective  means  for  this 
purpose,  without  resorting  to  what  we  call  incest.  And  did  Zeus  wed  Hera  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  the  property  in  the  family  ? 

On  these  and  various  other  questions  we  have  our  doubts.  But  they  are  sub- 
sidiary ;  they  cannot  hinder  us  from  recognising  afresh  the  importance  of  the 
contribution  made  in  the  work  before  us  to  the  history  of  religion.  After  eight 
years'  reflection  since  the  original  edition  was  published,  on  the  contrary,  we  must 
reaffirm  it.  In  the  whole  series  of  The  Golden  Bough  these  volumes  will  take  their 
place  as  assuredly  not  the  least  valuable. 

As  I  write,  the  news  comes  of  the  honour  conferred  by  the  State  upon  the 
eminent  author.  Never  was  honour  more  richly  deserved,  or  conferred  more  honour 
on  the  State  itself  by  its  acceptance.  Our  cordial  congratulations  to  Sir  James 
Frazer  are  reinforced  by  the  satisfaction  that  at  last  anthropology  is  coming  to  hold 
her  due  place  in  national  regard — a  place  that  his  works  have  done  so  much -during 
the  last  five-and  twenty  years  to  secure.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 


1914.]  MAX.  [No.  93. 

Africa,  South.  Ellenberger. 

History  of  the  li'inudt,  Air-ioif  int'l  M  )rl;-rn.  Compiled  by  D.  Fred.  Ellen-  QQ 
berger,  V.D.M.,  and  wriiteu  in  English  by  J.  C.  Macgregor,  Assistant-Corn-  Oil 
missioner,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Basuto  Government.  London,  1912  :  Caxton 
Publishing  Company. 

Mr.  Macgregor,  who  has  already  done  meritorious  work  in  collecting  Basil  to 
traditions,  has  earned  a  further  measure  of  gratitude  by  making  M.  Ellenberger's 
French  notes  available  for  a  wider  public  than  they  would  otherwise  have  reached. 
Collected  during  a  period  of  forty-five  years,  and  relating,  in  many  cases,  to  matters 
now  beyond  the  reach  of  inquiry,  their  value  can  hardly  be  over-estimated.  We  could 
wish  that  M.  Ellenberger  had,  in  some  cases,  shown  a  more  critical  spirit,  and  it  may 
be  doubted  whether  his  theory  that  the  "  painter  Bushmen  "  are  identical  with  the 
"Canaanitish  Horim  "  will  find  a  ready  acceptance.  It  may  be  remembered  that,  in 
Miss  Lloyd's  opinion,  even  Gr.  W.  Stow  (whom  M.  Ellenberger  sites  as  his  authority 
for  the  two  races  of  Bushmen)  went  too  far  in  assuming  the  "carvers"  and 
"  painters "  to  be  distinct  branches  of  the  tribe,  the  adoption  of  one  art  or  the  other 
being  determined  by  the  kind  of  surfaces  available.  Hence  the  fact  on  which 
M.  Ellenberger  lays  so  much  stress  (pp.  4,  5) — the  absence  of  Bushman  paintings 
north  of  the  Zambezi — certainly  does  not  prove  that  the  painters  arrived  by  sea.  He 
considers  that  they  are  the  descendants  of  the  "  ancient  Canaanites  of  Hor  . 
"  subjugated  and  partially  exterminated  by  Esau,"  some  of  whom  "  went  towards  the 
"  Persian  Gulf,  others  to  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  while  others  again  travelled 
"  westwards  and  crossed  the  Nile."  These  last  were  the  "  carvers,"  while  the 
Persian  Gulf  contingent  were  carried  to  Zimbabwe  by  the  Phoenicians  and  put  to 
labour  in  the  mines.  For  all  this,  as  well  as  for  the  statements  that  the  Horim 
were  the  Troglodytes  of  the  Greeks,  and  that  the  Beja  are  descended  from  them, 
no  authority  is  cited  except  F.  de  Rougemont's  Peuple  Primitif.  M.  Ellenberger 
says  the  Bushmen  have  a  tradition  "  which  says  they  crossed  the  waters  in  a  great 
"  basket,  presumably  a  ship."  One  would  like  to  know  more  about  this  tradition. 
Is  it  certain  that  "  crossing  the  water  "  is  involved  ?  One  of  the  Zulu  clans  connects 
its  origin  with  a  basket,  but  this  one  travelled  by  land. 

There  appears  to  be  some  confusion  in  the  account  of  the  Mantis  on  p.  8. 
This  insect  is  certainly  not  poisonous,  and  the  name  N'go  does  not  belong  to  it,  but 
to  the  larva  of  a  beetle,  from  which  the  famous  arrow-poison  is  prepared.  For  the 
cult  of  the  Mantis,  see  Miss  Lloyd's  Bushman  Folk-Lore.  It  is  very  curious  that 
most,  if  not  all,  Bantu  names  for  the  Mantis  are  descriptive  (e.g.,  Zulu  intivalambiza, 
Ganda  olu-kokola — sometimes,  like  vundajungu,  chiswambia,  nakatobanoncio,  referring 
to  a  wide-spread  superstition  connected  with  it),  suggesting  that  the  original  name  is 
taboo,  and  that  the  name  and  some  recollection  of  a  cult  may  have  been  derived  from 
the  Bushmen. 

But  the  main  subject  of  the  book  are  the  tribes  who  may  be  comprehensively 
called  Chwana,  including  the  Bantu,  Barolong,  Bahurutse,  Batauug,  and  others,  and  the 
tables  in  the  Appendix  are  invaluable  for  showing  their  relation  to  each  other.  "  The 
History  of  Sebetoane  "  (pp.  304-330)  is  important  as  supplementing,  partly  from  old 
information,  Livingstone's  account  of  that  famous  chief.  The  "  Notes  on  Religion, 
Laws,  and  Customs,"  &c.  (pp.  237-304),  though  in  part  drawn  from  sources  already 
accessible,  contain  many  interesting  items,  a  number  of  which  are  new  to  us.  See, 
especially,  the  account  (pp.  253-255),  of  a  rain-making  custom  involving  the 
stealing  of  the  queen's  porridge-stick  by  the  women.  One  of  the  songs  in  use  on 
these  occasions  is  an  invocation  to  Mohlomi,  the  Healer  and  Peace-maker,  the  Kuena 
chief  who  died  in  1815.  (His  history  is  given,  pp.  90-98.)  Pp.  298-302  contain  a 
selection  of  proverbs  and  enigmas,  and  a  version  of  the  tale  of  "  Kammapa  and 

[     189    ] 


Nos.  93-94.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Litaolaue "  (Casalis),  here  called  "  Kholumoliimo  and  Litaolane,"  where  the  whole 
human  race  is  swallowed  by  a  monster,  except  one  woman,  whose  son  killed  the 
destroyer  and  brought  the  people  back  to  life. 

M.  Ellenberger  suggests  in  his  Introduction  (p.  xxi)  that  the  root  ntu,  tho  (in 
umu-ntu,  mo-tho)  means  "  speech,"  a  suggestion  which  it  appears  had  already  been 
made  by  M.  Arlxnisset.  It  is  certainly  curious  that  the  verb  tu-la,  tho-la  (in  Nyanja 
reduplicated,  tontola),  which  exists  in  many  Bantu  languages  with  the  meaning  "  be 
silent,"  should  consist  of  this  root  and  a  "  reversive  "  ending.  If  he  is  right,  umu-ntu 
would  be  "the  speaker" — p.(po^.  But  in  that  case  what  are  we  to  make  of  chi-ntu, 
ki-tu  =  "  thing,"  unless,  indeed,  these  are  late  formations  by  analogy  ? 

A.  WERNER. 


Religion.  Frazer. 

Balder  the  Beautiful:  The  Fire- Festivals  of  Europe  and  the  Doctrine  of 
the  External  Soul.  By  J.  G.  Frazer,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.  Two  vols. 
London:  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.  1913.  8vo.  Pp.  xx  +  346,  xi  +  389. 

With  these  two  volumes  the  third  edition  of  The  Golden  Bough  has  been 
brought  to  a  close.  The  two  volumes  of  the  first  edition  have  been  expanded,  by 
the  accumulation  of  fresh  material  and  the  consideration  of  new  questions,  to  ten. 
It  has  been  inevitable  that  the  discussions  of  more  than  twenty  years  have  neces- 
sitated fuller  exposition  of  the  author's  theories,  and  have  to  some  extent  modified 
them.  Anthropological  science  is  not  where  it  was  in  1890.  Like  any  other  science, 
and  perhaps  to  a  greater  extent  than  most,  it  has  progressed.  Progress  has  meant 
leaving  behind  many  old  points  of  view,  overturning  many  old  conclusions,  reducing 
to  lumber  many  hypotheses  that  once  looked  sound.  Dr.  Frazer  himself  is  conscious 
of  this,  and  refers  in  the  Preface  to  some  of  the  changes  in  his  own  position.  He 
states  that  he  holds  all  his  theories  very  lightly,  and  has  used  them  chiefly  as  con- 
venient pegs  on  which  to  hang  his  collections  of  facts.  Perhaps  it  is  not  without 
reference  to  this  alteration  involved  in  scientific  progress  that  he  seems  to  take  a 
final  leave  of  the  task  of  many  years. 

In  the  course  of  the  work  he  has  presented  a  picture  of,  and  subjected  to 
discussion,  almost  the  whole  primitive  calendar  of  Europe.  Previous  volumes  have, 
among  other  things,  treated  of  the  agricultural  ceremonies,  the  Saturnalia,  and  the 
Expulsion  of  Evils.  There  only  remained  the  Fire-Festivals,  and  these  have  been 
considered  in  the  volumes  before  us.  They  are  celebrated  chiefly  at  Beltane  and 
All  Hallows,  at  Midsummer  Day  and  Christmas.  On  their  explanation  he  has  changed 
his  mind  since  the  last  edition  was  published.  Then  he  thought  them  a  magical 
process  to  aid  the  sun.  Converted  by  Dr.  Westermarck's  arguments,  he  now  holds 
them  to  be  for  the  purpose  of  purification  from  evils  and  protection  against  witches 
and  evil  spirits.  Assuredly  the  kindling  of  fires  in  the  autumn  did  not  fit  in  very 
well  with  the  former  theory.  But  in  presenting,  in  the  candid  manner  which  is 
habitual  with  him,  the  arguments  on  both  sides,  he  has  omitted  to  answer  that 
which  looked  the  strongest  in  favour  of  the  sun-magic  theory,  and  which  was  founded 
on  the  seasons — midsummer  and  midwinter — when  the  chief  fire-festivals  were  held. 
It  may  be  suggested  that  these  times  were  looked  upon  as  specially  uncanny.  At 
them  the  year  seems  to  pause  ;  nature  for  a  few  days  appears  at  a  standstill  ;  agri- 
cultural and  pastoral  operations  are  suspended.  Humanity  at  such  times  has  leisure 
for  other  activities,  notably  for  the  social  activities  of  recreation  and  religious  rites. 
Now  the  season  of  religious  or  magico-religious  rites  is  always  uncanny.  It  is  a 
season  of  taboo.  The  sense  of  supernatural  presences  is  acute  ;  and  some  of  them 
must  be  conciliated,  some  must  be  banned.  Society  is,  therefore,  occupied  with 
hustling  the  latter  away  and  uniting  itself  afresh  with  the  former.  This  applies 

[     190    ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  94. 

equally  to  the  pause  after  the  operations  of  harvest  and  before  the  more  active  pre- 
parations for  the  winter,  such  as  the  storage  of  animal  food  (which  used  to  be  the 
preoccupation  of  our  ancestors  in  November)  and  of  fuel.  It  is  a  preliminary  also 
to  the  labours  of  the  spring.  When  the  cattle  are  taken  from  their  stalls  in  opening 
summer  and  driven  to  their  upland  shielings,  they  must  be  sained.  They  must  be 
rid  of  the  influences  of  the  winter  and  rendered  fit  for  their  new  environment.  The 
fields  must  be  cleared  of  evil  things ;  both  they  and  the  growing  crops  must  be 
hallowed. 

Religion  being  a  social  activity,  the  season  of  the  performance  of  these  rites  is 
also  the  occasion  of  the  social  activity  of  recreation.  Religious  and  magico-religious 
rites  have,  perhaps,  always  had  their  play-side.  The  connection  of  religion  and 
recreation  has  hardly  yet  received  enough  attention  from  anthropologists.  Yet  dances 
and  bodily  exercise  in  all  the  lower  stages  of  civilisation  are  common  accompaniments 
of  religious  rites,  if  it  be  not  more  correct  to  say  they  are  an  integral  part  of  them. 
The  emotion  called  forth  by  the  social  reunion  has  one  of  its  forms  of  expression 
in  the  excesses  of  the  Saturnalia.  The  sense  of  deliverance  from  evils  and  of  the 
renewed  covenant  with  protecting  powers  reacts  in  wild  excitement.  Leaping  through 
the  smoke  of  a  bonfire  and  hurling  fiery  discs,  whatever  other  meaning  they  may 
have  had,  would  be  among  its  most  harmless  manifestations. 

I  have  put  these  considerations,  I  am  aware,  in  a  very  summary  and  imperfect 
form  ;  but  it  will  serve  to  indicate  the  line  of  argument  that  seems  necessary  to 
complete  the  answer  to  the  solar  theory  of  the  fire-festivals  now  abandoned  by 
Dr.  Frazer.  How  far  the  fiery  discs  and  the  fire-wheel  or  fire-churn  may  be  con- 
nected in  the  peasant  mind,  or  in  the  mind  of  his  ancestors,  with  the  sun,  is  another 
question  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  any  such  association  is  secondary.  And  it  must 
not  be  forgotten,  in  any  case,  that  the  peasant's  ideas,  as  well  as  those  of  the  man 
of  the  lower  culture  outside  Europe,  are,  in  general,  vaguer  on  the  object  and  meaning 
of  his  rites  than  we  are  always  ready  to  assume.  Custom  and  an  undefined  notion 
that  their  observance  is  needful  for  well-being  are  often  reasons  amply  sufficient  in 
his  mind.  This  not  only  renders  the  task  of  explanation  more  difficult,  but  it  points 
to  the  strong  probability  that  the  rites  originated  and  took  shape  gradually,  insensibly, 
and  without  any  exact,  predetermined  motive. 

The  doctrine  of  the  External  Soul  forms  the  main  theme  of  the  second  volume. 
Though  already  familiar  to  anthropologists  from  Mr.  Edward  Clodd  and,  especially, 
Dr.  Frazer's  previous  researches,  it  has  received  here  fresh  illustration.  Whatever 
may  be  the  meaning  of  the  widespread  rite  of  simulated  death  and  resurrection, 
there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  real  and  convincing  evidence  that  it  had  to  do  with  the 
transfer  of  soul.  Still  less  is  it  clear  that  the  transfer  of  soul  was  an  essential  part 
of  totemism,  whether  as  origin  or  as  product.  Professor  Frazer  has  in  fact  explicitly 
abandoned  this  theory,  once  propounded  as  an  explanation  of  totemism.  Having 
abandoned  it,  it  hardly  appears  worth  while  to  have  reproduced  the  argument  and 
even  expanded  the  list  of  illustrations,  interesting  though  the  latter  are.  If  he 
thought  it  desirable  on  their  own  account  to  preserve  them,  which  I  am  not  disposed 
to  contest,  would  it  not  have  been  better  to  remove  them  to  an  appendix  ?  The 
reason  after  all  for  the  array  of  facts  presented  in  the  text  is  the  chain  of  argument 
they  are  designed  to  support.  If  the  argument  be  admitted  to  be  unsound,  the  facts 
remain  only  as  so  many  disconnected  phenomena  still  awaiting  the  discovery  of  their 
mutual  relations.  They  are  beads  that  have  dropped  off  a  broken  string. 

Good  use  has  been  made  of  the  light  thrown  on  the  relation  between  the 
Thunder-god  and  the  oak  by  Dr.  Warde  Fowler's  researches.  But  it  seems  to  me 
that  there  is  still  a  link  wanting  to  explain  the  Balder  myth.  It  may  be  true  that 


No.  94.]  MAN.  [1914. 

the  mistletoe  was  regarded  as  the  soul  of  the  oak.  If  so,  to  tear  off  the  mistletoe 
should  have  been  sufficient  to  cause  Balder's  death,  assuming  that  Balder  was  the 
oak.  What  has  been  overlooked  is  that  he  had  to  be  struck  with  the  mistletoe. 
In  some  of  the  mdrchen  an  egg  must  be  broken  on  the  ogre's  forehead  to  cause  his 
death.  In  these  cases  the  egg  was  his  life.  But  the  story  of  Balder  does  not 
sugo-est  this.  All  things  are  sworn  not  to  hurt  him,  save  only  the  mistletoe,  which 
seemed  too  feeble  to  require  the  precaution.  With  that  very  weapon,  however,  he 
was  slain.  The  analogy  of  the  African  stories  cited  in  an  appendix  may  perhaps 
be  taken  as  supplying  a  hint.  May  they  not  all  have  grown  out  of  the  truism  that 
very  small  and  unsuspected  occurrences  often  lead  to  great  disasters,  that  a  man's 
life  may  be  brought  to  an  end  by  a  very  trivial  accident,  that  the  weak  things  of 
the  world  are  often  chosen  to  confound  the  mighty  ?  This  must  have  been  noted 
over  and  over  again  in  human  history,  and  it  is  illustrated  in  many  other  cycles  of 
tales.  Professor  Frazer,  if  I  understand  him  aright,  abandons  in  the  end  the 
mythological  explanation  in  favour  of  the  euhemeristic  hypothesis  that  Balder  was 
a  real  man,  basing  his  reasons  on  the  African  analogues.  Here,  I  think,  he  goes 
beyond  the  evidence.  The  African  analogues  may  be  enough  to  discredit  an 
explanation  which  would  extend  no  further  than  the  European  fire  festivals.  But 
they  cannot  prove  that  Balder  and  the  African  heroes  were  no  more  than  mere  men. 
A  tale  founded  on  common,  or  even  occasional  and  exceptional  accidents  of  life,  or 
on  superstitions  not  confined  (as  few  superstitions  are)  to  one  people  or  one  locality, 
cannot  be  held  to  prove  that  its  hero  was  a  real  man.  Rather  it  points  to  the 
contrary  conclusion. 

On  the  whole,  we  heartily  congratulate  the  distinguished  author  on  the  comple- 
tion of  his  great  task.  If  we  are  tempted  to  leave  the  book  with  a  sense  of  disap- 
pointment arising  from  his  change  of  attitude  to  many  of  the  problems  he  has  dis- 
cussed, to  do  so  would  be  by  no  means  justified.  True,  the  problems  referred  to  are 
left,  after  all  the  years  of  investigation,  still  unsolved.  In  any  case  The  Golden 
Bough  will  remain  a  monument  of  learning,  wide  and  almost  boundless,  concerning 
human  vagaries  of  thought  and  practice,  and  a  storehouse  of  facts  for  future  students. 
But  the  problems  which  these  vagaries  put  before  us  are  wider  still.  We  are 
grateful  for  a  courageous  effort  to  solve  them.  No  ordiuary  student  could  have 
made  it.  We  shall  prize  the  result,  if  even  it  be  not  wholly  successful.  It  will 
be  at  least  a  valuable — nay,  an  indispensable — aid  for  future  investigation.  With  it 
as  a  starting-point  we  must  go  on  in  the  true  spirit  of  science,  hopefully,  un- 
weariedly,  determinedly,  to  the  achievement  of  the  quest. 

Finally,  a  few  miscellaneous  notes.  It  may  be  a  satisfaction  to  those  who  are 
interested  in  the  preservation  of  relics  of  old  customs  to  know  that  the  Salisbury 
giant  referred  to  on  p.  37  of  the  second  volume  is  still  in  existence  in  the  county 
museum,  unless  it  has  disappeared  since  1  saw  it  there  twenty  years  ago.  I  have 
found  the  superstition  forbidding  women  at  certain  times  to  pickle  meat  (i,  84, 
96  note)  still  rife  in  the  Forest  of  Dean.  Sir  Arthur  Evans  contributed  to 
Macmillan's  Magazine  for  January  1881  a  minute  and  graphic  account  of  his 
experiences  at  the  village  of  Knezlatz,  in  the  canton  of  Crivoscia,  in  the  Black 
Mountain,  whither  he  went  to  investigate  the  Christmas  customs  among  the  Slav 
population  there.  Students  who  wish  to  pursue  the  subject  may  refer  for  valuable 
material  to  that  article  and  the  two  published  in  the  succeeding  months  of  February 
and  March.  The  mistletoe  is  by  no  means  rare  on  the  aspen-poplar  around 
Gloucester,  whatever,  according  to  one  of  the  authorities  cited  by  Dr.  Frazer,  it  may 
be  elsewhere.  E.  SIDNEY  HARTLAND. 

Printed  by  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


PLATE  N. 


MAN,  1914. 


o 


o 

DC 

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co 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  95-96. 

ORIGINAL    ARTICLES. 

Africa,  West.  With  Plate  N.  Tremearne. 

Nigerian    Strolling   Players.       By  Major  A.  J.   N.   Tremearne,  M.A.,     QC 

LL.M.  W» 

The  photographs  accompanying  this  article  were  taken  by  Dr.  W.  A.  Trumper, 
at  Geidam,  Bornu  Province,  Northern  Nigeria.  The  performers  spoke  Hausa  fluently 
and  were  supposed  to  be  Hausa,  but  there  is  not  sufficient  evidence  to  enable  one 
to  say  definitely  to  which  tribe  they  belonged. 

There  were  three  distinct  "turns"  in  the  performance.  In  Fig.  1  will  be  seen 
a  man  with  a  mask,  and  clothed  in  a  dress  of  patches  and  charms,  probably  the 
West  African  representative  of  the  Bu  Sadiya  seen  in  the  northern  countries  of 
the  continent.*  The  object  of  this  masking  is  said  to  be  merely  the  collection  of 
money  and  the  frightening  of  children  ;  the  people  deny  that  there  is  any  religious 
significance  in  it,  although  it  was  originated  by  a  marabout  from  Egypt. 

The  same  may  be  said  of  the  exhibition  of  the  hyena.  Sometimes  there  may  be 
several  of  these  animals,  and,  usually,  the  tamer  is  clothed  iti  a  costume  resembling 
that  of  the  masked  man  here,  except  for  the  fact  that  he  does  not  wear  a  mask.f 
I  have  seen  at  Tangier  a  Bambara  from  Timbuktu  dressed  in  a  similar  manner. 

In  Figs.  3  and  4  may  be  seen  a  gurbi  in  course  of  erection,  much  resembling 
the  "altars"  used  in  some  parts  during  the  bori  dances,  and  in  the  last  photograph 
a  puppet  has  been  set  up.  This  is  raised  gradually  by  the  performer  by  means  of 
jointed  sticks,  and  is  made  to  go  through  various  movements  supposed  to  represent 
the  actions  of  a  European,  the  man  working  it  making  comic  remarks  in  a  falsetto 
voice.  The  drummers  keep  up  a  continuous  beating,  and  may  reply  to  the  remarks. 
The  performance  is  comparable  to,  although  not  identical  with,  the  Dubbo  Dubbo 
described  in  a  former  article.}  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 


Fiji.  Hocart. 

More  about  Tauvu.  By  A.  M.  Hocart.  QA 

In  a  paper  on  "  The  Fijian  Custom  of  Tauvu  "§  we  concluded  that  the  rela-  00 
tion  of  tauvu  is  cross-cousinship  between  two  tribes  or  clans.  We  saw  that  the  natives 
commonly  define  it  as  "  kalou  vata  "  (ghosts  together)  and  we  translated  this  "  with 
common  ancestors,"  not  "  with  common  gods,"  as  most  Europeans  do.  We  inferred 
that  the  cross-cousinship  of  tribes  and  clans  was  originally  intertwined  with  ghost 
or  ancestor  worship.  || 

Thanks  to  the  generous  assistance  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  I  was  able  to 
follow  up  this  line  of  inquiry  in  Vanua  Levu,  which  island,  we  found  reason  to 
suppose,  was  the  original  home  of  this  institution  in  Fiji.^f  There  is  little  to  add 
to  the  previous  account,  but  that  little  is,  I  think,  most  important,  and  proves 
abundantly  the  religious  nature  of  the  tie  between  tauvu  and  tauvu. 

The  tribe  of  Dhakaundrove  dwells  partly  on  the  mainland  of  Vanua  Levu, 
partly  on  Taveuni.  They  are  tauvu  to  Moala  in  the  Moala  group,  and  to  Nainuka 
on  the  north  coast  of  Vanua  Levu.  Nauluvula,  one  of  their  old  men,  told  me  that 
if  one  of  his  people  went  either  to  Namuka  or  Moala  he  would  present  a  whale's 
tooth  to  the  chief,  saying,  "  Here  is  the  kava  I  present  to  the  chief."  The  chief 
accepts  it  and  prays  over  it.  After  that  the  stranger  may  pull  up  kava  plants  and 

*  See  The  Ban  of  the  Son,  pp.  240,  241. 

f  See  &mie  Austral-African  Xotes  and  Anecdotes,  p.  158 

J  See  MAN,  1910,  85. 

§  Journ.  Roy.  Anthr.  Inst.,  XLIJI.,  p.  101. 

||  Loc.  cit.,  p.  107. 

«f  Loc.  cit.,  p.  108. 

[     193     1 


Nos.  96-97.]  MAN.  [1914. 

kill  pigs.  If  the  inhabitants  see  him  do  so  they  know  he  has  presented  a  kava  to 
the  chief.  If  any  man  reproaches  him  for  killing  their  pigs  that  man  will  die, 
because  the  visitor  has  presented  a  kava  and  the  tevoro  (=  kalou)  has  seized  it, 
that  is  why  the  tevoro  is  mana.*  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  kava  has  not  been 
presented  the  visitor  may  not  touch  anything.  "  What  often  makes  us  ill  is  that  no 
"  presentation  has  been  made.  Tauvu-sh'ip  is  exceedingly  mana  amongst  us." 

Etonia,  of  the  same  tribe,  also  declares  that  the  tevoro  would  kill  a  man  who 
seized  property  without  previously  offering  kava  iu  the  shape  of  a  whale's  tooth. 

Namuka  is  tauvu  to  Mbau  as  well  as  to  Dhakaundrove.  If  the  Mbauans  came  to 
Namuka,  although  they  were  the  noblest  state  in  Fiji  they  could  not  fly  a  flag,f 
but  came  and  made  an  offering  to  the  "  Two  Mbi "  (Ko  i  rau  na  Mbi)  kalou  of 
Namuka.  In  the  same  way,  if  the  Namukans  went  to  Mbau  they  kept  quiet  until 
they  had  presented  first-fruits  (isevusevu)  with  the  prayer,  "  Let  us  live,  let  us  not 
die."  Then  all  respect  (vakarokoroko)  was  at  an  end  and  they  killed  fowls  and 
pigs. 

The  two  tribes  therefore  recognise  each  other's  kalou,  and  this  explains  the 
persistent  assertion  that  they  have  the  same  kalou. 

The  reader  will  notice  that  though  a  whale's  tooth  is  presented  it  is  called 
"  kava."  Evidently  kava  was  once  the  right  and  proper  offering.  Now  Vanua  Levu 
is  also  the  home  of  kava  chants,  if  not  of  the  whole  Fijian  kava  ceremonial.  In  a 
chant  sung  over  the  kava  at  the  installation  of  the  chief  of  Korodhau,  in  the  tribe 
of  Dhakaundrove,  there  occurs  a  line :  "  Namuka  is  a  foolish  country."  This 
insulting  of  the  tauvu  is  an  important  feature  of  tauvu-ship,  as  we  have  seen  ; 
indeed,  some  tribes  will  tell  you  they  are  tauvu  to  such  and  such  a  tribe  because 
their  ancestors  insulted  each  other.  It  is  more  than  a  mere  licence,  it  is  almost  a 
duty.  In  Korodhau  we  find  it  as  a  rite.J 

We  may  suppose  that  the  kava  presented  by  the  visitor  was  chewed  and 
brewed  with  the  accompaniment  of  the  kava  chant,  and  that  this  chant  contained 
an  insult  to  the  tauvu,  which  ritually  inaugurated  the  licence  of  speech  and  action 
which  is  part  of  the  tauvu-ship. 

I  do  not  think  anything  more  is  to  be  got  out  of  Fiji.  The  neighbouring  Poly- 
nesian islands  do  not  know  this  institution,  though  they  have  customs  connected  with 
the  sister's  son.  For  further  clues  we  must  look  to  the  lands  to  the  west  of  Fiji. 

A.  M.  HOCART. 

India,  South.  Richards. 

Cross  Cousin  Marriage  in  South  India.      ////   /•'.  ./.  Richards. 

In  most  of  the  castes  of  South  India  the  most  suitable  bride  for  a  boy 
is  considered  to  be  his  maternal  uncle's  daughter.  His  paternal  aunt's  daughter  is 
next  in  favour,  and  in  some  castes  he  has  a  preferential  right  to  marry  the  daughter 
of  his  sister. §  So  strong  is  this  custom  that,  in  some  castes,  if  the  parents  of  a 

*  To  be  effective,  have  power  (of  spirits  and  chiefs).  It  contains  no  idea  of  a  mystic  power  or 
effluence. 

t  A  subject  tribe  could  not  fly  a  flag  on  their  canoe  when  approaching  the  village  of  their  overlords 
or  superiors. 

J  The  only  other  people  I  have  visited  who  sing  at  kava  are  the  Futunans.  They  have  a  quite 
modern  chant  which  runs  : 

"  Uvea  (Wallis  Is.)  has  a  lazy  disposition,  • 

A  disposition  like  a  temonio  (spirit,  ghost)." 

Futuna  and  Wallis  intermarry  but  are  not  tauvu.  I  can  only  explain  this  song  as  a  reiiiiniscence 
of  tauvu,  or  as  Fijian  influence,  of  which  there  is  much  in  b'utuna. 

§  e.g.t  "  It's  a  binding  custom  among  Korachers  that  the  first  two  daughters  of  a  woman  must 
"  be  given  to  her  brother  to  be  married  either  by  himself  or  to  his  sons." — Ethnographic  Surrey 
of  Mysore,  VII,  p.  7. 

[     194     ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  97. 

girl  whose  hand  can  thus  be  claimed  marry  her  to  a  man  other  than  the  relative 
who  has  this  right  of  first  refusal,  they  will  be  excommunicated  from  caste.  A  girl 
who  is  thus  married  by  virtue  of  her  relationship  to  her  husband  is  called  an 
"  urimai  girl,"  while  one  chosen  to  enhance  her  husband's  position  or  wealth  is 
called  a  tl perumai  (dignity)  girl.*  The  rule,  which  is  common  among  both  Tamil* 
and  Telugus,  is  known  to  the  latter  as  mendrikam. 

In  the  Baramahal  Records  (Section  III.,  p.  38),  compiled  in  Salem  District,  at 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  printed  by  the  Government  of  Madras  in 
1907,  the  following  account  is  given  of  menarlkam  as  practised  by  the  Koinati 
Vaisyas  : — 

"  If  a  sister  has  a  son  and  her  brother  has  a  daughter,  it  is  an  invariable  rule 
for  the  brother  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  his  sister's  son,  and,  let  the  girl 
be  handsome  or  ugly,  the  sister's  son  must  marry  her. 

"  If  a  brother  have  two  sisters,  and  the  sisters  have  each  a  son,  and  he  himself 
should  have  two  daughters,  he  is  obliged  to  give  one  of  the  daughters  in  marriage 
to  each  of  his  sisters'  sons. 

"  However,  if  a  brother  should  have  three  or  more  daughters,  and  his  sisters 
should  have  a  plurality  of  sons,  the  brother  is  only  obliged  to  give  one  of  his 
daughters  to  each  of  the  eldest  of  his  sister's  sons,  and  he  may  dispose  of  the  rest 
of  his  daughters  as  he  pleases,  and  so  in  like  manner  may  the  sisters  dispose  of 
their  younger  sons. 

"  If  the  brother's  daughter  be  blind,  lame,  or  deformed,  his  sister's  son  must 
take  her  in  marriage,  but,  on  the  contrary,  if  the  sister's  son  should  happen  to  be 
blind,  lame,  or  in  any  shape  deformed,  the  brother  is  not  obliged  to  give  his 
daughter  in  marriage  to  him. 

"  But  if  the  sister  should  have  a  daughter  and  a  brother  a  son,  the  sister  is 
not  obliged  to  give  her  daughter  to  her  nephew,  but  may  give  her  to  whom  she 
pleases." 

The  degree  of  rigour  with  which  this  rule  is  enforced  varies  in  different  castes, 
and  sometimes  it  is  a  mere  matter  of  form  to  offer  the  fortunate  uncle  or  cousin  the 
first  refusal.  Its  rigorous  application  among  the  Komatis  suggests  that  the  practice 
of  Cross  Cousin  Marriage  in  South  India  should  be  explained  on  economic  grounds. 
The  Komatis  are  the  wealthiest  caste  of  traders  and  money-lenders  in  South  India. 
They  claim  to  be  true  "  twice-born "  Vaisyas,  and  they  imitate  Brahmanic  practice 
with  extreme  punctiliousness.  Money-lenders,  however,  are  seldom  popular,  and  the 
zeal  of  the  Komatis  in  pursuit  of  money  is  proverbial.  Can  it  be  that  the  rigidity 
with  which  they  adhere  to  Cross  Cousin  Marriage  is  based  on  the  mercenary 
interests  ? 

Now  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  inheritance  through  females  was  at  one 
time  general  throughout  South  India.  It  would  seem  that  a  matrilineal  system  of 
inheritance  was  a  feature  of  the  sub-culture  of  the  south,  on  which  the  Brahmanic 
super-culture  was  imposed.  Brahmanic  culture,  of  course,  lays  vital  emphasis  on 
inheritance  through  males. 

Assuming  that  inheritance  through  females  preceded  inheritance  through  males 
in  South  India,  it  is  probable  that  the  transition  from  one  to  the  other  was  gradual, 
not  sudden. 

Under  a  system  of  inheritance  through  females  a  man  has  no  interest  whatever 
in  finding  out  who  his  father  is.  When,  however,  the  idea  of  paternity  begins  to 
take  shape,  perhaps  under  the  influence  of  a  superior  culture,  the  father  begins  to 
take  a  paternal  interest  in  his  child.  .  He  naturally  wishes  to  provide  for  the  child's 
future,  but  under  a  matrilineal  system  this  is  impossible. 

*  See  Mr.  F.  R.  Hemingway's  Gazetteer  of  Trichmopoly  District,  p.  94. 

[     195    ] 


No.  97.]  MAN.  [1914. 

Now  under  Mother  Right  I  inherit  my  mother's  property,  but  I  cannot  transmit 
the  heritage  to  my  children,  for  my  sister  and  her  children  are  my  heirs.  If,  there- 
fore, I  wish  to  transmit  the  property  I  enjoy  to  my  children,  I  must  marry  my 
sister's  daughter. 

Similarly,  my  father  is  heir  to  his  mother,  but  he  cannot  transmit  the  wealth 
he  enjoys  in  his  own  right  to  me,  for  his  sister  and  his  sister's  children  are  his 
heirs.  If,  therefore,  he  wishes  to  provide  for  me  out  of  the  ancestral  property,  he 
must  marry  me  to  his  sister's  daughter. 

So  also  my  mother's  brother  cannot  transmit  his  property  to  his  son,  for  my 
mother  and  her  children  are  his  heirs.  His  only  way  out  of  the  difficulty  is  to 
marry  his  son  to  my  sister. 

Under  a  matrilineal  system  in  its  most  archaic  form  the  actual  management  of 
property  vests  in  females.  (See  J.  D.  Mayne,  Hindu  Law  and  Usage,  1901,  p.  683.) 
But  in  course  of  time  the  eldest  male  member  of  the  family  came  to  be  recognised 
as  manager.  As  manager  of  a  family,  by  this  time  "  patriarchal "  in  all  its  ideas 
except  those  of  inheritance,  my  mother's  brother  would  find  that  a  marriage  between 
me  (bis  heir)  and  his  daughter  (his  wife's  heir)  would  be  the  most  convenient 
method  of  keeping -the  family  property  intact  and  providing  for  us  both. 

The    subjoined   diagram    illustrates    the    difficulties    of    succession    under  Mother 
Right  ;  the  individuals  in  italics  therein  cannot  transmit  property*  : — 
Father's  Mother  Mother's  Mother 


III  I 

Husband  =  Father's  Sister         Father  =  Mother         Mother's  Brother  =  Wife 


Daughter  Ego  Sister  Son  Daughter 

Daughter 

The  foregoing  hypothesis  was  formulated  by  me  in  1909,f  in  the  backwoods  of 
South  India,  in  complete  ignorance  of  all  that  had  already  been  written  on  the 
subject,^  and  ^  was  with  no  small  surprise  that  I  came  across  a  precisely  similar 
explanation  of  Cross  Cousin  Marriage  as  it  exists  in  an  entirely  different  branch  of 
the  human  race.  Writing  of  the  Carrier  division  of  the  Western  Dene  (Athapascan) 
Indians  of  North  America,§  Mr.  C.  Hill-Tout  thus  describes  the  advantages  of 
marrying  a  boy  to  his  maternal  uncle's  daughter  : — 

"Though  descent  was  counted  exclusively  on  the  mother's  side  among  these 
tribes,  the  authority  of  the  father  was  recognized  to  a  considerable  extent  ;  for  he 
had  a  voice  in  the  disposal  of  his  daughters  in  marriage,  and  frequently  so  arranged 
matters  that  his  legal  inheritor  and  successor — his  sister's  son — should  marry  one  or 
more  of  his  daughters.  This  was  done  that  his  offspring  might  share  in  his  pro- 
perty, and  not  be  wholly  deprived  under  the  clan  rule  of  his  possessions,  as  under 
their  laws  no  hereditary  property  or  rights  could  be  alienated  or  passed  over  to  the 
members  of  another  clan  even  though  the -recipients  were  the  donor's  own  children. 

*  It  is  significant  that  in  Tamil  one  word  (mdmari)  does  duty  for  (1)  wife's  father,  (2)  maternal 
uncle,  (3)  paternal  aunt's  husband  ;  and  one  word  (inachinari)  for  (1)  brother-in-law,  (2)  maternal 
uncle's  son,  (3)  paternal  aunt's  son  ;  while  the  feminine  form  of  the  latter  word  (inachtni)  stands  for 
(1)  sister-in-law,  (2)  wife's  younger  sister,  (3)  younger  brother's  wife,  (4)  maternal  uncle's  daughter, 
and  (5)  paternal  aunt's  daughter.  Cf.  Dr.  Rivers,  The  Todas,  p.  483  sq.  ;  and  L.  H.  Morgan,  Ancient 
Society,  1937,  p.  447  sq. 

f  Journ.  of  t/ie  Mythic  Society,  Bangalore,  October  1909,  p.  40. 

J  E.g..  Dr.  Rivers,  in  Jras,  1907,  pp.  611-40,  and  Mr.  A.  E.  Crawley,  in  the  Tylor  festschrift, 
1907. 

§  Tlie  Nat  ires  of  British  North  America,  1907,  p.  145. 

[     196     ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  97. 

These  laws  and  regulations  were  very  strictly  observed  among  the  Carriers,  and 
hence  the  practice  of  marrying  the  girl  to  her  first  cousin  on  her  father's  side." 

There  are  several  other  customs  prevalent  in  South  India  which  seem  to 
corroborate  the  "economic"  explanation  of  menarlkam. 

1.  Marriage  of  an  adult  woman  to  an  immature  boy.  This  practice,  as  observed 
among  the  Malaiyalis  of  the  Kolli-malais  of  Salem  District,  is  thus  described  by 
Mr.  H.  Lefanu*  :— 

"  The  sons,  when  mere  children,  are  married  to  mature  females,  and  the  father- 
in-law  of  the  bride  assumes  the  performance  of  the  procreative  function,  thus  assuring 
for  himself  and  his  son  a  descendant  to  take  them  out  of  Put.^  When  the  putative 
father  comes  of  age,  and  in  their  turn  his  wife's  male  offspring  are  married,  he 
performs  for  them  the  same  office  which  his  father  did  for  him." 

This  practice  is  not  confined  to  the  Malaiyalis,  for  it  is  recorded  of  several  of 
the  Tamil  castes  of  the  Plains,  all  of  whom,  like  the  Malaiyalis  themselves,  observe 
patrilineal  succession.  The  existence  of  this  practice  is  emphatically  denied  at  the 
present  day  by  most  of  the  castes  of  whom  it  is  recorded,  and  it  is  probable  that 
it  will  yield  before  long  (if  it  has  not  already  done  so)  to  the  pressure  of  a  more 
enlightened  public  opinion,  and  vanish.  But  that  it  existed  within  the  last  half 
century  over  a  large  area  and  among  widely  different  communities  is  certain. 

Now,  in  the  first  place  it  must  be  noted  that  this  practice,  whenever  it  occurs, 
is  invariably  associated  with  Cross  Cousin  Marriage,  though  comparatively  few  of 
the  menarikam-observing  castes  carry  their  principles  to  such  extreme  lengths. 

In  the  second  place,  fatherhood,  in  communities  where  the  practice  prevails,  is 
as  purely  a  legal  fiction  as  it  is  under  the  Brahmanic  system  of  Adoption,  and  in 
both  cases  the  fictitious  sonship  conveys  strong  economic  interests. 

Mr.  Hill-Tout  again  furnishes  a  striking  analogy  to  this  practice  in  his  account 
of  the  matriliueal  Western  Nahane  section  of  the  Dene  Indians^  : — 

"A  father  often  married  his  son  to  his  own  sister,  that  is,  to  the  boy's  aunt, 
without  taking  into  account  the  disparity  of  their  ages,  for  she  may  be  fifty  and  he 
but  fifteen.  There  was  a  special  object  in  this  ;  it  permitted  the  father  to  pass  over, 
through  his  sister,  his  own  property  and  belongings  to  his  own  son,  which  under 
the  matrilineal  rule  could  not  be  otherwise  done  ;  a  man's  own  children  not  inheriting 
any  of  his  property  because  they  did  not  belong  to  his  clan." 

2.  Among   the    Malaiyalis    a    woman  is  free  to  leave  her  husband  and  live  with 
her  paramour,  but  any  children  she  bears  to  her  paramour  are  regarded  as  the  children 
of  her  lawful  husband,  who  can  claim  them  as  his  own,   and   who  is  responsible   for 
their  maintenance.     This  practice  finds  a  close  parallel  in  the  customs  of  the  Todas, 
recorded  on  p.   546    of   Dr.    Rivers'    classic  work    on    that    interesting    people.      The 
leniency  with   which  such  concubinage  is  treated    is  strongly  polyandric  in  tone,  and 
is  suggestive  of  Nayar  sambandams,  but  Nayars  observe  matrilineal  succession,  while 
Malaiyalis  and  Todas  are  definitely  patrilineal.     It  is  not  easy  to  explain  the  interest 
of  a  husband  in  his  wife's  illicit  progeny,  except  on  economic  grounds. 

3.  Another    practice    not    uncommon   among   the  Telugus  and    Kanarese    is    that 
of    "  affiliating    a    son-in-law,"   commonly  known    as  illatam.      Failing    male    issue,  a 
father  is  at  liberty  to  marry  his  daughter  to  a  man  who  agrees  to  become  a  member 
of  the  family,  and  who    thereafter   resides  in  the   father-in-law's    house   and    inherits 
the  estate  for  his  children. 

4.  The  practice  of    dedicating    the    eldest   daughter    as  a  Basavi  (dancing    girl), 

*  In  his  S-ilem  District  Manual. 

f  Putra   (sou)=Put  (hell)  and  ra  (save);    "one  who   saves  from   hell";    a  choice  freak   o 
Sanscrit  philosophy. 

J  The  Natives  of  British  North  America,  p.  182. 

[     197     ] 


Nos,  97-98.]  MAN.  [1914. 

about  which  so  much  has  been  written,  is  perhaps  intended  to  serve  a  similar  purpose, 
for  a  Basavi  is  entitled  to  inherit  her  father's  property  as  a  son,  and  to  transmit  it 
to  her  offspring. 

I  do  not  claim  to  have  solved  the  problem  of  Cross  Cousin  Marriage  in  all  its 
manifestations.  I  am  fully  aware  that  my  economic  hypothesis  is  not  novel.  I 
submit,  however,  that  the  evidence  recited  suggests  : 

(1)  That,   in  South  India,  economic  considerations    and,  in  particular,  the  trans- 

mission of  "  family  property,"*  exercise  a  very  material  influence  on 
marriage  relationships  ; 

(2)  That  the  growth  of  "  paternal  feeling "  is  inconsistent  with    and  inimical  to 

the  continuance  of  matrilineal  succession  ; 

(3)  That  the  intrusion   of    a  strongly  patrilineal  culture,  such  as  the  Brahmanic 

culture  undoubtedly  is,  into  a  matrilineal  sub-culture  would  tend  to 
subvert  the  economic  foundations  of  society  by  the  disruption  of  "family 
property  "  ; 

(4)  That  in  a  matrilineal  community  one  of  the  main  advantages   of    patrilineal 

transmission  of  property,  viz.,  the  gratification  of  the  natural  desire  of  a 
father  to  provide  for  his  offspring,  may  be  effectively  secured  by  insisting 
that  a  man  should  marry  the  daughter  of  either  his  maternal  uncle,  his 
paternal  aunt,  or  his  sister  ;  and 

(5)  That  the  same   rule  would    enable  a  matrilineal   community  to  conform  to  a 

patrilineal  system  of  inheritance  without  fear  of  dissipating  the  family 
property,  the  integrity  of  which  is  dependent  on  the  continuance  of 
inheritance  on  matrilineal  lines. 

In  other  words,  the  rule  which  gives  a  man  the  first  refusal  of  his  sister's,  his 
maternal  uncle's,  or  his  paternal  aunt's  daughter  in  marriage  may  be  interpreted  as 
a  sort  of  compromise  between  matrilineal  succession  and  Brahmanic  law  ;  it  preserves 
inviolate  the  principles  of  matrilineal  inheritance  under  patrilineal  forms. 

F.  J.  RICHARDS. 


Biography.  Czaplicka. 

The    Life    and    Work    of    N.    N.    Miklukho-Maklay.       By    M.    A. 

Czaplicka. 

The  year  1913  being  the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  the  death  of  Nikholas,  son 
of  Nikholas  Miklukho-Maklay,  one  of  the  most  thorough  and  indefatigable  of  the 
scientific  travellers  of  his  day,  Mr.  N.  A.  Yanchuk,  of  the  Imperial  Society  of  Friends 
of  Natural  Science,  Anthropology,  and  Ethnography  of  Moscow  University,  undertook 
the  task  of  presenting  a  fairly  full  account  of  his  life  and  work  in  a  pamphletf 
recently  published  in  St.  Petersburg.  As  most  of  the  areas  visited  by  him  are  under 
British  rule,  and  as  hitherto  more  of  his  work  has  been  published  .in  French,  German, 
and  English  than  in  Russian,  it  will  undoubtedly  be  of  great  value  to  English 
scientific  workers  of  the  present  day  to  be  acquainted  with  the  information  thus  given 
to  the  public. 

Miklukho-Maklay  was  of  Little  Russian  nationality,  son  of  a  Cossack,|  and  born 
in  1846,  in  the  government  of  Novgorod.  He  was  educated  in  Petersburg,  studying 
law  at  the  University,  but  before  he  had  completed  his  course  he  went  to  Germany, 

*  It  would  be  incorrect  to  speak  of  "  clan  property "  in  South  India,  as  the  Brahmanic  practice 
of  Partition  almost  everywhere  has  broken  up  the  clau  (=  exogamous  group)  into  numberless  joint 
families,  and  the  joint  family  is  now  the  economic  unit. 

t  "  Nikholai  Nikholaievich  Miklukho-Maklay  and  his  Scientific  Work,"  by  N.  Y.  Yanchuk. 
St.  Petersburg,  1913  (in  Russian). 

J  This  does  not  refer  to  Cossack  regiments  of  the  present  day,  but  to  the  original  free  and 
independent  military  community  of  Cossacks. 

[    198    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  98. 

where  in  Heidelberg,  Leipzig,  and  Jena  he  studied  philosophy,  medicine,  and  natural 
science.  The  great  interest  which  he  took  in  museums  inspired  him  with  the  idea 
of  studying  the  exhibits  in  their  natural  surroundings. 

In  1866,  being  only  twenty  years  of  age,  he  took  part  in  the  scientific  expedition 
conducted  by  his  Professor,  the  illustrious  Haeckel,  to  the  Canary  and  Madeira  Islands 
and  to  Morocco.  The  following  year  he  himself  undertook  an  expedition  to  the  coast 
of  the  Red  Sea,  where  he  carried  on  investigations  for  about  eighteen  months.  In 
1869  he  presented  to  Petersburg  University  the  outlines  of  an  expedition  which  aimed 
at  anthropological  as  well  as  zoological  investigation,  and  which  he  thought  would 
occupy  eight  years.  It  actually  took  up  twelve  years  from  the  time  when,  in  1871, 
he  started  in  the  "  Vityas "  for  the  Pacific.  He  arrived  in  New  Guinea  in  the 
autumn,  having  visited  other  places  on  his  way,  and  being  one  of  the  first  Europeans 
to  carry  on  research  work  in  that  region.  Here  the  ship  left  him  with  two  com- 
panions, they  having  first  agreed  with  the  Captain  as  to  a  hiding-place  for  the  results 
of  their  work  in  case  of  necessity  ;  and,  indeed,  the  initial  hostility  of  the  natives 
made  it  seem  likely  that  the  necessity  would  arise,  though  afterwards  they  became 
very  friendly  towards  him.  He  spent  sixteen  months  on  the  north-east  coast  of  New 
Guinea  (called  after  him,  Maklay  Coast)  and  in  the  neighbouring  islands,  being  the 
first  European  to  visit  them.  In  1872  the  Russian  ship,  "  Isumrud,"  went  in  search 
of  him  and  conveyed  him  to  Java,  where  he  stayed  for  three  months,  studying  the 
Malayans  there.  In  Batavia  he  published  some  essays  in  Dutch  about  the  Papuans 
of  New  Guinea,  and  about  some  Malay  and  Australian  tribes. 

In  1874  he  undertook  a  second  expedition  to  New  Guinea,  choosing  this  time 
the  south-west  coast  known  as  Papua  Koviai.  The  natives  of  this  district  were 
extremely  hostile ;  they  killed  his  servants,  took  away  his  scientific  instruments, 
medicines,  and  provisions,  and  altogether  made  a  protracted  stay  impossible.  The 
chief  was  arrested,  but  in  spite  of  this  Maklay  found  it  wiser  to  leave  at  the  end 
of  two  months,  and  journeyed,  via  the  islands  of  Amboina,  Menado,  and  Macassar 
to  Java. 

The  results  of  these  two  months'  work  were  published  in  German  and  English. 
In  1875  he  made  investigations  in  Malacca,  and  in  1876  undertook  a  third  expedi- 
tion to  New  Guinea,  this  time  better  equipped.  He  visited  the  Papuans  of  the  north 
coast,  who  received  him  very  well,  and  among  whom  he  spent  a  profitable  and  pleasant 
two  years.  His  medical  knowledge  was  especially  appreciated  by  the  natives.  In 
1878  he  again  went  to  Batavia  and  Singapore  and  thence  passed  over  to  the 
Australian  Continent  for  a  longer  period.  Starting  from  Sydney  in  1879,  he  visited 
the  islands  of  New  Caledonia,  New  Hebrides,  Solomon,  Admiralty,  and  Hermit,  and 
published  the  information  there  gained  in  English,  German,  and  Russian.  On  his 
return  he  undertook  to  oppose  the  slave  trade,  to  the  bad  effects  of  which  he  could 
testify,  with  the  support  of  the  Dutch  and  English  Governments. 

During  the  next  few  years  his  efforts  were  directed  towards  political  issues,  for 
he  was  anxious  that  a  Russian  Protectorate  should  be  established  in  the  Pacific. 
He  had  an  audience  with  the  Czar  and  was  accorded  some  assistance,  but  through 
the  tardiness  of  the  Russian  Government  and  his  bad  health,  nothing  substantial 
resulted.  His  last  few  years  in  Australia  are  remarkable  for  two  events  :  Owing  to 
his  efforts  a  biological  station  was  established  at  Watson  Bay,  near  Sydney,*  and  he 
married  Miss  Robertson,  the  daughter  of  the  Premier  of  New  South  Wales. 

In   1887  he  returned  to  Russia  to  settle    there,  and    to    publish    in    Russian    the 

complete  results  of  his  travels,  but    he    died    in   the   following  year,  having  prepared 

only  the  first  volume,  and  during  the  twenty-five  years  which  have  since  elapsed  no 

successful  effort  has  been  made  to  render  available  to  the  scientific  world  the  valuable 

*  As  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  this  station  is  no  longer  in  existence. 

r  199  i 


No.  98.]  MAN.  [1914. 

information  obtained  by  him.  His  collection  of  MSS.  still  lies  untouched  and  almost 
unremembered,  awaiting  the  hand  of  a  sympathetic  and  scientific  editor,  at  a 
moment  when  the  knowledge  it  contains  might  prove  of  the  highest  possible  value. 

The  importance  for  social  psychology  of  Maklay's  work  is  well  shown  in  a  letter 
written  to  him  by  Leo  Tolstoi,  in  which,  among  other  things,  the  latter  observes  : 
"  I  cannot  estimate  the  contribution  which  your  collection  and  discoveries  will  make 
"  to  the  science  you  serve,  but  I  know  that  your  experiences  during  your  close 
"  association  with  primitive  men  will  be  epoch-making  in  the  science  which  I  serve 
•'  — that  is,  the  science  of  how  man  should  live  among  his  fellow-men." 

The  most  difficult  part  of  Mr.  Yanchuk's  work  must  have  been  the  record  of 
the  different  essays  of  Maklay  in  foreign  languages,  and,  although  he  admits  that  it 
is  not  complete,  students  owe  him  a  large  debt  of  gratitude  for  bringing  to  their 
notice  such  a  wide  and  varied  collection.  In  the  following  list  of  the  English,  French, 
German,  and  Dutch  essays  I  have  adhered  to  the  chronological  order  of  Mr.  Yanchuk, 
trusting  that  ere  long  the  Russian  essays  will  form  part  of  the  complete  published 
work  of  Miklukho-Maklay  : — 

1866-1870 : 

1.  "Ubere  in  Scwimmblasenrudiment  bei  Selachiern"  (Jenaische  Zeitschrift,   1867, 

iii.,  pp.  448-453). 

2.  "Beitrage  zur  Kenntniss  der  Spongien"  (op.  cit.,  1868,  iv,  pp.  221-240). 

3.  "  Beitrag  zur  vergleichenden  Anatomie  des  Gehirnes  "  (op.  cit.,  iv,  pp.  553-569). 

4.  "  Uber  das  Gehirn  der  Chimara  monstrosa  "  (op.  cit.,  1870,  v,  p.  132). 

5.  "Beitrage  zur  vergleichenden  Neurologic  der  Wirbelthiere."     I.  "Das  Gehirn 

der  Selachier,"  mit  6  lithogr.  II.  "  Das  Mittelhirn  der  Ganoiden  und 
Teleastier,"  mit  1  lithogr.,  vii  +  74.  pp.  4°,  Leipzig,  1870. 

6.  "  Uber  einige  Schwiimme    des    nordltchen    Stillen    Oceans   und  des  Eismeens, 

welche  im  Zoologischen  Museum  der  kaiserl.  Acad.  der  Wissenschaften 
zu  St.  Petersburg  aufbewahrt  werden "  (Memoires  dc  V Academic  imper. 
des  Sciences  de  St.-Petersbourg,  viie,  Serie,  t.  xv,  No.  3.  1870,  T  4°. 

7.  "  Bemerkungen  zur  Schwamm-Fauna  des  Weissen-Meeres  und  des  Arctischen 

Oceans"  (Memoires  de  VAcad.  des  Sciences  de  St. -Peter  sbourg,  1871, 
xv,  pp.  203-5). 

8.  "  Eine  zoologische  Excursion  an  das  Rothe  Meer  "  (Petcrmanns  Geographische 

Mittheilungen,  1870,  xvi,  pp.  124-6). 

1871-76  : 

1.  "  Temperaturbeobachtung    in    der    Tiefe    von     1,000    Faden    im    aquatorialen 

Theile  des  Atlantischen  Oceans "  (Bulletin  de  VAcad.  des  Sciences  de 
St.-Petersbourg,  xvi,  1871,  p.  346). 

2.  "Mijn  verblijf  aan  de  Oostkust  van  Nieuw-Guinea  in  de  Jaren  1871  en  1872" 

(Natuurkundig  Tijdschrift.  Batavia,  1873.  xxxiii,  pp.  114-126;  Nature, 
1874,  ix,  pp.  328-330). 

3.  "  Anthropologische  Bemerkungen  iiber  die  Papuas  der  Maclay-Kiiste  in  Neu- 

Guinea  "  (op.  cit.,  xxxiii,  p.  225). 

4.  "  Notice  meteorologique  concernant  la  Cote-Maclay  en  Nouvelle-Guinee  "  (op. 

cit.,  xxxiii,  pp.  430-2). 

5.  "  Papua-Dialecte  der  Maclay-Kiiste  in  Neu-Guinea  "  (Bulletin  of  the  Imperial 

Russian   Geogr.    Soc.,   1874). 

6.  "  Meine  zweite  Reise  nach  Neu  Guinea.     Die  Papuas  der  insel  Liizon  (Peter- 

manns  Geographische  Mittheilungen,  1874,  xx,  No.  1,  pp.  22-3). 

7.  "Meine  zweite  Excursion  nach  Neu  Guinea  (1874)."     Batavia,  1876  (Natuurk. 

Tijdschr.,  xxxvi,  pp.  148-179). 

[    200    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No,  98. 

8.  "  Uber   die  Papuas-Malayische    Mischung    in  den  westlichen  Molukken  ;  Uber 

"  Brachycephalitiit  bei  den  Papuas  von  Neu  Guinea."  Batavia,  1874 
(Natuurk.  Tijdschr.,  xxxiv,  pp.  345-7). 

9.  "  Ethnologische    Bemerkungen    iiber    die    Papuas    der    Maclay-Kiiste    in    Neu 

Guinea,"  I.  (Batavia,  1875  ;  Natuurk.  Tijdschr.,  xxxv,  pp.  66-93)  ; 
II.  (Batavia,  1876  ;  op.  cit.,  xxxvi,  pp.  294-333). 

10.  Nature,  1876,  xiv,  pp.   107-9,  136-7. 

11.  "  Brachycephality  amongst  Papuans."     Singapore,   1875   (Journ.    of  E.  Asia, 

ed.  by  James   Collins,  Vol.  I,  No.   1,  July). 

12.  "  Ethnologische  Excursion  in  Jobore    (15th  December  1874  to  2nd   February 

1875).  Vorlaufige  Mittbeilung."  Batavia  (Natuurk.  Tijdschr.,  1875, 
xxxv,  pp.  250-8). 

13.  "  Ethnologiscbe  Excursionen    in    der   Malay ischen  Halbinsel  (November  1874 

"  to  October  1875).  Vorlaufige  Mittheilung,  1875."  Batavia  (Natuurk. 
Tijdschr.,  1876,  xxxvi,  pp.  1-26)  ;  Singapore  (Roy.  Asiat.  Soc.  Journ., 
1878,  pp.  204-221). 

14.  "  An    Ethnological    Excursion     in    Johore,"    with    photographic     frontispiece 

representing  Heads  of  the  Orang-Utan  race  of  Johore.  Singapore,  1875 
(Journ.  of  E.  Asia,  ed.  by  James  Collins,  Vol.  I,  No.  1,  July). 

15.  "Kin  Opiumrauchversuch.     Physiologische  Notiz."     Batavia,   1875  (Natuurk. 

Tijdschr.,  xxxv,  pp.  243-249). 

16.  "  Sprachrudiment  der  Orang-Utan  von  Johore  "  (Mittheil.  der  Kais.  Acad.  der 

Wissenschaften  in  St.  Petersburg},  1875. 

17.  "  Einiges  iiber  die  Dialecte    der    Melanesischen  Volkerschaften  in  der  Malay- 

ischen  Halbinsel."     Batavia,   1876. 

18.  "Uber  die  Orang-Semang  und  Oraug-Sakai  "    (Verhaudl.  der   Berlin.  Anthr. 

Ges.,  1876). 

19.  "  Anthropologische  Notizen  gessammelt  auf  einer    Reise  in  West-Mikronesien 

und  Nord  Melanesien  im  Jahre,  1876"  (Zeitschr.  fiir  Ethnologic,  1878,  x, 
pp.  99-118;  Sitzungs-berichte  der  Berlin.  Ges.  fiir  Anthr.,  Sitzung, 
3  Marz,  1878. 

20.  "  Grossziihnige  Melanesier"  (Zeitschr.  fiir  Ethnogr.,  1876). 

21.  "Tiber  die  grosszahnigen  Melanesier"  (Verhandl.  der  Berlin. Ges.  fiir  Anthr., 

1876). 

1877-79  : 

1.  "Vestiges  de  1'Art  chez  les  Papouas  de  la  Cote-Maclay  en  Nouvelle-Guinee" 

(Bulletin  de  la  Societe  d'Anthropologie  de  Paris,  tome  ler,  3me  Serie, 
1878). 

2.  "  A    remarkable   Deformity    of    the    Teeth    among    the    Inhabitants    of   the 

Admiralty  Isles  "  (Nature,  1877,  xvi,  p.  251). 

3.  "On    Macrodontism "    (Proc.    Linn.    Soc.    of   N.S.    Wales,    1879,    III,    pp. 

169-173). 

4.  "  Uber  wulkanische  Erscheinungeu  an  der  nord-ostlichen  Kiiste  Neu-Guineas  " 

(Petermanns  Mittheilung  en,  1878,  xxiv,  pp.  408-10). 

5.  "  Reise  in  West-Mikronesian  und  Nord-Melauesien  und  ein  dritter  Aufenthalt 

in  Neu-Guinea  von  Feb.  1876  bis  Jan.  1878  "  (op.  cit.,  1879). 

6.  "  Osservazioni  ethnologici  sui  Papua"  (Cosmos,  ed.  Guido  Cora,  1877). 

7.  "Anatomical  Remarks"  (Proc.  Linn.   Soc.  of  N.S.    Wales,  1878). 

8.  "  On  the  Dentition  of  the  Heterodonti "  (ibid.}. 

9.  "  On  the  external  genital  organs  of  the  Male  Haterodontus  Philippi "  (ibid.). 
10.  "  Beitriige  zur  vergleichenden  Neurologic  der  Wirbelthiere." 

[    201     ] 


No.   98.]  MAN.  [1914. 

11."  Plagtostomata    of    the    Pacific."     Part  I,    "  Fam.    Heterodontidffi,"  with  five 
Plates  (Proc.  Linn.   Soc.  of  N.S.    Wales,  1879,  III,  pp.  306-34). 

12.  "  Rassen-anatomische  Studien  in  Australien "  (Verhandl.  der   Berlin.  Ges.fur 

Anthr.,  Ethn.,  und    Urgeschichte,  1879,  1881). 

13.  "Proposed  Zoological  Station  for  Sydney"  (Proc.  Linn.  Soc.  of  N.S.  Wales, 

1878,  III). 

14.  "  Griindung  einer  Zoologischen  Station  in    Sydney"    (Verhandl.    der   Berlin. 

Ges.  fur  Anthr.,  1878). 

16.  "  Einige    Worte    tiber    die   noch    nicht    vorhandene    Zoologische    Station    in 
Sydney"  (op.  cit.,  1879). 

16.  "Australian  Zoological  Station"  (Sydney  Morning  Herald,  1880). 

17.  "The  proposed  Zoological  Station  at  Sydney"  (Nature,  1879,  Sydney). 

1880-1884 : 

1.  "  A  short  Resume  of  the  results  of  Anthropological  and  Anatomical  Researches 

"  in  Melanesia   and  Australia.    1879-81"  (Proc.  Linn.  Soc.  N.S.   Wales, 
1882,  vi,  pp.  171-5). 

2.  "  On  Volcanic  Activity  on  the  Islands  near  the  north-east  coast  of  New  Guinea 

"  and  Evidence   of  Rising  of   the  Maclay-Coast   in  New  Guinea "  (Proc. 
Linn.   Soc.  N.S.    Wales,  1881,  ix). 

3.  "  Uber  wulcanische  Erscheinungen    an   der  n.-o.  Kiiste  Neu-Guineas "  (Peter- 

manns  Mittheilungen,  1878). 

4.  "  Eine  Excursion  au  die  slid  ost  Kiiste  Neu-Guineas  "  (  Verhandl.  der  Berlin. 

Ges.  fur  Anthrop.  JEthnol.,  und   Urgeschichte,  1881). 

5.  "  Reise    nach   den    Inseln   Melanesiens "    ( Verhandl.    der    Berlin.     Ges.   fur 

Anthr.,  &c.,  1879). 

6.  "  Zusammenstellung   der  Ergebnisse   anthropologischer  Studien    Avahrend  eiuer 

"Reise  in  Melanesien  "  (op.  cit.,  1880). 

7.  "Die  Schonung  der  Eingeborenen  in  New-Guinea"  (op.  cit.,  1870). 

8.  "  Notes    on    the  Zoology  of    the  Maclay-Coast  in  New  Guinea  (Brachymelis- 

"  Garagassi  and  Macropus-Tibol)  "  (Proc.  Linn.  Soc.  N.S.   Wales,  1881, 
vol.  ix-x). 

9.  "  List  of  Plants  in  use  by  the  Natives  of  the  Maclay-Coast  in  New  Guinea  " 

(op.  cit.,  Vol.  X). 

10.  "Note  about  the  Temperature  of   the  Sea- Water  along  the  Eastern  Coast   of 

"  Australia,  observed  in  July  1878  and  1883  "  (op.  cit.,  1883). 

11.  "Uber    haarlose    Australier "    (Zeitschr.    fur    Ethnol.,     1881,    xiii,     143-9; 

Verhandl.  der  Berlin.   Ges.  fur  Anthr.,   1881). 

12.  "Remarks  on  a  Skull  of  an  Australian  Aboriginal  from  the  Lachlan   District" 

(Proc.  Linn.   Soc.  N.S.   Wales,  1884,  viii,  395-6). 

13.  "  On  a  very  dolichocephalic   Skull  of  an  Australian   Aboriginal  (op.  cit.,   viii, 

401-3). 

14.  "  Langbeinigkeit  der  Australischen  Frauen  "  (Verhandl.  der  Berlin.   Ges.fur 

Anthr.,  &c.,  1880). 

15.  "  Leichnam  eines  Australiers  "  (op.  cit.,  1881). 

16.  "  Cranial  Deformation    of    Newborn   Children    at    the   Island    of  Mariaka    and 

"  other  Islands  of  Torres- Straits,  and  of  Women  of  the  S.E.  Peninsula  of 
"  New  Guinea"  (Proc.  Linn.  Soc.  N.S.   Wales,  1881,  vi). 

17.  "  On    the  Practice   of    Ovariotomy   by  the    Natives    of    the  Herbert  River  in 

Queensland  "  (op.  cit.,  vi). 

18.  "  Uber  die  Mika-operation  in  Central  Australien  "  (  Verhandl.  der  Berlin.   Ges 

fur  Anthr.,  &c.,  1880). 

[    202   .] 


1914.]  MAN.  [Nos.  98-99. 

19.  "Uber  Ovariotomie  bei  Australieii  "  (Zeitschr.  fur  EthnoL,  1882). 

20.  "  On  a  complete  Debauchment  of  the  Sulcus-Rolando  into  the  Tissura-Sylvii 

"  in  some  Brains  of  Australian  Aboriginals  "  (Proc.  Linn.  Soc.  JV.S.  Wales, 
1881,  ix). 

21.  "Note  on  the  Brain  of  Halicore-Australis  "  (op.  cit.,  x). 

22.  "Remarks    about    the    Circumvolution    of    the    Cerebrum    of    Canis-Dingo" 

(op.  cit.,  1881,  vi,  pp.  624-6). 

23.  "The    Barometro-Araucano    from    the    Chiloe    Islands"    (op.   cit.,     1881,    vi, 

462-3). 

24.  "  A  Solution  for  Preserving    Large  Vertebrata  for  Anatomical    Examination " 

(op.  cit.,  vi,  576-9). 

25.  "Temperature  of  the  Body  of  Echidna-hystrix.  Cuv."  (op.  cit.,  pp.  425-6). 

26.  "  On    the    Temperature    of   the    Body  of    Ornithorhynchus-Paradoxus "   (Proc. 

Linn.  Soc.  N.S.   Wales,  1881,  ix). 

27.  "  On  a  New  Species    of    Kangaroo  (Doriopsis  Chalmersii)  from    the  S.E.  end 

"  of  New  Guinea  "  (ibid). 

28.  "On  Two  New  Species    of   Doriopsis  from  the  South  Coast  of  New  Guinea 

"  (Doriopsis-Beccarii,  Doriopsis-Macleayi) "  (op.  cit.,   1381,  x). 

29.  "  On  Two  New  Species  of  Macropus  from  the   South  Coast  of  New  Guinea  : 

"  (Macropus-Iukesii,  Macropus-Gracilis)  "   (op.  cit.,  1881,  ix). 

30.  "  Notes  on  the  Direction  of  the  Hair  on    the    Back  of  the  same  Kangaroos " 

(ibid). 

31.  "  Sexuelles  aus  Australien  "  (Zeitschr.  fur  Ethnol.,  1880). 

32.  "  Temperature    of    the    Rock    in    the    Magdala-Shaft,  Victoria "    (Proc.  Linn. 

Soc.  N.S.    Wales,  1881,  vi,  pp.  579-580). 

33.  "  Uber  die  Topfer- Arbeit  der  Papuas  "  ( Verhandl.  der  Berlin.  Anthr.    Ges., 

xiv,  1882). 

Besides  these  works  printed  in  foreign  languages,  there  remains,  still  only  in  MS., 
the  great  bulk  of  his  work  presented  by  his  widow  to  the  Imperial  Russian  Geographical 
Society.  Most  of  the  works  from  his  pen  which  were  printed  in  Russian  during  his 
lifetime  are  to  be  found  in  the  Bulletins  (Isviestia)  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Geographical 
Society  for  the  years  1886-1887.  Some  few  were  printed  in  various  other  publications, 
such  as  Novoye  Vremya,  Novosli,  Golos,  and  Znanie.  * 

Abstract  and  translation  by  M.  A.  CZAPLICKA. 


REVIEWS. 
Africa,  West.  Tessmann. 

Die  Pang  we  :  Volkerkundliche  Monographic  eines  Westafrikanischen  QQ 
Negerstammes.  Von  Gunter  Tessmann.  2  Vols.  Ernst  Wasmuth,  Berlin,  1913.  UU 

This  is  one  of  the  most  careful,  thorough,  and  sympathetic  contributions  to  our 
knowledge  of  a  West  African  people.  The  Pangwe — or  Pahouius,  as  they  are 
known  to  the  French — inhabit  the  coastal  regions  stretching  from  the  South  Kamerun 
into  French  Congo,  and  are  among  the  most  important  and  interesting  of  Bantu 
races.  In  type  they  would  appear,  from  the  excellent  photographs,  to  be  much  like 
the  Ekoi  of  the  Cross  River. 

Like  many  West  African  peoples,  the  Pangwe  still  have  traditions  of  a  journey 
across  from  Eastern  Africa,  impelled  partly,  according  to  their  own  account,  by 
a  longing  for  the  "  Gottes-reich,"  supposed  to  lie  to  the  westward.  "  Wo  allabend- 
"  lich  das  leuchtende  Tages-gestirn  versank."  Their  very  name  for  God,  Nsambe* 
appears  to  be  derived  from  that  of  the  sun. 

As  instances  of  Soudanese  connection  may  be  cited  the  helmet-like  head-dresses, 
almost  exactly  similar  to  those  still  worn  among  the  Fikans  of  Bornu,  and  the  form 

[  203  ] 


Nos,  99-100.]  MAN.  [1914. 

and  ornamentation  of  the  battle  axes  in  use  among  the  pagans  of  the  Murchison 
Range  in  Northern  Nigeria. 

Every  side  of  the  national  life  is  considered  in  this  excellent  monograph,  by 
a  man  who  had  made  himself  master  of  the  language  and  won  the  confidence  of 
the  people.  As  pointed  out  in  the  introduction  by  Dr.  Richard  Karutz,  to  whose 
efforts  the  Lubeck  Expedition,  of  which  the  present  work  is  the  result,  was 
mainly  due  : — 

"  Derselbe  Beobachter  auf  demselben  Fleck,  unter  dieselben  ihm  vertrauten  Leute 
gestellt,  deren  Sprache  er  beherrschte,  musste  bei  einem  neuen  langeren  Aufenthalte 
auf  einer  und  derselben  Station  tiefer  in  das  Volksleben  eindringen  konnen,  als 
manche  noch  so  grosse  Expedition  mit  einem  *  Stab  von  Gelehrten '." 

Certainly  the  results,  as  here  recorded,  fully  justify  this  opinion. 

The  sympathetic  point  of  view  from  which  Herr  Tessmann  regards  his  subject 
is  shown  perhaps  most  clearly  in  his  remark  concerning  the  native  belief  that 
a  father,  prevented  by  poverty  from  purchasing  a  wife  for  his  son  in  any  other 
manner,  is  capable  of  changing  himself  into  a  leopard  in  order  to  be  shot  by  his 
offspring  and  thus  provide  the  necessary  bride-price  through  the  sale  of  skin, 
flesh,  &c. 

"  Welch  ein  Mut  und  welch  ein  Glauben  gehort  dazu,  um  einem  Vater  eine  solche 
riesenhafte  Liebe  zuzutrauen,  dass  er  auf  das  lange,  lange  gliickliche  Zusammenleben 
mit  Gott  verzichtet  und  sich  fur  sein  Kind  opfert,  nur  um  diesem  ein  doch  immer- 
hin  nichtiges  Gliick  und  einen  rein  geselschaftlichen  Vorteil  zu  verschaffen  !  Also 
die  Liebe  ist  doch  auch  beim  Neger  kein  leerer  Wahn  !  "  (p.  103,  Vol.  II). 

To  many  readers,  perhaps,  the  most  interesting  pages  will  be  those  dealing 
with  the  secret  societies.  The  author  was  fortunate  enough  to  witness  the  rites  of 
most  of  the  principal  male  cults  ;  of  the  all  but  impossibility  for  any  man  to  learn 
the  inner  secrets  of  feminine  cults  he  writes  : — 

"Die  Schwierigkeiten,  welche  allgemein  zu  iiberwinden  waren,  ehe  ich  auch 
nur  einen  fliichtigen  Einblick  in  das  Kultwesen  der  Manner  bekam,  die  sich  auszu- 
denken  habe  ich  dern  Leser  uberlassen.  Hinsichtlich  der  Weiberkulte  hauften  sich 
diese  Schwierigkeiten  eben  durch  den  Ausschluss  des  mannlichen  Geschlechts  und 
die  natiirliche  Scheu  der  Frauen  derart,  das  es  mir  nicht  moglich  war,  personlich  zu 
ihnen  Zutritt  zu  erlangen  "  (p.  94,  Vol.  II). 

What  he  succeeded  in  learning  as  to  the  Mawungu  woman's  society  appears  to 
connect  this  with  the  great  Efik  and  Ibibio  cult  of  Ndito  Iban  and  Iban  Isong. 
Not  only  is  the  dance,  with  which  the  festivities  close,  called  Eban,  but  the 
performers  also  dress  in  male  attire,  while  their  leader  marches  gun  in  hand  and 
sword  girdled. 

In  conclusion,  a  tribute  of  warm  admiration  must  be  expressed  for  the  author's 
researches  and  discoveries,  not  only  in  the  realms  of  anthropology  but  also  in  those 
of  botany  and  zoology.  P.  AMAURY  TALBOT. 


Indonesia.  de  Zwaan. 

Die  Heilkunde   der   Niasser.     By  Dr.  J.  P.  Kleiweg  de  Zwaan.     Nijhoff. 
Haag.     1913.     Pp.  292. 

Dr.  de  Zwaan  is  heartily  to  be  congratulated  on  this  book,  for  it  marks  a 
distinct  advance  in  the  ethnology  of  the  East  Indian  Archipelago.  The  title  is, 
perhaps,  a  little  unfortunate,  for  it  might  lead  the  reader  to  suppose  that  the  book 
is  a  treatise  upon  the  therapeutical  methods  of  the  people  of  this  island,  whereas  it 
is  really  a  work  upon  the  beliefs  of  these  peoples  in  spiritual  beings  and  in  their 
influence  upon  human  beings.  Chapters  are,  indeed,  devoted  to  zymotic  and  skin 
diseases,  pulmonary  complaints,  surgical  methods  and  venereal  diseases,  but  the  real 

[     204    ] 


1914.]  MAN.  [No.  100. 

interest  of  the  book  lies  rather  in  the  part  played  by  spirits  and  ghosts  than  in  the 
purely  medical  aspect. 

The  first  chapter  covers  much  ground.  In  it  we  are  given  accounts  (unfortu- 
nately sometimes  mixed  up  with  those  of  previous  writers)  of  the  various  kinds  of 
spirits  in  which  the  people  of  Nias  believe,  and  some  very  valuable  information  is 
given  as  to  their  localisation.  For  example,  the  beghu  hedoja  is  an  evil  spirit  that 
is  much  feared  :  It  lives  in  the  forest  and  is  of  human  shape  and  black  in  colour. 
The  beghu  doya  is  an  evil  spirit  that  is  very  much  feared  in  north  Nias.  It  is 
human  in  shape  and  it  lives  in  caves  (p.  15).  The  beghu  bela  lives  in  high 
trees.  It  is  human  in  form  with  white  skin  and  hair,  and  particularly  likes  to  roam 
about  when  it  rains  and  the  sun  shines  at  the  same  time  (p.  16).  The  beghu  sihehi 
dano  in  north  Nias  is  like  a  goat  with  no  horns  ;  its  eyes  shine  like  fire.  In  south 
Nias  it  lives  in  holes  in  the  ground,  and  it  is  like  a  black,  white,  or  brown  pig  (p.  16). 
In  the  later  chapters  Dr.  de  Zwaan  tells  us  much  about  the  relationship  of  various 
spirits  to  the  different  diseases  from  which  the  people  of  Nias  suffer.  Sihelu  dano, 
for  example,  is  supposed  by  the  people  of  south  Nias  to  be  the  cause  of  malaria 
(pp.  84,  86),  and  the  beghu  sibua  is  particularly  to  be  respected  by  pregnant  women 
(pp.  14,  183).  Dr.  de  Zwaan  also  gives  us  some  valuable  information  about  the 
bela,  spirits  that  are,  on  the  whole,  well-disposed.  They  used  once  to  live  on 
friendly  terms  with  mankind,  but  quarrelled  (pp.  59,  60). 

Dr.  de  Zwaan  also  gives  an  account  of  the  initiation  of  a  priest  and  a  medicine- 
man (pp.  38,  et  seq.).  It  is  interesting  that  the  localisation  of  spirits  plays  a  part  here, 
for  the  novice  usually  begins  by  disappearing  without  warning  into  the  forest,  where 
he  is  supposed  to  be  kept  in  some  high  tree  by  an  evil  spirit  (p.  41).  After  an 
offering  has  been  made  to  the  tree  the  spirit  generally  lets  him  free  so  that  he  can 
return  to  the  village.  If  he  does  not  return  within  a  certain  time  it  is  supposed 
that  he  has  been  taken  to  the  chief  spirit,  who  lives  at  the  north  end  of  the  island, 
to  be  taught  religion.  When,  however,  he  eventually  returns,  he  is  supposed  to  be 
in  a  position  to  have  intercourse  with  the  spirits.  He  is  taken  by  the  priest  to  the 
burial-place  to  gain  acquaintance  with  the  ghosts  of  the  dead  ;  to  the  edge  of  the 
water  to  recognise  the  water  spirits  ;  and  then  to  the  tops  of  the  mountains  to  learn 
about  the  mountain  spirits  (pp.  43,  44).  It  is  also  interesting,  in  view  of  these  last 
remarks,  that  the  images  made  in  certain  cases  of  illness  are  put  in  these  various 
places  according  to  the  particular  kind  of  illness.  The  spirits  which  are  localised 
in  various  places  cause  different  complaints,  and  the  images  are  placed  in  the 
appropriate  spot  that  corresponds  to  the  spirit  that  caused  the  illness  (p.  111). 

There  is  one  feature  about  this  book  that  will  delight  all  who  believe  in  the 
importance  of  the  cultural  aspect  of  ethnology.  Dr.  de  Zwaaii  has  recorded  in  many 
cases  the  variants  of  ceremonies  and  beliefs  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  different 
district  of  this  islands.  It  has  long  been  known  that  there  are  at  least  two  distinct 
cultures  present  in  Nias  :  this  can  easily  be  shown  by  the  differences  in  house- 
construction,  in  the  disposal  of  the  dead,  and  in  other  things,  but  we  are  generally 
told  by  those  who  write  about  the  island  that  the  "  Niassers "  do  this  or  believe 
that,  and  no  mention  is  made  of  the  district  whence  the  information  comes.  The 
practice  started  by  Rosenberg  and  Nieuwenhuis,*  and  continued  by  Rappardf  with 
such  thoroughness,  of  indicating  the  differences  between  the  north  and  south  parts 
of  the  island,  has  been  admirably  continued  by  Dr.  de  Zwaan.  When  describing 
circumcision,  tooth-filing,  and  ear-boring,  he  gives  detailed  accounts  from  north,  south, 

*  S.  T.  Nieuwenhuis  en  H.  C.  B.  V.  Rosenberg,  "Verslag  omtrent  het  eiland  Nias  en  clesselfs 
bewoners,"  Verh.  Bat.  Gen,  Dl  xxx,  1863. 

f  T.  C.  Kappard,  "  Het  eiland  Nias  en  zijne  bewoners,  Bijd.  taal.  land-en  volk.M  van  Ned. 
Indie.  7th  Ser.,  viii,  1909. 

[    205     J 


Nos,  100-101.]  MAN.  [1914. 

east,  and  west  Nias.  The  same  is  the]  case  with  his  accounts  of  all  the  beliefs  and 
practices  connected  with  birth. 

The  images,  adu,  that  are  made  for  various  purposes  in  this  island  generally 
have  large  sexual  organs  (62  et.  seq.*).  On  p.  64  accounts  are  given  from  the 
different  parts  of  the  island  of  the  meaning  attached  to  them.  They  occur  in  the 
north,  south,  and  east  parts  of  the  island,  but  the  account  from  the  west  district 
says,  "  According  to  the  account  of  Chief  Commissioner  Laverman  the  adu  are  only 
"  provided  with  genitalia  in  the  districts  Moroo  Lulu  and  Moroo  Lahomi  ;  in  the 
u  remaining  nine  districts  of  west  Nias  this  is,  however,  not  the  case.  In  the 
"  first-named  districts  the  sexual  organs  have  no  significance  attached  to  them  by 
"  the  people."  It  is  just  such  cases  as  this  which  make  all  so-called  "  psychological " 
explanations  so  untrustworthy.  The  case  for  the  necessity  of  culture  analysis  rests 
as  much  upon  the  absence  of  social  phenomena  as  upon  the  difference  between 
them.  The  accurate  mapping-out  of  the  distribution  of  a  custom  or  a  belief 
throughout  a  region  of  sufficient  extent  will  at  once  disclose  the  presence  of 
difficulties  that  are  almost  insuperable  if  it  be  wished  to  give  the  belief  or  custom 
a  "  psychological "  explanation,  and  it  is  simply  owing  to  the  fact  that  books  such 
as  this  are  so  few  and  far  between  that  this  latter  mode  of  interpretation  of  social 
phenomena  has  persisted  so  long.  Another  good  example  of  the  same  sort  is  given 
by  Dr.  de  Zwaan.  The  belief  in  the  evil  eye  is  recorded  in  several  districts  of 
Nias  ;  the  evil  glance  of  man  and  beast  is  supposed  to  cause  illness  (p.  79).  This 
belief  is  present  in  all  parts  of  the  island  except  the  Masio  district  (p.  79).  Many 
other  examples  of  the  same  kind  could  be  found  in  this  book.  The  information 
that  Dr.  de  Zwaan  gives  about  the  localisation  of  the  various  kinds  of  spirits  also 
goes  to  prove  that  the  current  modes  of  explaining  the  workings  of  the  mind  of 
primitive  man  are  inadequate,  and  that,  before  we  know  far  more  about  problems 
of  distribution  of  beliefs  and  practices  than  we  do  at  present,  any  attempt  at 
explanation  is  premature  and  almost  certainly  bound  to  fail. 

It  is  much  to  be  hoped  that  the  example  of  the  author  will  be  followed  by 
those  who  write  in  the  future  upon  the  customs  and  beliefs  of  rude  peoples.  The 
record  of  the  distribution  of  social  phenomena  is  essential  if  ethnology  is  to  become 
scientific.  The  case  for  the  analysis  of  culture  will  gain  in  proportion  with  the 
growth  of  our  knowledge  of  the  distribution  of  social  facts. 

The  chapters  on  disease  reveal  the  existence  of  an  extremely  logical  mind  in 
the  case  of  the  peoples  of  Nias.  As  an  example,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
account  that  Dr.  de  Zwaan  gives  of  the  detection  of  pregnancy,  the  causes  of 
conception,  gestation,  and  the  process  whereby  the  child  acquires  its  "  soul." 

There  is  a  bibliography  and  an  index,  which  latter  is  a  great  treat  to  those 
who  have  to  do  with  the  literature  of  Indonesia.  W.  J.  PERRY. 


Physical  Anthropology.  Boas. 

Descendants  of  Immigrants,  Changes  in  Bodily  Form  of.     By  Franz  Boas. 
1912.     Columbia  University  Press.     Is.  6d.  net. 

An  enormous  mass  of  figures  concerning  immigrants  into  America  is  here 
collected  and  tabulated  to  support  views  which,  if  accepted  and  developed,  would 
make  a  considerable  differences  in  our  anthropological  outlook.  "  It  would  be  saying 
"  too  much,"  Professor  Boas  urges,  "to  claim  that  all  the  distinct  European  types 
"  become  the  same  in  America,  without  mixture,  solely  by  the  action  of  the  new 
"  environment.  First  of  all,  we  have  investigated  only  the  effect  of  one  environ- 
"  ment,  and  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  a  number  of  distinct  types  are 
"  developing  in  America.  But  we  will  set  aside  this  point  and  discuss  only  our 

[    206    ] 


1914,]  MAN.  [No.  101. 

"  New  York  observations.  Although  the  long-headed  Sicilian  becomes  more  rouud- 
"  headed  in  New  York,  and  the  round-headed  Bohemian  and  Hebrew  more  long- 
"  headed,  the  approach  to  a  uniform  general  type  cannot  be  established,  because  we 
"  do  not  know  yet  how  long  the  changes  continue  and  whether  they  would  all  lead 
"  to  the  same  result.  I  confess  I  do  not  consider  such  a  result  as  likely,  because 
"  the  proof  of  the  plasticity  of  types  does  does  not  imply  that  the  plasticity  is 
"  unlimited.  The  history  of  the  British  types  in  America,  of  the  Dutch  in  the 
"  East  Indies,  and  of  the  Spaniards  in  South  America  favours  the  assumption  of  a 
"  strictly  limited  plasticity.  Certainly  our  discussion  should  be  based  on  this  more 
"  conservative  basis  until  an  unexpectedly  wide  range  of  variability  of  types  can  be 
"  proved." 

This  statement  of  the  author's  position  is  wise  in  its  moderation,  but  a  good 
many  students  of  his  pages  will  hesitate  to  go  even  as  far  as  that.  Professor  Boas 
has  studied  and  applied  the  statistical  method  with  evident  care  and  manifest  anxiety 
to  avoid  influences  of  preconceived  notions,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the 
statistical  method  is  adapted  to  the  purpose  in  hand.  It  often  happens  that  the 
number  measured  for  some  particular  a£es  or  groups  is  small,  and  there  is  too  little 
allowance  for  the  consideration  that  to  set  an  average  of  a  few  cases  alongside  an 
average  of  a  large  number  of  cases  without  discrimination  is  often  to  step  into  error. 
The  method  of  statistics  and  averages  has  also  drawbacks  of  a  more  fundamental 
character  in  anthropological  matters.  We  need  to  be  very  sure  that  we  are  averaging 
homologous  constituents,  and  this  we  cannot  ensure,  as  our  Bohemians,  Hebrews, 
English,  or  whatever  they  may  be,  are  probably  complex  mixtures  of  race  types,  as 
most  peoples  are.  County  averages  of  cephalic  indices,  for  example,  happen  to  be 
very  uniform  in  Britain,  and  even  Ripley  has  been  led  towards  the  supposition  that 
heads  are  fairly  uniform  in  index  in  Britain.  County  averages  of  cephalic  indices  in 
an  old  settled  country  like  Britain  probably  mean  almost  nothing  at  all,  for  the 
population  includes  samples  of  many  types  persisting  side  by  side. 

Bearing  this  danger  in  mind,  we  look  at  Professor  Boas's  tables.  His  Bohemian 
males,  to  begin  with,  probably  include  a  considerable  mixture  of  types,  such  as  is 
found  in  the  population  of  Bohemia,  and  the  attempt  to  average  them  suggests  a 
danger  which  is  illustrated  in  the  table  of  cephalic  indices  of  these  Bohemian  males 
on  p.  183.  Thus,  five  boys  were  measured  at  6  years  of  age  ;  their  indices  are 
respectively  79,  86,  92,  92,  and  94.  This  is  surely  not  sufficient  justification  for 
giving  the  average  of  88*6  a  meaning.  Or  again,  there  are  eight  people  measured  at 
the  age  of  20  ;  two  of  them  have  the  index  73,  the  other  six  have  it  as  follows  : 
80,  81,  83,  84,  88,  93.  This  is  a  fortuitous  group  which  should  not  be  discussed  as 
if  it  were  a  group  of  eight  with  index  round  about  the  chance  average  of  81 '9. 
This  criticism  does  not  apply  by  any  means  to  all  Professor  Boas's  tables,  but  it 
brings  out  some  weak  links  in  his  chain  of  evidence,  and  weaknesses  of  this  kind  are 
unfortunately  inherent  in  all  statistical  work.  Boas's  tables  XXVIII-XXXI  detail 
comparisons  of  parents  with  their  own  American-born  and  foreign-born  children  and 
make  one  suspect  that  behind  these  figures  are  facts  which  might  be  free  from  the 
limitations  above  mentioned.  In  the  tables,  however,  the  figures  are  given  as 
averages  for  varying  numbers  of  cases,  not  as  absolute  measurements  for  distinct 
individual  families. 

Boas  confirms  other  workers'  observations  in  stating  that,  as  regards  cephalic 
index,  children  do  not  usually  form  a  blend  between  their  parents,  but  show  the  one 
type  or  the  other  ;  this  view,  however,  he  again  bases  on  averages  and  on  calculations 
rather  than  on  individual  cases.  In  some  of  the  tables,  cephalic  indices  are  reduced 
to  adult  equivalents,  an  average  annual  reduction  being  allowed.  Here  again  it  seems 

[  207  ] 


Nos.  101-102.]  MAN.  [1914. 

difficult  to  obtain  satisfactory  results  ;  some  other  workers'  experience  is  that  the 
details  of  head  growth  are  not  materials  for  profitable  averaging  except  within  well- 
marked  limits.  In  fact,  all  deductions  from  the  study  of  cephalic  indices  of  children 
should  be  treated  with  much  reserve  for  the  present.  Boas  has  worked  in  the  con- 
gested districts  of  New  York,  and  his  results  as  regards  stature  are  sociologically 
interesting.  The  statures  of  Hebrews  and  Slavonic  peoples  from  eastern  Europe 
increases,  and  it  would  seem  that  even  the  wretched  New  York  conditions  are  bettor 
than  those  of  their  old  homes.  The  case  is  otherwise  with  the  Sicilian  and  Nea- 
politans, as  one  would  expect.  Anthropologically,  however,  these  considerations  of 
stature  are  of  less  importance  than  those  concerning  cephalic  index.  A  minor  point, 
nevertheless,  does  arise,  for  Boas's  Sicilians  seem  to  be  fairly  good  Mediterranean  types, 
and  it  is  characteristic  of  the  corresponding  element  among  the  peoples  of  western 
and  north-western  Europe,  and  especially  of  the  British  Isles,  that  their  stature  tends 
to  be  somewhat  above  that  which  is  characteristic  for  them  in  the  Mediterranean 
region  itself.  It  has  been  hinted  that  absence  of  malaria,  and  perhaps  delay  of  sexual 
maturity,  may  help  to  account  for  this,  but  perhaps  conditions  of  nutrition  may  be 
sufficient,  for  one  would  expect  the  absence  of  malaria  and  the  possible  delay  of  sexual 
maturity  to  operate  in  New  York  much  as  they  would  in  Britain,  and  yet  there, 
apparently  owing  to  the  congestion,  the  stature  actually  decreases. 

It  is  perhaps  in  the  study  of  pigmentation  that  the  statistical  method  seems 
most  dangerous,  but  any  criticism  on  this  ground  of  method  is  intended  rather  as  a 
reflection  on  the  extreme  difficulty  of  physical  anthropological  research  than  as  an 
attack  on  Professor  Boas  or  on  his  work.  Every  method  is  open  to  objection,  and 
the  most  individualised  treatment  is  subject  to  the  difficulty  that  we  do  not  know 
exactly  what  are  our  pure  types.  Still,  by  noting  together  as  many  relevant 
characters  of  one  and  the  same  individual  as  possible,  and  by  making  similar  notes 
concerning  his  mate  and  concerning  their  descendants,  we  may  hope  to  avoid  some 
errors  inherent  in  the  method  of  statistics  and  averages  when  applied  to  the  study 
of  such  problems  as  Boas  has  attacked.  In  spite  of  difficulties  and  probable  errors 
due  to  method,  however,  Boas  has  given  some  ground  for  a  presumption  that  a  new 
environment  may  in  some  way  lead  to  modification  of  average  type  in  an  increasing 
degree  for  the  first  few  generations. 

Granting  that  Professor  Boas's  conclusions  are  justified  to  a  considerably  greater 
extent  than  seems  probable,  we  are  still  very  far  from  needing  to  discard  study  of 
cephalic  characters  in  connection  with  race  history.  He  would  probably  dissociate 
himself  from  the  view  that  even  the  potent  American  environment  could  obliterate 
inherited  differences  of  long  standing.  The  influence  of  the  environment  may  be 
considerable,  but  that  it  cannot  wipe  out  differences  is  shown  by  the  indisputable  fact 
that  we  have  in  Britain,  living  side  by  side,  century  after  century,  the  most  definite 
examples  of  Scandinavian,  Mediterranean,  and  other  types,  and  even  unmistakable 
survivors  here  and  there  of  types  very  close  to  that  of  the  Galley  Hill  man.  Thanks 
to  alternative  inheritance,  race-character  is  incredibly  persistent,  and  the  results  of  the 
study  of  individuals  rather  than  that  of  averages  are  emphasizing  thi^  belief. 

H.  J.  FLEURE. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL    NOTE. 

MAJOR  S.  L.  CUMMINS,  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Anthropological  404 
Institute,  has  received  from  the  French  President  the  Croix  d1 Officier  of  the  lUfc 
Legion  of  Honour  for  gallantry  in  the  field  during  the  operations  between  August 
21st  and  30th. 

Printed  by  EYBE  AND  SPOTTJSWOODE,  LTD.,  His  Majesty's  Printers,  East  Harding  Street,  B.C. 


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